Pub Date : 2021-06-30DOI: 10.15211/soveurope3202194105
E. Pivovar, A. Guschin, A. Levchenkov
The post-Soviet period of Moldova's history was complex and ambiguous. It was characterized by a difficult socio-economic situation, important transformations of the foreign policy, malign influence of corruption, mass departure of the able-bodied population outside the republic. Recent years have not been an exception. The turbulent events of 2016‒2020, which are analyzed, became a new important stage in the life of Moldova, solidifying the trends of its development in the next decade. The authors analyze the key events of this period, of its domestic and foreign policy: the issues of the creation and functioning of a broad coalition in the summer of 2019, its collapse, the formation of a new coalition between socialists and democrats, the presidential elections in Moldova and their impact on the political situation. The authors note that the recent trends in the political development of Moldova and its foreign policy show that in the near future political instability in the republic will continue. The question is if, in the context of internal political polarization in the country, it will be possible to reach a geopolitical consensus around Moldova and prevent the acute political confrontation in the country from turning into a long-term political and institutional crisis.
{"title":"Republic of Moldova in 2016-2020: Domestic Situation and Foreign Policy Objectives","authors":"E. Pivovar, A. Guschin, A. Levchenkov","doi":"10.15211/soveurope3202194105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope3202194105","url":null,"abstract":"The post-Soviet period of Moldova's history was complex and ambiguous. It was characterized by a difficult socio-economic situation, important transformations of the foreign policy, malign influence of corruption, mass departure of the able-bodied population outside the republic. Recent years have not been an exception. The turbulent events of 2016‒2020, which are analyzed, became a new important stage in the life of Moldova, solidifying the trends of its development in the next decade. The authors analyze the key events of this period, of its domestic and foreign policy: the issues of the creation and functioning of a broad coalition in the summer of 2019, its collapse, the formation of a new coalition between socialists and democrats, the presidential elections in Moldova and their impact on the political situation. The authors note that the recent trends in the political development of Moldova and its foreign policy show that in the near future political instability in the republic will continue. The question is if, in the context of internal political polarization in the country, it will be possible to reach a geopolitical consensus around Moldova and prevent the acute political confrontation in the country from turning into a long-term political and institutional crisis.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41935489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-30DOI: 10.15211/soveurope32021139148
L. Andreeva
The article compares the tendencies of Islamism in school education in France and Germany. Despite the different approaches to the role of religion in schools in these countries with large Muslim communities, there is a growing process of the penetration of Islamism into schools. The external manifestations of this phenomenon coincide ‒ the segregation of schoolchildren in relation to religion. At the same time, the social factor clearly fades away. The author explores the cultural causes of Islamism, which are based on the gap between the secular culture of France and Germany and the worldview of Muslim youth. At the turn of the 1980s in France and Germany the assimilation policy of integration exhausted its possibilities, primarily due to the massive influx of migrants from Muslim countries who created their own territorial enclaves ("parallel societies"), in which the power of the state was minimized. There was a paradigm shift at the turn of the 1980s‒1990s, when Western countries began to implement a policy of multiculturalism, which also suffered a failure. The article examines how the value of a person's religious affiliation as opposed to civic value, the priority of group rights in relation to the rights of an individual became the reason for the strengthening of Islamism in schools in France and Germany. That was a direct consequence of both the mass migration of the 1980s and 1990s, which took the form of superficial naturalization, with the goal of obtaining social benefits without becoming introduced to the culture of Western countries, and the failed policy of multiculturalism. If these problems are not tackled, the success in curbing the Islamist wave in European schools is unlikely.
{"title":"Radical Islamism in Schools of France and Germany","authors":"L. Andreeva","doi":"10.15211/soveurope32021139148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope32021139148","url":null,"abstract":"The article compares the tendencies of Islamism in school education in France and Germany. Despite the different approaches to the role of religion in schools in these countries with large Muslim communities, there is a growing process of the penetration of Islamism into schools. The external manifestations of this phenomenon coincide ‒ the segregation of schoolchildren in relation to religion. At the same time, the social factor clearly fades away. The author explores the cultural causes of Islamism, which are based on the gap between the secular culture of France and Germany and the worldview of Muslim youth. At the turn of the 1980s in France and Germany the assimilation policy of integration exhausted its possibilities, primarily due to the massive influx of migrants from Muslim countries who created their own territorial enclaves (\"parallel societies\"), in which the power of the state was minimized. There was a paradigm shift at the turn of the 1980s‒1990s, when Western countries began to implement a policy of multiculturalism, which also suffered a failure. The article examines how the value of a person's religious affiliation as opposed to civic value, the priority of group rights in relation to the rights of an individual became the reason for the strengthening of Islamism in schools in France and Germany. That was a direct consequence of both the mass migration of the 1980s and 1990s, which took the form of superficial naturalization, with the goal of obtaining social benefits without becoming introduced to the culture of Western countries, and the failed policy of multiculturalism. If these problems are not tackled, the success in curbing the Islamist wave in European schools is unlikely.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46587838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-30DOI: 10.15211/soveurope320217182
Alexey Sindeev
The article continues to explore a topic of «Sources of European Security».The author analyzes the role of personalities, processes and factors that have influenced the modern European security system, sustainable and variable elements of the transformation of the European segment of international relations. On the basis of documents from the Swiss Federal Archives, this article highlightsthe position of Switzerland and, in some cases, Austria before the start of the substantive discussions of the agreed agenda at the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). The 1970 Moscow Treaty between the USSR and the Federal Republic of Germany and the start of the CSCE process led to the Soviet Union abandoning its longstanding attempts to establish cooperation between the great powers in parallel with the UN structures.The Foreign Minister of the USSR Andrei Gromyko warned against this. Subsequently, the role of the small and medium-sized countries in the two ideological camps increased. The overall picture of interstate relations became more complicated. It is therefore no coincidence that the CSCE is treatedcontroversially in historiography. Considering that transformations are associated with continuous forms, positions, and mechanisms that have been tested over time, the author makes hypotheses and recommendations at the end of the article.
{"title":"The Origins of European Security: the Factor of Neutrality in the early 1970s","authors":"Alexey Sindeev","doi":"10.15211/soveurope320217182","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope320217182","url":null,"abstract":"The article continues to explore a topic of «Sources of European Security».The author analyzes the role of personalities, processes and factors that have influenced the modern European security system, sustainable and variable elements of the transformation of the European segment of international relations. On the basis of documents from the Swiss Federal Archives, this article highlightsthe position of Switzerland and, in some cases, Austria before the start of the substantive discussions of the agreed agenda at the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). The 1970 Moscow Treaty between the USSR and the Federal Republic of Germany and the start of the CSCE process led to the Soviet Union abandoning its longstanding attempts to establish cooperation between the great powers in parallel with the UN structures.The Foreign Minister of the USSR Andrei Gromyko warned against this. Subsequently, the role of the small and medium-sized countries in the two ideological camps increased. The overall picture of interstate relations became more complicated. It is therefore no coincidence that the CSCE is treatedcontroversially in historiography. Considering that transformations are associated with continuous forms, positions, and mechanisms that have been tested over time, the author makes hypotheses and recommendations at the end of the article.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45154857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-30DOI: 10.15211/soveurope320215060
V. Bederson, I. Shevtsova
The article looks into characteristics of regionalist movements in contemporary Switzerland. The authors try to answer the question why, despite the stability of federal relations in Switzerland and the existence of institutions representing the interests of the regions, there are regionalist movements in the canton of Ticino and the Bernese Jura, and why only in these two regions? The study is based on open data on the political and socio-economic characteristics of the regions, as well as on materials of research interviews with representatives of movements and experts. The study analyzes the cases of the regionalist movements of the League of Ticino and the Groupe Bélier in the Bernese Jura. The results point to the similarities of the movements: linguistic minorities surrounded by a German-speaking majority, accumulation of similar contradictions over the years. The regionalism of the League of Ticino stands out in the context of other parties; the League has made the regionalist agenda a platform for promoting right-wing demands without being marginalized in the political space. The Groupe Bélier, from the point of view of regionalist demands, is distinguished by a weak visibility of its agenda in political parties’ programmes.
{"title":"Regionalist Movements in Contemporary Switzerland: Ticino and Bernese Jura Cases","authors":"V. Bederson, I. Shevtsova","doi":"10.15211/soveurope320215060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope320215060","url":null,"abstract":"The article looks into characteristics of regionalist movements in contemporary Switzerland. The authors try to answer the question why, despite the stability of federal relations in Switzerland and the existence of institutions representing the interests of the regions, there are regionalist movements in the canton of Ticino and the Bernese Jura, and why only in these two regions? The study is based on open data on the political and socio-economic characteristics of the regions, as well as on materials of research interviews with representatives of movements and experts. The study analyzes the cases of the regionalist movements of the League of Ticino and the Groupe Bélier in the Bernese Jura. The results point to the similarities of the movements: linguistic minorities surrounded by a German-speaking majority, accumulation of similar contradictions over the years. The regionalism of the League of Ticino stands out in the context of other parties; the League has made the regionalist agenda a platform for promoting right-wing demands without being marginalized in the political space. The Groupe Bélier, from the point of view of regionalist demands, is distinguished by a weak visibility of its agenda in political parties’ programmes.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45175711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-30DOI: 10.15211/soveurope320212737
Ksenia V. Vlasova
The Eastern Mediterranean can rightly be considered as one of the most conflict regions in the world, as it has accumulated numerous security problems. Such problems are driven by the attempts of several regional players to revise the existing status quo and their own position in the region (Turkey, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Iran), the increasing influence of some traditional actors (Russia, the USA, the EU, China), longstanding and current international conflicts, the problem of international terrorism, extremism, uncontrolled migration, etc. The article analyzes the most important contradiction in the Eastern Mediterranean, which can be attributed to the confrontation between the two neighbors, Greece and Turkey. The origins of their conflict go far back in history, and Greek-Turkish rivalry is still ongoing. Relations between Greece and Turkey have gone through many phases from armed conflict in 1974 to a period of neutrality and synergy in the 2000s. The study focuses on the events of 2020, when there was a sharp aggravation of the Greek-Turkish conflict in three areas: migration, religious and cultural action of the Turkish government upon the return of the status of a functioning mosque to the Hagia Sophia Museum in Istanbul, and the escalation around the complex ―Aegean problem‖ related to the delimitation of maritime borders. The new phase of the conflict could lead to the deterioration of bilateral relations between Greece and Turkey, but also to a security system in the Eastern Mediterranean with the support of regional players and great powers.
{"title":"Greek-Turkish Confrontation and Its Influence on the Eastern Mediterranean","authors":"Ksenia V. Vlasova","doi":"10.15211/soveurope320212737","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope320212737","url":null,"abstract":"The Eastern Mediterranean can rightly be considered as one of the most conflict regions in the world, as it has accumulated numerous security problems. Such problems are driven by the attempts of several regional players to revise the existing status quo and their own position in the region (Turkey, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Iran), the increasing influence of some traditional actors (Russia, the USA, the EU, China), longstanding and current international conflicts, the problem of international terrorism, extremism, uncontrolled migration, etc. The article analyzes the most important contradiction in the Eastern Mediterranean, which can be attributed to the confrontation between the two neighbors, Greece and Turkey. The origins of their conflict go far back in history, and Greek-Turkish rivalry is still ongoing. Relations between Greece and Turkey have gone through many phases from armed conflict in 1974 to a period of neutrality and synergy in the 2000s. The study focuses on the events of 2020, when there was a sharp aggravation of the Greek-Turkish conflict in three areas: migration, religious and cultural action of the Turkish government upon the return of the status of a functioning mosque to the Hagia Sophia Museum in Istanbul, and the escalation around the complex ―Aegean problem‖ related to the delimitation of maritime borders. The new phase of the conflict could lead to the deterioration of bilateral relations between Greece and Turkey, but also to a security system in the Eastern Mediterranean with the support of regional players and great powers.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44505715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-30DOI: 10.15211/soveurope320213849
A. Borzova, Nino D. Nikolashvili
The article contains a comparison of Spanish and Portuguese soft power models. Within the framework of the problem-chronological approach, mainly the method of comparative analysis was applied. On the basis of the historical parallels between the two Iberian states, the authors highlight the origins of the modern Spanish and Portuguese brands. They investigate national interpretations of the concept of soft power in Spain and Portugal and compare their main elements in the national formulas of soft power. Besides, the differences in the assessment of Spanish and Portuguese soft power in international rankings is pointed out. After the analysis of the structures of soft power management in Spain and Portugal is conducted, the attention is drawn to the juxtaposition of the activities and the influence of two linguistic institutions: the Cervantes Institute and the Camões Institute. The following conclusion is drawn: the soft power of Spain and Portugal is based on similar resources but is implemented with varying degrees of success. The Spanish soft power model became more attractive. The main reason for this is the absence of a body responsible for the national brand in Portugal, while the Spanish soft power is regulated by a government authority, The Portuguese brand is mainly managed by private institutions with little or no coordination between them.
{"title":"Comparative Analysis of the Spanish and Portuguese \"Soft Power\" Models","authors":"A. Borzova, Nino D. Nikolashvili","doi":"10.15211/soveurope320213849","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope320213849","url":null,"abstract":"The article contains a comparison of Spanish and Portuguese soft power models. Within the framework of the problem-chronological approach, mainly the method of comparative analysis was applied. On the basis of the historical parallels between the two Iberian states, the authors highlight the origins of the modern Spanish and Portuguese brands. They investigate national interpretations of the concept of soft power in Spain and Portugal and compare their main elements in the national formulas of soft power. Besides, the differences in the assessment of Spanish and Portuguese soft power in international rankings is pointed out. After the analysis of the structures of soft power management in Spain and Portugal is conducted, the attention is drawn to the juxtaposition of the activities and the influence of two linguistic institutions: the Cervantes Institute and the Camões Institute. The following conclusion is drawn: the soft power of Spain and Portugal is based on similar resources but is implemented with varying degrees of success. The Spanish soft power model became more attractive. The main reason for this is the absence of a body responsible for the national brand in Portugal, while the Spanish soft power is regulated by a government authority, The Portuguese brand is mainly managed by private institutions with little or no coordination between them.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45782334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-30DOI: 10.15211/soveurope32021128138
A. Kravchuk
Due to the global coronavirus pandemic Iceland is facing the largest economic crisis for half a century. But after the pandemic is over, the economy is expected to quickly recover and continue its further growth. In this article, the author intends to explore how well these expectations are justified and which industry sectors could contribute to Iceland’s economic growth. The analysis shows that the country’s current key export sectors (tourism, seafood production and aluminum industry) have a limited growth potential, mainly related to the ongoing development of aquaculture. The paper also considers key economic projects, linked to utilization of Iceland’s resource and innovative potential. The abundance of cheap renewable energy enables the country to develop new energy-intensive projects (silicon smelters and data centers), as well as to consider the possibility to directly transmit electricity to the UK (project IceLink). These initiatives could significantly contribute to the future economic growth, although the Icelandic energy industry is not limitless. However, the biggest economic growth is expected in innovative industry sectors. A number of projects in bioengineering, biomedicine, pharmacology, and high-tech equipment production have been started in Iceland. In the longterm perspective, their potential profits could exceed the ones of the resource sector of the country’s economy.
{"title":"Iceland’s Economic Growth Prospects in the Post-Covid-19 Period","authors":"A. Kravchuk","doi":"10.15211/soveurope32021128138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope32021128138","url":null,"abstract":"Due to the global coronavirus pandemic Iceland is facing the largest economic crisis for half a century. But after the pandemic is over, the economy is expected to quickly recover and continue its further growth. In this article, the author intends to explore how well these expectations are justified and which industry sectors could contribute to Iceland’s economic growth. The analysis shows that the country’s current key export sectors (tourism, seafood production and aluminum industry) have a limited growth potential, mainly related to the ongoing development of aquaculture. The paper also considers key economic projects, linked to utilization of Iceland’s resource and innovative potential. The abundance of cheap renewable energy enables the country to develop new energy-intensive projects (silicon smelters and data centers), as well as to consider the possibility to directly transmit electricity to the UK (project IceLink). These initiatives could significantly contribute to the future economic growth, although the Icelandic energy industry is not limitless. However, the biggest economic growth is expected in innovative industry sectors. A number of projects in bioengineering, biomedicine, pharmacology, and high-tech equipment production have been started in Iceland. In the longterm perspective, their potential profits could exceed the ones of the resource sector of the country’s economy.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67303118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-30DOI: 10.15211/soveurope32021159166
Mikhail Smirnov
The article is dedicated to the methodological aspects of the study of Christian churches political role in modern Europe, conducted by the Russian religious scholar R.N. Lunkin. In the monograph “Churches in Politics and Politics in Churches. How Modern Christianity is changing European Society” he presented a number of non-trivial and important ideas for academic discourse on the traditional topic “church and politics” in the external and internal transformations context of European society. The researcher applied the methodological technique by moving from the general (the basic concepts that reveal the political role of religious institutions) through the special (the Christian churches in Europe in crisis situations) to the individual (the role of churches in specific political conflicts, the religious factor in mass migration, the position of churches in the coronavirus pandemic). The processes identified in Europe are correlated with the political challenges of the Christian churches in the Russian Federation. The monograph sets a fairly wide range of problems important for reflection, discussion, and research perspectives. To what extent is political content organic to churches as religious organizations? To what extent is the political influence of the churches possible, and what are its likely consequences? Can Christianity, in its current ecclesiastical format serve as a basis of the socio-cultural identity of the indigenous population of European countries? These and a number of other fundamental questions arise due to R.N. Lunkin's interpretation of acute and ambiguous situations with religion in modern Europe and Russia.
{"title":"The European Christian Churches and Politics","authors":"Mikhail Smirnov","doi":"10.15211/soveurope32021159166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope32021159166","url":null,"abstract":"The article is dedicated to the methodological aspects of the study of Christian churches political role in modern Europe, conducted by the Russian religious scholar R.N. Lunkin. In the monograph “Churches in Politics and Politics in Churches. How Modern Christianity is changing European Society” he presented a number of non-trivial and important ideas for academic discourse on the traditional topic “church and politics” in the external and internal transformations context of European society. The researcher applied the methodological technique by moving from the general (the basic concepts that reveal the political role of religious institutions) through the special (the Christian churches in Europe in crisis situations) to the individual (the role of churches in specific political conflicts, the religious factor in mass migration, the position of churches in the coronavirus pandemic). The processes identified in Europe are correlated with the political challenges of the Christian churches in the Russian Federation. The monograph sets a fairly wide range of problems important for reflection, discussion, and research perspectives. To what extent is political content organic to churches as religious organizations? To what extent is the political influence of the churches possible, and what are its likely consequences? Can Christianity, in its current ecclesiastical format serve as a basis of the socio-cultural identity of the indigenous population of European countries? These and a number of other fundamental questions arise due to R.N. Lunkin's interpretation of acute and ambiguous situations with religion in modern Europe and Russia.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44398050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-30DOI: 10.15211/soveurope320210516
Talia Khabrieva, Zalina Khamchieva
The article is dedicated to the results of thirty years activity of the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission of the Council of Europe), which is a recognized expert center in the field of constitutional law. Russia has been participating in its work since 2002. The purpose of the article is to show the evolution of the VC expert opinions’ problematics from the general problems of constitutional reforms to the specification of individual institutions, the assessment of electoral systems, the effectiveness of justice, guarantees of civil and political rights of citizens. This comparative analysis contributes to a better understanding of the Commission's current activities. The main stages of the Commissions’ formation are considered. The authors explore the expansion of the geographical sphere of Venice Commission’s influence and the strengthening of its role in the political-legal and scientific-legal fields. The conducted research makes it possible to fill an obvious gap in the domestic science of comparative and constitutional law, since there are only a few special works dedicated to the Venice Commission. The article sets out tasks that can contribute to the shaping of new directions for the development of legal science, taking into account the experience of the Commission and its contribution to the improvement of democratic institutions. The work is intended for scientists specializing in comparative and constitutional law, teachers and students studying the law of the Council of Europe. An optional seminar on the legal positions of the Venice Commission was organized at the Master's program of the Institute of Legislation and Comparative Law under the Government of the Russian Federation.
{"title":"The Venice Commission: the 30 Years of History","authors":"Talia Khabrieva, Zalina Khamchieva","doi":"10.15211/soveurope320210516","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope320210516","url":null,"abstract":"The article is dedicated to the results of thirty years activity of the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission of the Council of Europe), which is a recognized expert center in the field of constitutional law. Russia has been participating in its work since 2002. The purpose of the article is to show the evolution of the VC expert opinions’ problematics from the general problems of constitutional reforms to the specification of individual institutions, the assessment of electoral systems, the effectiveness of justice, guarantees of civil and political rights of citizens. This comparative analysis contributes to a better understanding of the Commission's current activities. The main stages of the Commissions’ formation are considered. The authors explore the expansion of the geographical sphere of Venice Commission’s influence and the strengthening of its role in the political-legal and scientific-legal fields. The conducted research makes it possible to fill an obvious gap in the domestic science of comparative and constitutional law, since there are only a few special works dedicated to the Venice Commission. The article sets out tasks that can contribute to the shaping of new directions for the development of legal science, taking into account the experience of the Commission and its contribution to the improvement of democratic institutions. The work is intended for scientists specializing in comparative and constitutional law, teachers and students studying the law of the Council of Europe. An optional seminar on the legal positions of the Venice Commission was organized at the Master's program of the Institute of Legislation and Comparative Law under the Government of the Russian Federation.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41813618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-30DOI: 10.15211/soveurope32021167180
A. Aleksandrova
In World War II Greece suffered immense devastation; aside from the damage itself, the country was forced to provide the Third Reich with an occupation loan. After the war, Athens claimed reparations and repayment of the loan, but not all such claims were settled. The final solution was postponed until the eventual reunification of Germany and the signing of a peace treaty. All attempts of Greek diplomats to address the issue were met with the position that the issue has already been resolved diplomatically and in legal terms. The simmering conflict gained new prominence during the financial and economic crisis of 2010s. Greek citizens, frustrated over the strict austerity policies, blamed not only their own government, but also the “troika” of creditors, which forced Greece to adopt such measures. Since the financial assistance program was developed largely by Germany, the Greek collective memory provided a number of vivid negative images connected to Germany, the Nazi crimes in particular. In the public space of Greece the issues of reparations and the occupation credit were constantly discussed, putting further strain on Greek-German relations. These attitudes among the Greek public were used by Greek politicians who strived to shift the blame for the ongoing crisis onto the Germany. Stereotypes of the past became a tool ofGreek populists. During the crisis the issue of post-war payments reached a new level, and a desire for historic justice was accompanied by the blamegame against Germany.
{"title":"The Echo of War: The Issue of World War II Reparations and Occupation Loan in Contemporary Greece","authors":"A. Aleksandrova","doi":"10.15211/soveurope32021167180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15211/soveurope32021167180","url":null,"abstract":"In World War II Greece suffered immense devastation; aside from the damage itself, the country was forced to provide the Third Reich with an occupation loan. After the war, Athens claimed reparations and repayment of the loan, but not all such claims were settled. The final solution was postponed until the eventual reunification of Germany and the signing of a peace treaty. All attempts of Greek diplomats to address the issue were met with the position that the issue has already been resolved diplomatically and in legal terms. The simmering conflict gained new prominence during the financial and economic crisis of 2010s. Greek citizens, frustrated over the strict austerity policies, blamed not only their own government, but also the “troika” of creditors, which forced Greece to adopt such measures. Since the financial assistance program was developed largely by Germany, the Greek collective memory provided a number of vivid negative images connected to Germany, the Nazi crimes in particular. In the public space of Greece the issues of reparations and the occupation credit were constantly discussed, putting further strain on Greek-German relations. These attitudes among the Greek public were used by Greek politicians who strived to shift the blame for the ongoing crisis onto the Germany. Stereotypes of the past became a tool ofGreek populists. During the crisis the issue of post-war payments reached a new level, and a desire for historic justice was accompanied by the blamegame against Germany.","PeriodicalId":42204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49145594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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