Pub Date : 2021-10-31DOI: 10.15211/soveurope52021126136
N. Kondratieva
A feature of the first decade of the XXI century was the shift of the EU from the second to the third position in the competition of global geographical centers of power; the beginning of the third decade was marked by the withdrawal of the UK from the EU. Despite many external and internal challenges, the EU remains committed to its chosen economic model and its unique asset, the Single internal market. The article focuses on the following questions. Why did the neoliberal ideas embodied in the creation of a model for the integration of national markets receive support in Europe in the middle of the XX century? How has neoliberalism strengthened over time? Does the process of developing a common economic policy and expanding the EU's powers run counter to the development of a neoliberal idea? What alternative models compete with the European neoliberal model? How stable is the neoliberal idea in the EU? The subject of the study is the growth of supranational economic regulation in the EU. Using general scientific methods, historical, comparative analysis and abstraction, a schematic representation of the classical market model and the EU model (European model) is given, with the designation of common and special reference elements that ensure economic efficiency. The author describes the three stages of the formation of the European model. It is concluded that the EU's regulatory activities are neoliberal in nature. It is aimed at using market leverage, and the model itself retains a margin of stability. The author argues that the current stage started in 2000 is a stage of a smart neoliberal model formation.
{"title":"Neoliberal Approaches in the Model of European Economic Integration","authors":"N. Kondratieva","doi":"10.15211/soveurope52021126136","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52021126136","url":null,"abstract":"A feature of the first decade of the XXI century was the shift of the EU from the second to the third position in the competition of global geographical centers of power; the beginning of the third decade was marked by the withdrawal of the UK from the EU. Despite many external and internal challenges, the EU remains committed to its chosen economic model and its unique asset, the Single internal market. The article focuses on the following questions. Why did the neoliberal ideas embodied in the creation of a model for the integration of national markets receive support in Europe in the middle of the XX century? How has neoliberalism strengthened over time? Does the process of developing a common economic policy and expanding the EU's powers run counter to the development of a neoliberal idea? What alternative models compete with the European neoliberal model? How stable is the neoliberal idea in the EU? The subject of the study is the growth of supranational economic regulation in the EU. Using general scientific methods, historical, comparative analysis and abstraction, a schematic representation of the classical market model and the EU model (European model) is given, with the designation of common and special reference elements that ensure economic efficiency. The author describes the three stages of the formation of the European model. It is concluded that the EU's regulatory activities are neoliberal in nature. It is aimed at using market leverage, and the model itself retains a margin of stability. The author argues that the current stage started in 2000 is a stage of a smart neoliberal model formation.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47578046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-31DOI: 10.15211/soveurope52021182189
K. Terentiev
In the first half of the 20thcentury, with the growth of anti-semitic sentiments, the ItaloVatican agenda was supplemented by the so-called Jewish question, which affected the position of the community of this ancient race in Europe, in particular Italy. The fascist leadership and the Catholic clergy perceived the situation around Italian Jews each in its own way: they had different perceptions of the representatives of this ethnic minority and, therefore, different approaches to a dialogue with them. However, Italy and the Vatican were allied at least by the geographic space and the citizens living within it. The Church, far more alarmed by political extremism on the left than on the right, made friendly overtures toward Mussolini’s regime. In spite of this in 1938, Mussolini, without regard to the aspirations of the Holy See, approved openly discriminatory laws against Jews, which looked more and more like a copy of Hitler's policy. The article attempts to explore Jewish issues in the context of a cooperation between the fascist regime and the clerical elite of the Roman Catholic Church in order to determine the place and role of this topic in the relationship of the secular and ecclesiastical authorities of that period.
{"title":"Issue of Anti-Semitism in the Relationship between Italy and the Holy See During the Pontificate of Pius XI","authors":"K. Terentiev","doi":"10.15211/soveurope52021182189","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52021182189","url":null,"abstract":"In the first half of the 20thcentury, with the growth of anti-semitic sentiments, the ItaloVatican agenda was supplemented by the so-called Jewish question, which affected the position of the community of this ancient race in Europe, in particular Italy. The fascist leadership and the Catholic clergy perceived the situation around Italian Jews each in its own way: they had different perceptions of the representatives of this ethnic minority and, therefore, different approaches to a dialogue with them. However, Italy and the Vatican were allied at least by the geographic space and the citizens living within it. The Church, far more alarmed by political extremism on the left than on the right, made friendly overtures toward Mussolini’s regime. In spite of this in 1938, Mussolini, without regard to the aspirations of the Holy See, approved openly discriminatory laws against Jews, which looked more and more like a copy of Hitler's policy. The article attempts to explore Jewish issues in the context of a cooperation between the fascist regime and the clerical elite of the Roman Catholic Church in order to determine the place and role of this topic in the relationship of the secular and ecclesiastical authorities of that period.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46866337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-31DOI: 10.15211/soveurope52021172181
Mikhaylenko
With the use of the analytical works of the prominent Belgian researcher Sven Biscop, the article examines the main topics of discussion regarding changes in the global strategy of the European Union. EU foreign policy has been associated with the concept of “normative power”, which is seen as a kind of European “soft power”. Due to the influence of the global governance crisis, the COVID pandemic, the shift of USA geopolitical interests from Europe to Asia, China's great-power policy, Russia's geopolitical ambitions and other challenges, EU researchers and politicians are raising questions aimed at changing the strategic culture in order to ensure the primacy of EU vital interests. S. Biscop believes that while developing a new global strategy, it is necessary to turn to the traditions of geopolitics to be ready to protect interests and democratic values with the use of “hard power” both internally and externally. Strategic autonomy is a promising task for the further building of the EU. Under the instruction of the European Commission, the work has begun on the creation of a new political and strategic document “Strategic Compass”, its goals include defining the EU targets in the field of security, defense, and identification of threats. The discussion of a new global strategy outlines a trajectory for the transformation of the European Union into a global “Third Pole”. Sven Biscop's recommendations show that shaping a new global strategy will require a revision of the concept of "normative power" and turning closer to geopolitical realism.
{"title":"The European Union in Search of a New Global Strategy: Critical Analytics","authors":"Mikhaylenko","doi":"10.15211/soveurope52021172181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52021172181","url":null,"abstract":"With the use of the analytical works of the prominent Belgian researcher Sven Biscop, the article examines the main topics of discussion regarding changes in the global strategy of the European Union. EU foreign policy has been associated with the concept of “normative power”, which is seen as a kind of European “soft power”. Due to the influence of the global governance crisis, the COVID pandemic, the shift of USA geopolitical interests from Europe to Asia, China's great-power policy, Russia's geopolitical ambitions and other challenges, EU researchers and politicians are raising questions aimed at changing the strategic culture in order to ensure the primacy of EU vital interests. S. Biscop believes that while developing a new global strategy, it is necessary to turn to the traditions of geopolitics to be ready to protect interests and democratic values with the use of “hard power” both internally and externally. Strategic autonomy is a promising task for the further building of the EU. Under the instruction of the European Commission, the work has begun on the creation of a new political and strategic document “Strategic Compass”, its goals include defining the EU targets in the field of security, defense, and identification of threats. The discussion of a new global strategy outlines a trajectory for the transformation of the European Union into a global “Third Pole”. Sven Biscop's recommendations show that shaping a new global strategy will require a revision of the concept of \"normative power\" and turning closer to geopolitical realism.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45231743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-31DOI: 10.15211/soveurope52021161171
E. Timoshenkova
The article is a study of the political phenomenon of German Chancellor A. Merkel, her special style of governance, objective factors and personal qualities that contributed to the construction of a long and successful career. The author analyzes in detail the period of governmental coalitions of the CDU/CSU with the SPD (2005‒2009) and the FDP (2009‒2013). It was the experience that had the greatest influence on the shaping of her image as a first female Chancellor of Germany. The theory of the difference between women's leadership and men's leadership is used in this paper. Through the prism of this theory we analyze the ways of struggle for leadership. The beginning of Merkel's career and the period of her ministerial activity were characterized by a harsh treatment of her rivals. Later she learned to do it in a softer way. The image of a consensual, supraparty leader, who knows how to find a compromise, is the result of Merkel's conscious work on herself. The need to be chancellor of a “grand coalition” and to cooperate with the SPD, an almost equal partner in terms of strength, contributed greatly to such a leadership style. The second legislative period helped A. Merkel to acquire the qualities of a “crisis manager”. In the conclusion of the article it is concluded that the basis of A. Merkel's political survival was the ability to learn quickly and adapt during various difficulties. From this point of view, the Frau Chancellor's main “teacher” was her first rival, the Social Democrat H. Schroeder. It was his political fate that allowed Merkel to come to a conclusion about the need to combine the post of chancellor and party leadership, which allowed her to stay in power for 16 years.
{"title":"Chancellor A. Merkel's “Secret of Power”: Genesis (2005 ‒ 2013)","authors":"E. Timoshenkova","doi":"10.15211/soveurope52021161171","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52021161171","url":null,"abstract":"The article is a study of the political phenomenon of German Chancellor A. Merkel, her special style of governance, objective factors and personal qualities that contributed to the construction of a long and successful career. The author analyzes in detail the period of governmental coalitions of the CDU/CSU with the SPD (2005‒2009) and the FDP (2009‒2013). It was the experience that had the greatest influence on the shaping of her image as a first female Chancellor of Germany. The theory of the difference between women's leadership and men's leadership is used in this paper. Through the prism of this theory we analyze the ways of struggle for leadership. The beginning of Merkel's career and the period of her ministerial activity were characterized by a harsh treatment of her rivals. Later she learned to do it in a softer way. The image of a consensual, supraparty leader, who knows how to find a compromise, is the result of Merkel's conscious work on herself. The need to be chancellor of a “grand coalition” and to cooperate with the SPD, an almost equal partner in terms of strength, contributed greatly to such a leadership style. The second legislative period helped A. Merkel to acquire the qualities of a “crisis manager”. In the conclusion of the article it is concluded that the basis of A. Merkel's political survival was the ability to learn quickly and adapt during various difficulties. From this point of view, the Frau Chancellor's main “teacher” was her first rival, the Social Democrat H. Schroeder. It was his political fate that allowed Merkel to come to a conclusion about the need to combine the post of chancellor and party leadership, which allowed her to stay in power for 16 years.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41634315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-31DOI: 10.15211/soveurope520211931
D. Danilov
The article examines the conceptual issues of the transatlantic relations under the American administration in 2021 and the renewal of the NATO strategy. The NATO summit in Brussels on June 14, 2021, which was attended by US President Joe Biden, was initially seen as a US “coming back” to Europe after a turbulent “trumpism” period in transatlantic relations. The summit communiqué defines the main lines of the alliance transformation in response to the growing challenges to Euro-Atlantic security, considering the main ones incoming from Russia and China, while also imposed by international terrorism. The analysis of the Summit decisions and the follow-up of Joe Biden's European meetings proves the alliance globalization trend, both in geopolitical and functional terms. The summit, while having adopted the NATO 2030 Agenda, decided to adopt a new strategic concept at the next meeting in Spain in 2022. The author argues that the unresolved transatlantic problems and the allies’ disagreements internally challenge the alliance “global” strategy. The “trusted leadership” the Biden administration sets against the “Trump Doctrine” undermines the allies’ ability to step up the European strategic autonomy project, including in relations with Russia and China, as well as in after-Brexit Euro-Atlantic rebalancing.
{"title":"Global Horizons of the Atlantic Alliance: the Biden “Vaccine”","authors":"D. Danilov","doi":"10.15211/soveurope520211931","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope520211931","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the conceptual issues of the transatlantic relations under the American administration in 2021 and the renewal of the NATO strategy. The NATO summit in Brussels on June 14, 2021, which was attended by US President Joe Biden, was initially seen as a US “coming back” to Europe after a turbulent “trumpism” period in transatlantic relations. The summit communiqué defines the main lines of the alliance transformation in response to the growing challenges to Euro-Atlantic security, considering the main ones incoming from Russia and China, while also imposed by international terrorism. The analysis of the Summit decisions and the follow-up of Joe Biden's European meetings proves the alliance globalization trend, both in geopolitical and functional terms. The summit, while having adopted the NATO 2030 Agenda, decided to adopt a new strategic concept at the next meeting in Spain in 2022. The author argues that the unresolved transatlantic problems and the allies’ disagreements internally challenge the alliance “global” strategy. The “trusted leadership” the Biden administration sets against the “Trump Doctrine” undermines the allies’ ability to step up the European strategic autonomy project, including in relations with Russia and China, as well as in after-Brexit Euro-Atlantic rebalancing.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44591383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-31DOI: 10.15211/soveurope520219099
V. Zhuravel
The article focuses on status, structure and organization of the Arctic Council (AC, Council). It is noted that the AC is an international, regional structure, which is designed to promote cooperation in the Arctic in the field of environmental protection and sustainable development of the circumpolar regions. In the activities of the countries chaired by the Arctic Council, special attention is paid to the continuity of the Arctic agenda. The importance of the Strategic Plan of the Arctic Council for 2021‒2030 adopted in 2021 for the further improvement of AC activities is highlighted. The central part of the study is devoted to Russia's approaches to international cooperation in the AC and an analysis of the content of the Programme of the Russian Federation's 2021 to 2023 Chairmanship of the Arctic Council. The aforementioned includes such priorities as the population of the Arctic and the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North; environmental protection and climate change; social and economic development in the region; strengthening the Arctic Council. The study also deals with the Main Action Plan, which covers all the countries of the AC and areas of its activities. The article draws attention to the risks and threats that may arise during the period of the Russian Chairmanship. It is concluded that the urgent problems of this region can be solved only through balanced and mutually beneficial international cooperation in the economic and social fields, in the field of ecology, development of indigenous peoples, cooperation in scientific research, Arctic tourism, emergencies in the region.
{"title":"Тhe Russian Federation's Chairmanship at the Arctic Council","authors":"V. Zhuravel","doi":"10.15211/soveurope520219099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope520219099","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on status, structure and organization of the Arctic Council (AC, Council). It is noted that the AC is an international, regional structure, which is designed to promote cooperation in the Arctic in the field of environmental protection and sustainable development of the circumpolar regions. In the activities of the countries chaired by the Arctic Council, special attention is paid to the continuity of the Arctic agenda. The importance of the Strategic Plan of the Arctic Council for 2021‒2030 adopted in 2021 for the further improvement of AC activities is highlighted. The central part of the study is devoted to Russia's approaches to international cooperation in the AC and an analysis of the content of the Programme of the Russian Federation's 2021 to 2023 Chairmanship of the Arctic Council. The aforementioned includes such priorities as the population of the Arctic and the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North; environmental protection and climate change; social and economic development in the region; strengthening the Arctic Council. The study also deals with the Main Action Plan, which covers all the countries of the AC and areas of its activities. The article draws attention to the risks and threats that may arise during the period of the Russian Chairmanship. It is concluded that the urgent problems of this region can be solved only through balanced and mutually beneficial international cooperation in the economic and social fields, in the field of ecology, development of indigenous peoples, cooperation in scientific research, Arctic tourism, emergencies in the region.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47889920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-31DOI: 10.15211/soveurope52021150160
V. Mironenko
The article describes the transformation of the political regime of the Third Ukrainian Republic. The author holds that this big European country deserves attention not only as part of its recent history and that of Europe, but also as a manifestation of some European and global political processes. Using the methods of historical analysis and periodization, an attempt is made to place the last 30 years of the Ukrainian Republic in the general context of the recent history of Ukraine, to identify the reasons for the incomplete «Ukrainian project», the difficulties of its external perception and international positioning. The scientific novelty of the proposed analysis is that the political regimes that have existed in the Ukrainian Republic since its proclamation are considered as interrelated in the process of its evolution, and the latest of them ‒ in the light of the hypothesis of two transformations ‒ as its last phase. The main conclusion is that Ukraine’s difficult path of political self-identification is not complete and it faces necessity to find a new internal and external political paradigm and another reboot of the political regime.
{"title":"To the History of the Third Ukrainian Republic","authors":"V. Mironenko","doi":"10.15211/soveurope52021150160","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52021150160","url":null,"abstract":"The article describes the transformation of the political regime of the Third Ukrainian Republic. The author holds that this big European country deserves attention not only as part of its recent history and that of Europe, but also as a manifestation of some European and global political processes. Using the methods of historical analysis and periodization, an attempt is made to place the last 30 years of the Ukrainian Republic in the general context of the recent history of Ukraine, to identify the reasons for the incomplete «Ukrainian project», the difficulties of its external perception and international positioning. The scientific novelty of the proposed analysis is that the political regimes that have existed in the Ukrainian Republic since its proclamation are considered as interrelated in the process of its evolution, and the latest of them ‒ in the light of the hypothesis of two transformations ‒ as its last phase. The main conclusion is that Ukraine’s difficult path of political self-identification is not complete and it faces necessity to find a new internal and external political paradigm and another reboot of the political regime.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48146551","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.15211/soveurope42021129139
E. Ermolieva, N. Kudeyarova
The socio-economic situation in modern Spain is complex in many aspects, which makes it possible to characterize the current state of affairs as a multidimensional crisis. The Spanish case shows the interconnection of demographic processes with structurally complicated social phenomena. An overview of the demographic decline and birth rate drop is examined, as well as the plight of young Spaniards as a result of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic is given. The article also explores the problems of elder generation going through difficult times. On the basis of statistical data, the authors analyze the medium term prospects in the dynamics of population panorama, examine the impact of the migration factor, and show how the changing age structure and its attendant consequences pose an ever-wider range of issues for society, concerning both the younger generation and other age groups. From the perspective of demographic transformations, the article observes the situation in the pension sector, in light of the fact that Spain is one of the rapidly aging countries. The methodological approach used by the authors for a comprehensive analysis of demographic and socio-economic problems makes it possible to identify a range of interrelationships between the most important pillars of the Spanish social model.
{"title":"Spain in a Multidimensional Crisis: a Social Projection of Demographic Trends","authors":"E. Ermolieva, N. Kudeyarova","doi":"10.15211/soveurope42021129139","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope42021129139","url":null,"abstract":"The socio-economic situation in modern Spain is complex in many aspects, which makes it possible to characterize the current state of affairs as a multidimensional crisis. The Spanish case shows the interconnection of demographic processes with structurally complicated social phenomena. An overview of the demographic decline and birth rate drop is examined, as well as the plight of young Spaniards as a result of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic is given. The article also explores the problems of elder generation going through difficult times. On the basis of statistical data, the authors analyze the medium term prospects in the dynamics of population panorama, examine the impact of the migration factor, and show how the changing age structure and its attendant consequences pose an ever-wider range of issues for society, concerning both the younger generation and other age groups. From the perspective of demographic transformations, the article observes the situation in the pension sector, in light of the fact that Spain is one of the rapidly aging countries. The methodological approach used by the authors for a comprehensive analysis of demographic and socio-economic problems makes it possible to identify a range of interrelationships between the most important pillars of the Spanish social model.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42723081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.15211/soveurope420215870
V. Belov
The coronavirus crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant negative impact on all aspects of the German social market economy. For the first time in history, the crisis was caused by factors of a non-economic nature. They manifested themselves in all economies of the world, including Europe. Since March 2020, the federal and state executive authorities of Germany, along with the introduction of restrictive measures for the population and business, have adopted several large-scale economic and political programmes aimed at preventing bankruptcies of economic entities, preserving jobs and social stability in the country. Along with short-term instruments designed to stop the decline in GDP and give impetus to its growth, the German state pursued an active and coordinated with Brussels structural policy aimed at ensuring an energy and digital transition to a climate-neutral economy, including the overcoming the deficits and problems revealed by the pandemic in the country's economy. To this end, Berlin abandoned the budget surplus policy and switched to large-scale external borrowing to finance programmes to bring economy out of the crisis. The author analyzes the results of the impact of the coronavirus crisis on the economic space of Germany, including aspects of its stress resistance and competitiveness, explores the effectiveness of state policy to counter crisis and assesses the prospects for the development of Russia's leading foreign economic partner in the west of the Eurasian continent.
{"title":"The Coronavirus Crisis versus Social and Market Economy of Germany","authors":"V. Belov","doi":"10.15211/soveurope420215870","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope420215870","url":null,"abstract":"The coronavirus crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant negative impact on all aspects of the German social market economy. For the first time in history, the crisis was caused by factors of a non-economic nature. They manifested themselves in all economies of the world, including Europe. Since March 2020, the federal and state executive authorities of Germany, along with the introduction of restrictive measures for the population and business, have adopted several large-scale economic and political programmes aimed at preventing bankruptcies of economic entities, preserving jobs and social stability in the country. Along with short-term instruments designed to stop the decline in GDP and give impetus to its growth, the German state pursued an active and coordinated with Brussels structural policy aimed at ensuring an energy and digital transition to a climate-neutral economy, including the overcoming the deficits and problems revealed by the pandemic in the country's economy. To this end, Berlin abandoned the budget surplus policy and switched to large-scale external borrowing to finance programmes to bring economy out of the crisis. The author analyzes the results of the impact of the coronavirus crisis on the economic space of Germany, including aspects of its stress resistance and competitiveness, explores the effectiveness of state policy to counter crisis and assesses the prospects for the development of Russia's leading foreign economic partner in the west of the Eurasian continent.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43076256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.15211/soveurope42021119128
A. Egorov, A. Petrovsky
The article analyzes social policies implemented by the European Union member states during the initial period of the coronavirus pandemic. Despite the fact that the whole region faced the same universal threat, the supranational level of decision-making and implementation was practically paralyzed in the European Union at this period. Each member state of the EU had to transform social policies in an attempt to combat spread of the pandemic and mitigate its consequences. Nevertheless, exclusions of essential civil and human rights made to strengthen anti-COVID measures turned out to be major fault lines in the relationship between society and governments.It became evident that the main attention of the state authorities was paid to measures in the field of social (physical) distancing, restrictions in the activities of educational establishments, ensuring access to health services, providing assistance to socially vulnerable groups of the population, including the elderly, the disabled, and the homeless. The authors explore different approaches implemented throughout EU to tackle social and medicalissues created by coronavirus.The main obstacles such as lack of essential resources, including the necessary medical equipment and their causes are highlighted. It is concluded that the European Union member states have not found an optimal response in the social field when they confronted the challenge of the coronavirus pandemic.
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