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William Korey’s “The Right to Leave for Soviet Jews: The Legal and Moral Aspects” 威廉·科里的《苏联犹太人的离开权:法律和道德方面》
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13501674.2020.1877495
L. Remennick
This article was published in the first volume of East European Jewish Affairs in early 1971, when tens of thousands of Soviet Jews were pondering the subversive possibility of emigration to Israel. The upsurge in the Jewish national consciousness and nascent movement for the right to emigrate to Israel in the late 1960s and 1970s was inspired by the impressive victory of the Jewish State in the Six-Day War of June 1967. The historical moment when Korey was writing about the right of Soviet Jews to leave was marked by constant embarrassment of the Soviet government that, on the one hand, was signatory to several international human rights conventions that stipulated this universal right, but on the other hand detested the idea of lifting the Iron Curtain for thousands of potential émigrés. Korey reviews the previous decades of the relations between the Soviet and international legal system, mostly within the United Nations-based initiatives, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 from which USSR had abstained. On the other hand, Soviet authorities actively campaigned for repatriation to the USSR of the pre-World War I émigrés and resettled close to 100,000 Armenians from France, Turkey and the Middle East in Soviet Armenia. As far as Jews were concerned, during the 1950s the Soviet government allowed repatriation of about 200,000 Polish citizens (including many Jews) to Poland, realizing that many of them would move on to Israel. However, by the late 1960s, Nikita Khrushev’s Thaw had ended and Leonid Brezhnev’s government took a more conservative turn. It resealed the few holes in the Iron Curtain, so that after 1965, just a few hundred Soviet Jews were allowed to travel to the United States or Israel for humanitarian or family-related reasons. Korey’s article cites several curious responses of the high Soviet officials (Khrushev himself, Gromyko and Kosygin) to the questions posed by Western journalists and human rights activists – to the effect that while their Israeli relatives were pressing for family reunification, no Soviet Jews were actually interested in joining their brethren in Israel. The Foreign Ministry asserted that there were no requests for emigration from Soviet Jews in the late 1960s, while it was known from independent sources (like Western journalists and Zionist emissaries visiting USSR undercover) that about 10,000 of such applications for exit visas were pending. The number of applicants went up every year starting from 1968, and by 1970 reached tens of thousands. Soviet authorities were stunned by this unexpected manifestation of resistance and free will by Soviet Jews
这篇文章发表在1971年初的《东欧犹太人事务》第一卷上,当时成千上万的苏联犹太人正在思考移民到以色列的颠覆性可能性。犹太国家在1967年6月的六日战争中取得了令人印象深刻的胜利,这激发了1960年代末和1970年代犹太民族意识的高涨和争取移民到以色列权利的新生运动。Korey在写苏联犹太人有权离开的历史时刻,苏联政府一直感到尴尬。一方面,苏联政府签署了几项规定这一普遍权利的国际人权公约,但另一方面,却厌恶为数千名潜在移民揭开铁幕的想法。Korey回顾了前几十年苏联与国际法律体系之间的关系,主要是在联合国的倡议范围内,包括1948年苏联弃权的《世界人权宣言》。另一方面,苏联当局积极争取将第一次世界大战前的移民遣返苏联,并在苏联亚美尼亚重新安置了来自法国、土耳其和中东的近10万名亚美尼亚人。就犹太人而言,在20世纪50年代,苏联政府允许将约20万波兰公民(包括许多犹太人)遣返波兰,意识到他们中的许多人将移居以色列。然而,到了20世纪60年代末,尼基塔·赫鲁舍夫的Thaw已经结束,列昂尼德·布列日涅夫的政府转向了更加保守的方向。它重新密封了铁幕上的几个洞,因此在1965年之后,只有几百名苏联犹太人因人道主义或家庭原因被允许前往美国或以色列。Korey的文章引用了苏联高级官员(赫鲁晓夫本人、Gromyko和Kosygin)对西方记者和人权活动家提出的问题的一些奇怪回应——大意是,当他们的以色列亲属敦促家庭团聚时,实际上没有苏联犹太人有兴趣加入他们在以色列的兄弟。外交部声称,在20世纪60年代末,苏联犹太人没有提出移民申请,而据独立消息来源(如西方记者和秘密访问苏联的犹太复国主义特使)所知,其中约有10000份出境签证申请悬而未决。从1968年开始,申请人数每年都在增加,到1970年达到数万人。苏联当局对苏联犹太人这种出乎意料的抵抗和自由意志的表现感到震惊
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引用次数: 0
Russian Language Listings Compiled by Alexander Ivanov, Center “Petersburg Judaica” at European University-St. Petersburg Russia Alexander Ivanov汇编的俄语清单,欧洲大学圣彼得堡犹太中心。俄罗斯彼得堡
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13501674.2020.1880876
A. Ivanov
siia could have strengthened the analysis further, as the fates of these interrelated and interconnected policies differed. In regard to the republic’s titular population, the policy of korenizatsiia – in the sense of promoting ethnic Belorussians – continued until the end of the Soviet era. Linguistic Belorusizatsiia, on the other hand, was scaled back, rather than abolished, whereas Yiddishizatsiia was indeed abandoned. Whether the reversal was “razor-sharp” could be debated; arguably, the reversal was inconsistent and contradictory; the number of Yiddish language schools actually kept increasing for much of the 1930s. The reversal, as Leonid Smilovitskii has shown, was of a somewhat later date: 1935–1937, with Yiddish retaining its status as an official language until 1938. If some of Sloin’s bold interpretations may prove contentious, they in no way diminish the value of his study, which skillfully restores voices and agency to local, often forgotten Jewish actors. Combining economic, social, and political history, this sophisticated original work is a significant contribution not only to Soviet Jewish history, but also to our understanding of Soviet nationalities policy.
siia本可以进一步加强分析,因为这些相互关联和相互关联的政策的命运各不相同。关于共和国名义上的人口,Korenizatsia的政策——在促进白俄罗斯人的意义上——一直持续到苏联时代结束。另一方面,白俄罗斯语被缩减,而不是废除,而意第西扎齐亚语确实被放弃了。这一逆转是否“锋利”,还有待商榷;可以说,这种逆转前后矛盾;在20世纪30年代的大部分时间里,意第绪语学校的数量实际上一直在增加。正如Leonid Smilovitskii所表明的那样,这种逆转发生在稍晚的日期:1935-1937年,意第绪语一直保持其官方语言的地位,直到1938年。如果斯洛的一些大胆解释可能会引起争议,那么这些解释丝毫不会削弱他的研究价值,他的研究巧妙地恢复了当地经常被遗忘的犹太演员的声音和代理权。结合了经济、社会和政治史,这部复杂的原创作品不仅对苏联犹太历史,而且对我们理解苏联民族政策做出了重大贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Taking Yiddish to Court 将意第绪语告上法庭
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13501674.2021.1877487
A. Glaser
In the 1920s, the Soviet Union was at the center of the Yiddish-speaking world. The Yiddish writers Peretz Markish, Dovid Hofshteyn, and Der Nister all moved permanently to the Soviet Union in the ...
在20世纪20年代,苏联是意第绪语世界的中心。意第绪语作家Peretz Markish, david Hofshteyn和Der Nister都在20世纪30年代永久移居苏联。
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引用次数: 0
In Conversation with Borya Penson 与Borya Penson对话
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13501674.2020.1880877
Sarah Gavison
In Kfar Hogla, Israel, a cute farmhouse sits on a beautiful piece of land. No fence. Maybe not even a lock. This is where my friend Borya built his home. And one can understand why: after his youth in the Soviet Union and nine years in a labor camp for having attempted to emigrate, he needs this peace and freedom; a feeling that the cheaper apartment in which he used to live in Haifa could not provide. Fifty years ago, Boris Penson participated in Operation Wedding, the attempt by a handful of Zionists from Riga to flee the USSR. They were sixteen who shared this dream and acted upon, eleven men and five women, including two non-Jews. After their failure, four women were released, one man was tried separately in a military court, and the others were indicted and tried 15–24 December 1970, in the “First Leningrad Trial.” All were found guilty. All did time in Soviet prisons/camps. Borya was sentenced to ten years, and served nine: in 1979 he was freed and relocated to Israel. To celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of East European Jewish Affairs (EEJA), the guesteditors, my friends Nick Underwood and David Shneer, who was also my advisor and editor-in-chief while I served as assistant-managing editor for EEJA, asked me to comment on Rene Beermann’s “The 1970–71 Soviet Trials of Zionists: Some legal aspects.” Beermann analyzed the legal frameworks of the First and Second Leningrad Trials, and of the Riga and Kishinev Trials. As a young scholar, I wondered how I could answer the editors’ call and contribute to the story without repeating what had been said time and again. I knew Borya through friends, so I reached out to him. He has been interviewed many times about the event. I wanted to ask him about what he feels has not been covered in those interviews. In response, Borya invited me to his home, this simple farmhouse he built with his wife (“slowly, after we bought the land, there was no money left!”), in a moshav fifty kilometers north of Tel Aviv. Our conversations were trilingual, mostly in Hebrew but with some English and Russian mixed in. The translations are mine. Borya was born in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, which was where his parents found shelter during World War II. At age four, his family returned to his mother’s hometown, Riga, Latvia. But, as he recalls, everywhere in the Soviet Union, it was populated by the same Homo Sovieticus as everywhere else in the country. I asked if this was what led him to become a Zionist. He replied: “I hated the regime. I couldn’t take the bullshit. Nothing is real, it’s impossible to get the truth. People don’t know the real history. And if you don’t know history...” He did not finish Edmond Burke’s quote. Borya studied at the Riga’s Academy of Arts and worked with painter Semion Gelberg. He knew that he would not be able to live in the USSR, though, he felt that he could not
在以色列的Kfar Hogla,一座可爱的农舍坐落在一块美丽的土地上。没有栅栏。也许连锁都没有。这是我朋友博雅的家。人们可以理解为什么:他在苏联度过了青年时代,并因试图移民而在劳改营度过了9年,他需要这种和平与自由;这种感觉是他以前住在海法的便宜公寓无法提供的。五十年前,鲍里斯·彭森参加了婚礼行动,一小撮来自里加的犹太复国主义者试图逃离苏联。有十六个人,十一个男,五个女,其中有两个非犹太人,都作了这梦。失败后,四名妇女被释放,一名男子在军事法庭单独受审,其他人在1970年12月15日至24日的“第一次列宁格勒审判”中被起诉和审判。所有人都被判有罪。他们都在苏联的监狱/集中营里呆过。博利亚被判10年监禁,服刑9年。1979年,他被释放并移居以色列。为了庆祝东欧犹太人事务(EEJA)成立五十周年,我的来宾,我的朋友尼克安德伍德和大卫施奈尔,他也是我的顾问和主编,当我担任EEJA的助理执行编辑,请我评论勒内比尔曼的《1970-71苏联对犹太复国主义者的审判:一些法律方面》。Beermann分析了第一次和第二次列宁格勒审判,以及里加和基什涅夫审判的法律框架。作为一名年轻的学者,我想知道如何才能回应编辑的呼吁,在不重复他们一遍又一遍地说过的话的情况下为这篇文章做出贡献。我通过朋友认识了博亚,所以我联系了他。关于这件事,他接受了多次采访。我想问他,他觉得那些采访中没有涉及到什么。作为回应,Borya邀请我去他的家,这是他和妻子一起建造的简单农舍(“慢慢地,我们买了地之后,没钱了!”),在特拉维夫以北50公里的莫沙夫。我们的谈话是三种语言,主要是希伯来语,但也夹杂着一些英语和俄语。翻译是我的。Borya出生在乌兹别克斯坦的塔什干,他的父母在第二次世界大战期间在那里找到了避难所。四岁时,他的家人回到了他母亲的家乡拉脱维亚的里加。但是,正如他回忆的那样,在苏联的任何地方,都居住着和这个国家其他地方一样的苏维埃人。我问他,这是否是导致他成为犹太复国主义者的原因。他回答说:“我讨厌这个政权。我受不了这些废话。没有什么是真实的,不可能得到真相。人们不知道真实的历史。如果你不懂历史……”他没有把埃德蒙·伯克的话说完。Borya在里加艺术学院学习,并与画家Semion Gelberg一起工作。他知道他不能在苏联生活,尽管他觉得他不能
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引用次数: 0
Fifty Years After the Refusenik Movement: How Post-Soviet Jews Have Proven Triumphant 拒绝运动五十年后:后苏联犹太人如何取得胜利
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13501674.2020.1877492
G. Drinkwater, D. Shneer
In 1971, William Korey, a scholar of Russian history, a prolific author, and a senior leader of B’nai B’rith International, published a piece about the Soviet restrictions on Jewish emigration in the first edition of a small publication out of London, Soviet Jewish Affairs, the precursor to East European Jewish Affairs. The early 1970s were a breaking point in the Soviet Union’s attitude to Israel and Jewish emigration after the Soviet Union cut diplomatic ties with Israel in 1967 as a result of the June Six-Day War. In 1970, only 1,000 Soviet Jews left the country for Israel, with only 25,000 emigrating from 1948–1970. And in 1971, Steven Roth of the World Jewish Congress’ Institute of Jewish Affairs launched Soviet Jewish Affairs. In December 1971, New York Times Moscow correspondent Hendrick Smith noted that “the well-organized Jewish emigration movement here [in the Soviet Union]” “the influence of world public opinion” encouraged the Soviet Union to allow Jewish emigration (although he noted that emigration was primarily from Soviet Georgia and the Baltics). In late 1970, a Soviet court sentenced two Jews to death (the sentence was commuted to 15 years in response to international pressure) for their unsuccessful attempt to commandeer a civilian aircraft to escape, and Rabbi Meir Kahane’s Jewish Defense League placed pipe bombs in Aeroflot and Intourist offices in New York City as part of their campaign to force the Soviet Union to open up Jewish emigration. In 1971, 15,000 left and by the end of the 1970s, 250,000 had left the Soviet Union. For nearly three decades, Korey played a central role in using international law and human rights to allow Soviet Jews the right to emigrate. Korey, then, wrote as an expert in his essay on the legal and moral aspects of “the right to leave” for Soviet Jews in that inaugural issue of Soviet Jewish Affairs. As a legal historian, Korey goes back through the birth of human rights in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, what Eleanor Roosevelt called the “Magna Carta of Mankind.” (Korey claims U Thant, secretary general of the United Nations from 1961 to 1971, coined this phrase. It wasn’t.) Then he charts human rights laws through the 1950s and 60s, in which he says, “Next to the right to life, the right to leave one’s country is probably the most important of human rights” (Korey, 5). After creating a list of Cold-War era Soviet repatriation agreements with Poland and Greece, Korey calls on the Soviet Union to let Soviet Jews emigrate. The final line calls on the Soviet Union to “let my people go.” As the first article in the first issue in the journal, this was a call on
1971年,俄罗斯历史学者、多产作家、B'nai B'rith International高级领导人William Korey在伦敦出版的一本小型出版物《苏联犹太事务》的第一版中发表了一篇关于苏联限制犹太人移民的文章,该出版物是东欧犹太事务的前身。20世纪70年代初是苏联对以色列和犹太人移民态度的转折点,1967年苏联因六六战争而与以色列断交。1970年,只有1000名苏联犹太人离开该国前往以色列,1948年至1970年间只有25000人移民。1971年,世界犹太人大会犹太事务研究所的史蒂文·罗斯发起了苏联犹太事务。1971年12月,《纽约时报》驻莫斯科记者亨德里克·史密斯指出,“这里(苏联)组织良好的犹太人移民运动”“世界舆论的影响”鼓励苏联允许犹太人移民(尽管他指出移民主要来自前苏联的格鲁吉亚和波罗的海)。1970年末,苏联一家法院判处两名犹太人死刑(迫于国际压力,减刑为15年),罪名是他们试图征用一架民用飞机逃跑,但没有成功,拉比Meir Kahane的犹太国防联盟在俄罗斯航空公司和国际旅游局位于纽约市的办公室放置了管状炸弹,作为他们迫使苏联开放犹太人移民运动的一部分。1971年,有1.5万人离开了苏联,到20世纪70年代末,已有25万人离开苏联。近三十年来,科里在利用国际法和人权允许苏联犹太人移民的权利方面发挥了核心作用。当时,科里在《苏联犹太事务》创刊号上以专家身份撰写了一篇关于苏联犹太人“离开权”的法律和道德方面的文章。作为一名法律历史学家,科里追溯到1948年《世界人权宣言》中人权的诞生,埃莉诺·罗斯福称之为“人类大宪章”,“除了生命权,离开自己国家的权利可能是最重要的人权”(Korey,5)。在创建了一份冷战时期苏联与波兰和希腊的遣返协议清单后,科里呼吁苏联允许苏联犹太人移民。最后一行呼吁苏联“让我的人民走”。作为该杂志第一期的第一篇文章,这是对
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引用次数: 0
Notes on East European Jewish Studies thirty years after 1989 1989年后三十年东欧犹太人研究笔记
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13501674.2020.1877491
Anna B. Manchin
“Reflections on the Polish Experience” was written in the aftermath of the mass exodus of Poland’s remaining Jewish population. In the months following the anti-Jewish campaign of March 1968, nearly half of Poland’s 25-30,000 remaining Jews emigrated; organized Jewish life took a huge hit. L. Hirszowicz and D. L. Price’s notes consider the effects of domestic politics, foreign affairs, and diplomatic developments on the relationship between the Polish state and the Polish Jewish community, and on individuals from Jewish backgrounds living in Poland. The authors’ perspective reflects the general disillusionment that followed intellectuals’ realization that the antifascist, internationalist, utopian vision of the communist movement in postwar East-Central Europe could potentially create a new, more welcoming society for Jews was a fantasy. For most Jews who remained in the East, this early promise faded fast, and by the late 1960s, optimism had become hard to sustain for even the most ardent theoretical Marxists living in the West. The national turn in communism across much of Eastern Europe had led to a suspicion of international organizations and anything else extending beyond the nation. Zionism and Zionists (often used as code words for Jew) became political enemies seen as subversive and dangerous to communism and national unity. The Six-Day War intensified anti-Zionist policies and rhetoric by East European socialist governments. In Poland, shifting relations between Germany and Poland further decreased the party leadership’s commitment to anti-fascist rhetoric. After 1968, it was clear that communist Poland had failed to integrate or accept the Jews. Hirszowicz and Price pondered what this meant about the place and nature of antisemitism in twentieth century Polish society, and for the future of the Jewish community in Poland. The first part of that question, which focuses on the effects that political and diplomatic changes and antisemitism has on the Jewish community, were the dominant features of research on Jews in Poland until the 1990s. It was there that historians and sociologists of Polish Jews emphasized mostly postwar assimilation and nationalization. The second part of the question, which concerns the post-1968 possibilities for Polish Jewish life, has been the focus of scholars only recently. Since 2000, there has been a shift from favoring political and diplomatic history, towards one emphasizing the importance and relevance of social history and alltagsgeschichte (the history of everyday life). This has brought more attention to the mundane and to lived, bottom-up experiences of the Jewish community itself. By looking at the daily experience of rebuilding Jewish communities and living Jewish lives in communist Poland, Jewish strategies and adaptations in both religious and secular practices, a more nuanced picture emerges on the continuities and
《波兰经验反思》是在波兰剩余犹太人口大规模外流之后写的。在1968年3月反犹太运动之后的几个月里,波兰剩余的25-30000名犹太人中有近一半移民;有组织的犹太人生活受到了巨大的打击。L.Hirszowicz和D.L.Price的笔记考虑了国内政治、外交事务和外交发展对波兰国家与波兰犹太社区之间关系以及对居住在波兰的犹太背景个人的影响。作者的观点反映了知识分子意识到战后中东欧共产主义运动的反法西斯、国际主义和乌托邦愿景可能会为犹太人创造一个新的、更受欢迎的社会,这是一种幻想之后的普遍幻灭。对于大多数留在东方的犹太人来说,这种早期的承诺很快就消失了,到了20世纪60年代末,即使是生活在西方的最热心的理论马克思主义者也很难保持乐观。东欧大部分地区共产主义的全国性转变导致了对国际组织和任何其他超越国家的事物的怀疑。犹太复国主义和犹太复国主义者(经常被用作犹太人的暗语)成为被视为颠覆性的政敌,对共产主义和国家统一构成危险。六日战争强化了东欧社会主义政府的反犹太复国主义政策和言论。在波兰,德国和波兰关系的转变进一步降低了党领导层对反法西斯言论的承诺。1968年后,很明显,共产主义的波兰未能融合或接受犹太人。Hirszowicz和Price思考了这对反犹太主义在20世纪波兰社会中的地位和性质,以及对波兰犹太社区的未来意味着什么。该问题的第一部分关注政治和外交变革以及反犹太主义对犹太社区的影响,直到20世纪90年代,这一直是波兰犹太人研究的主要特征。正是在那里,波兰犹太人的历史学家和社会学家主要强调战后的同化和民族化。问题的第二部分涉及1968年后波兰犹太人生活的可能性,直到最近才成为学者们关注的焦点。自2000年以来,已经从倾向于政治和外交史转向强调社会史和日常生活史的重要性和相关性。这让人们更加关注犹太社区本身的世俗和自下而上的生活经历。通过观察在共产主义波兰重建犹太社区和过犹太人生活的日常经历,犹太在宗教和世俗实践中的策略和适应,我们可以看到一幅更加微妙的画面
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引用次数: 0
US Cold War Immigration Policy, Human Rights, and the Soviet Jewry Movement: Reflections on William Korey’s “The Right to Leave for Soviet Jews – Legal and Moral Aspects.” 美国冷战时期的移民政策、人权和苏联犹太人运动:对威廉·科瑞的《苏联犹太人离开的权利——法律和道德方面》的反思。
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13501674.2020.1877496
Rebecca Kobrin
Is immigration – the right to leave one’s place of birth and find refuge in another nation – a basic human right? Indeed, the United States government has told thousands of Central Americans since 2017 that it will refuse to recognize their right to claim asylum at the United States border despite this being, considered by international law a basic human right. The US government under Donald Trump also embraced a policy of family separation in which children were ripped from their parents, some never to be returned. As the United States rejects its commitment to protecting human rights and challenges the broader international system of asylum, it is interesting to reflect back on the work William Korey penned fifty years ago for this journal. Korey sought through his activism and writing to make the plight of Soviet Jewry central to the Cold War. By establishing in “The Right to Leave for Soviet Jews – Legal and Moral Aspects” that “Soviet Jewry’s right to emigration was a basic human right,” he enlisted the United States in powerful ways to fight the Jewish community’s war against the Soviet Union’s treatment of its Jews. Indeed, reading this article fifty years after it was penned demonstrates not only the many inconsistencies in United States policy, which had long denied other groups fleeing persecution and Communism entry into the United States. It shows how the work and writings of American Jewish activists like Korey through publications like this, Korey helped make the fight to “free Soviet Jewry” central to the United States arsenal in the Cold War by linking human rights and open immigration as key weapons that could defeat the Soviet Union. In general, the embrace of human rights in US immigration policy was never a US imperative; indeed, Korey’s other life project – getting the United States government to sign the United Nation’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights – suggests one should question the United States broader commitment to human rights. Rereading this piece lays bare not only Korey’s astute insight about how to coopt American power for Jewish interests. He appreciated that “US Immigration policy has always intersected with more global concerns about the status, extension, and maintenance of the United States power in the world,” to use the words of historian Paul Kramer. The success in Korey’s emphatic call “ to establish Soviet Jewry’s right to emigration as a basic human right, which the United States should fight for in the international arena,” illustrates how he understood that during the Cold War “immigration policy was an instrument of United States’ global power.” Indeed, from the vantage point of 2020, we see clearly that basic
移民——离开出生地并在另一个国家避难的权利——是一项基本人权吗?事实上,自2017年以来,美国政府已经告诉数千名中美洲人,它将拒绝承认他们在美国边境申请庇护的权利,尽管国际法认为这是一项基本人权。唐纳德·特朗普领导下的美国政府也接受了一项家庭分离政策,在这项政策中,孩子们被从父母身边夺走,有些孩子再也回不来了。在美国拒绝其保护人权的承诺并挑战更广泛的国际庇护制度之际,回顾威廉·科里50年前为本杂志撰写的作品是很有趣的。Korey试图通过他的激进主义和写作,使苏联犹太人的困境成为冷战的核心。通过在《苏联犹太人的离开权——法律和道德方面》中确立“苏联犹太人的移民权是一项基本人权”,他以强有力的方式动员美国对抗犹太社区反对苏联对待犹太人的战争。事实上,在这篇文章发表50年后阅读这篇文章,不仅表明了美国政策中的许多不一致之处,长期以来,美国一直拒绝其他逃离迫害和共产主义的团体进入美国。它展示了像Korey这样的美国犹太活动家的工作和著作是如何通过这样的出版物,Korey通过将人权和开放移民作为可能击败苏联的关键武器,帮助美国在冷战期间将“解放苏联犹太人”的斗争作为美国武器库的核心。总的来说,在美国移民政策中拥抱人权从来都不是美国的当务之急;事实上,Korey的另一个生活项目——让美国政府签署联合国的《世界人权宣言》——表明人们应该质疑美国对人权的更广泛承诺。重读这篇文章不仅揭示了科里对如何为了犹太人的利益而利用美国力量的敏锐见解。用历史学家保罗·克莱默的话来说,他很欣赏“美国的移民政策总是与全球对美国在世界上的地位、扩张和维持的更多担忧交织在一起”。Korey强烈呼吁“将苏联犹太人的移民权确立为一项基本人权,美国应该在国际舞台上为之奋斗”,这一呼吁的成功表明了他是如何理解冷战期间“移民政策是美国全球力量的工具”的
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引用次数: 0
The Jewish revolution in Belorussia: economy, race, and Bolshevik power 白俄罗斯的犹太人革命:经济、种族和布尔什维克政权
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13501674.2020.1880875
P. A. Rudling
a productive career that spans more than two decades. The work, however, would have benefitted greatly from a sharper analytical focus that develops evidence-based arguments and interprets these fascinating materials to make more nuanced and better substantiated claims. Furthermore, the book desperately needs an editor. It is highly problematic that so much of a burden is placed on the reader, who must work through very extensive quotes from primary sources and establish connections and conclusions in place of the author’s own analytical narrative. In addition, the extremely lengthy sentences that follow already very extensive direct quotes (with subclause after subclause of biographical information about the memoirist quoted), serves neither the scholar, the memoirist, nor the reader. Making it through this somewhat tangled text of quotes, analysis, citations, and unedited writing is challenging yet, in the end, reveals a rewarding book.
长达20多年的富有成效的职业生涯。然而,这项工作将从更敏锐的分析重点中受益匪浅,这种分析重点发展了基于证据的论点,并解释了这些引人入胜的材料,从而提出了更细致、更有力的主张。此外,这本书急需一位编辑。读者承受了如此多的负担,这是一个很大的问题,他们必须从主要来源大量引用,并建立联系和结论来代替作者自己的分析叙述。此外,在已经非常广泛的直接引用(关于回忆录作者的传记信息一个接一个地引用)之后的超长句子既不利于学者、回忆录作者,也不利于读者。读完这本由引文、分析、引文和未经编辑的文章组成的有点复杂的文本是一项挑战,但最终,它揭示了一本有价值的书。
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引用次数: 1
Commentary on William Korey’s “the ‘Right to Leave’ for Soviet Jews: Legal and Moral Aspects” 威廉·科里《苏联犹太人的‘离开权’:法律与道德层面》述评
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13501674.2020.1877498
Shaul Kelner
The first article in the first issue of what was then called Soviet Jewish Affairswas not about Jews in the Soviet Union, per se, but about Jews getting out of the Soviet Union. William Korey’s “The ‘Right to Leave’ for Soviet Jews: Legal andMoral Aspects” framed the question of Jewish emigration from the USSR in the context of international law: “(1) How does international opinion and international law address itself to the issue of the right to leave a country? (2) What legal and moral obligations has the Soviet Union assumed in respect of this right?” Korey’s distinction between opinion and law, legality and morality gives some hint at the context. When a Western human rights campaign for Soviet Jews began emerging in the 1950s and early 1960s, it focused its initial demands on anti-discrimination reforms within the USSR – opening synagogues, allowing religious instruction and ending economic show trials that disproportionately targeted Jews. By 1971 – as a result of pressure from Jews in the Soviet Union, greater Israeli willingness to openly challenge the Kremlin after the latter had severed diplomatic relations in 1967 and jockeying between rival factions in the American movement – the movement shifted emphasis, prioritizing the demand for unfettered Soviet Jewish emigration. To ground that demand in human rights law would confer leverage as well as legitimacy. As it stood, however, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights’ affirmation of the fundamental right to leave one’s country was only a statement of principle, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which would endow the Declaration with binding legal force, still had not received the requisite thirty-five ratifications to enter into effect. (That happened in 1976). The most elaborated treatment of the right to leave taken up by the United Nations was a 1963 report to a United Nations Economic and Social Council sub-commission examining the situation de jure and de facto, and presenting recommendations, all with the caveat that “The views expressed in this study are those of the author,” Special Rapporteur, Judge Jose D. Ingles, from the Philippines. There is an element of circularity in Korey’s treatment of the Ingles report, as he had been a contributor to it. William Korey (1922–2009) had left his position teaching Russian history at City College of New York in 1954 to take up civil rights work as director of the Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith’s Illinois-Missouri office. The position introduced him to Philip M. Klutznick, a Chicago attorney and real estate developer who also served as president of B’nai B’rith International and as a member of the US delegation to the United Nations, appointed by President Eisenhower. When B’nai B’rith decided to open a United Nations Office in 1960, Klutznick recruited Korey to head it. (In the same year, Korey completed his dissertation, “Zinoviev and the Problem of World Revolution, 1919–1927,” in Columbia Universi
《苏联犹太人事件》第一期的第一篇文章并不是关于苏联的犹太人,而是关于犹太人离开苏联的。William Korey的《苏联犹太人的‘离开权’:法律和道德方面》在国际法的背景下阐述了犹太人从苏联移民的问题:“(1)国际舆论和国际法如何处理离开一个国家的权利问题?(2)苏联在这一权利方面承担了什么法律和道德义务?”Korey对意见与法律、合法性与道德的区分在一定程度上暗示了这一背景。当西方在20世纪50年代和60年代初开始为苏联犹太人开展人权运动时,它最初的要求集中在苏联内部的反歧视改革上——开放犹太教堂,允许宗教教学,并结束过度针对犹太人的经济表演审判。到1971年,由于苏联犹太人的压力,1967年克里姆林宫断交后,以色列更愿意公开挑战克里姆林宫,以及美国运动中敌对派系之间的争斗,该运动转移了重点,优先考虑不受限制的苏联犹太移民需求。将这一要求纳入人权法将赋予其影响力和合法性。然而,就目前情况来看,《世界人权宣言》确认离开本国的基本权利只是一项原则声明,而《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》将赋予《宣言》具有约束力的法律效力,但仍未获得生效所需的35份批准书。(那发生在1976年)。联合国对休假权的处理最为详尽,是1963年向联合国经济及社会理事会一个小组委员会提交的一份报告,该报告审查了法律和事实上的情况,并提出了建议,所有这些都附带警告:“本研究报告中表达的观点是作者的观点”,特别报告员、菲律宾法官何塞·D·英格尔斯。Korey对Ingles报告的处理有一种循环性,因为他一直是该报告的撰稿人。William Korey(1922–2009)于1954年辞去了在纽约城市学院教授俄罗斯历史的职位,担任B'nai B'rith伊利诺伊州-密苏里州办公室反诽谤联盟的主任,从事民权工作。该职位将他介绍给了芝加哥律师和房地产开发商Philip M.Klutznick,他曾担任B'nai B'rith International的总裁,也是艾森豪威尔总统任命的美国驻联合国代表团成员。1960年,当B'nai B'rith决定开设一个联合国办事处时,Klutznick聘请Korey担任该办事处的负责人。B'nai B'rith是具有经社理事会咨商地位的五个散居国外的犹太非政府组织之一,Korey代表犹太组织协调委员会提供了证词和文件,这些证词和文件被纳入Ingles报告。Korey的学术、政策工作和行动主义完美融合。他在这里写的这篇文章成为了他1973年出版的《苏联牢笼》一书中一章的基础,该书追溯了植根于苏联法律和习俗的系统性反犹太主义。继续领导B'nai B'rith的国际理事会和后来的国际政策研究部门,并担任
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引用次数: 0
In Memoriam: David Sheer z”l 纪念:大卫·希尔(David Sheer
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13501674.2020.1877985
A. Shternshis
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引用次数: 0
期刊
East European Jewish Affairs
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