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From Persecution to (Potential) Emancipation 从迫害到(潜在的)解放
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-12341359
Hayri Gökşin Özkoray
This article deals with offences and crimes against female slaves, and those committed by female slaves, in Ottoman Istanbul (sixteenth-seventeeth centuries). Its main sources are imperial legislation and court records of the imperial capital, Istanbul, and its suburbs. Judicial archives remain the chief sources of early modern Ottoman historiography on gender. This contribution tackles slavery’s specificities regarding women, without ignoring the parallels with their male counterparts in the Ottoman Empire. By considering women as both objects and agents of legal violations and acts of violence, I simultaneously deal with the rights of slaveholders and slaves. Violations of these rights varied depending on the identity and juridical status of their authors, and were handled accordingly by the justice system. Thus, I consider violations committed by owners against their slaves, by slaves against their owners, and by third parties against the slaves of others. The rights and mutual obligations of masters and slaves were strictly defined in Ottoman law, although the judicial authorities upheld the preservation of private property above all. They dedicated themselves to fighting against the slightest doubt over masters’ quasi-absolute authority over their human possessions, whose unconditional obedience was required. Female slaves, in order to affirm their rights, had to provide irrefutable written proof or trustworthy verbal testimonies at the kadi courts.
本文论述了奥斯曼帝国伊斯坦布尔(十六至七世纪)针对女奴的罪行和罪行,以及女奴犯下的罪行。其主要来源是帝国立法和帝国首都伊斯坦布尔及其郊区的法庭记录。司法档案仍然是奥斯曼帝国早期关于性别的史学的主要来源。这一贡献解决了奴隶制在女性方面的特殊性,而没有忽视与奥斯曼帝国男性同行的相似之处。通过将妇女视为侵犯法律和暴力行为的对象和代理人,我同时处理了奴隶主和奴隶的权利。侵犯这些权利的行为因提交人的身份和法律地位而异,司法系统对此进行了相应的处理。因此,我认为所有者对其奴隶的侵犯,奴隶对其所有者的侵犯,以及第三方对他人奴隶的侵犯。奥斯曼法律严格规定了主人和奴隶的权利和相互义务,尽管司法当局首先支持保护私人财产。他们致力于与主人对人类财产的准绝对权威的最轻微怀疑作斗争,而人类财产需要主人无条件的服从。女奴为了确认自己的权利,必须在卡迪法庭上提供无可辩驳的书面证据或可信的口头证词。
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引用次数: 0
ʿAnāq bt. Ādam, the Islamic Story of the Very First Witch 《第一个女巫的伊斯兰故事》Anāq bt. Ādam
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-12341355
Jane Coulon
Some Islamic traditions mention an enigmatic daughter of Adam named ʿAnāq. Little is known about her; for example, the corresponding entry in the Encyclopaedia of Islam simply states that ʿAnāq is the “name given by the Arabs to the daughter of Adam, the twin sister of Seth, wife of Cain and mother of ʿŪd̲j̲.” ʿAnāq is always mentioned in relation to her son, the giant ʿŪj, who was supposed to be the only creature outside the Ark to have survived the Flood in the time of Noah, and who was assumed to have been killed by Moses. We gather here the information and traditions about the Islamic ʿAnāq in order to draw a more coherent and historically contextualized portrait of this legendary first witch.
一些伊斯兰传统提到亚当有一个神秘的女儿,名叫伊·Anāq。人们对她知之甚少;例如,《伊斯兰百科全书》中相应的条目简单地说,“Anāq”是“阿拉伯人给亚当的女儿取的名字,她是塞特的双胞胎妹妹,该隐的妻子,也是“Ūd j”的母亲。“Anāq总是和她的儿子,巨人Ūj联系在一起,他被认为是方舟外唯一一个在诺亚时代的洪水中幸存下来的生物,并且被认为是被摩西杀死的。我们在这里收集了关于伊斯兰教的信息和传统Anāq,以便为这位传奇的第一个女巫画一个更连贯和历史背景化的肖像。
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引用次数: 0
Un lieu de recours ambigu : usages féminins de la justice islamique dans les oasis du Grand Touat (Sud algérien) aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles 一个模棱两可的地方:18和19世纪大图阿特(阿尔及利亚南部)绿洲中妇女对伊斯兰司法的使用
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-12341360
Ismail Warscheid
Cet article se penche sur le recours des femmes aux tribunaux de cadis dans l’archipel oasien du Grand Touat, situé dans l’extrême sud de l’Algérie, aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles. L’enjeu est de remettre en question l’image des sociétés rurales maghrébines comme peu judiciarisées au sein desquelles la justice islamique n’a constitué qu’un phénomène marginal. Notre enquête se fonde sur l’examen d’une série de recueils de jurisprudence inédits (nawāzil) compilés par des jurisconsultes oasiens entre 1750 et 1850. Les matériaux conservés dans ces collections laissent entrevoir une profonde ambiguïté caractérisant la présence des femmes dans l’espace judiciaire. D’un côté, les femmes sont des usagères assidues des auditoires des différents jurisconsultes et juges qui, à leur tour, examinent avec diligence les plaintes déposées. De l’autre, l’accès à la magistrature n’infléchit que jusqu’à un certain degré les rapports de subordination, dans la mesure où l’institution judiciaire représente aussi un instrument puissant pour perpétuer les structures sociales patriarcales.
这篇文章的重点是18和19世纪阿尔及利亚最南端的大图阿特绿洲群岛的卡迪斯法院的妇女求助。面临的挑战是挑战马格里布农村社会缺乏司法的形象,在那里伊斯兰司法只是一个边缘现象。审查我们的调查是基于一系列原创判例汇编》(nawāzil)编译的法学专家oasiens 1750 - 1850年之间。这些收藏中的材料表明,妇女在司法领域的存在存在着深刻的模糊性。一方面,妇女是各种法学家和法官的听众的忠实使用者,而这些法学家和法官又勤奋地审查提出的申诉。另一方面,诉诸司法只在一定程度上改变了从属关系,因为司法机构也是延续男权社会结构的有力工具。
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引用次数: 0
« Des perles dans leur coquillage » ? Les femmes et la réinvention du patriarcat dans l’Algérie coloniale (1882–1962) “贝壳里的珍珠”?殖民地阿尔及利亚的妇女与父权制的重塑(1882-1962年)
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-12341361
Augustin Jomier
L’anthropologie des années 1960–1970 et l’apologétique musulmane véhiculent des visions fixistes des femmes au Maghreb. Combinées à la rareté des sources, ces idées font obstacle à la connaissance historique. À partir du cas du Mzab, une région du nord du Sahara algérien à la population majoritairement berbérophone et ibadite, cet article propose des pistes pour historiciser la condition des Algériennes durant la période coloniale. Là où Elizabeth Thompson a montré que le patriarcat a été réinventé et renforcé dans la Syrie mandataire par l’alliance des élites locales et de l’administration, cet article montre que la médiation de maîtresses femmes au Mzab a été indispensable au renforcement de la domination masculine. Un groupe de femmes savantes et pieuses, nommées les laveuses des mortes, y enseignaient la religion aux femmes et secondaient les lettrés ibadites dans leur mission. Elles furent les indispensables agents de la domination masculine, et virent leur agency accrue.
1960-1970年代的人类学和穆斯林护教传达了马格里布妇女的固定观点。再加上缺乏资料来源,这些想法阻碍了历史知识。本文以Mzab为例,这是阿尔及利亚撒哈拉以北的一个地区,以柏柏尔语和伊巴迪语为主,提出了将殖民时期阿尔及利亚妇女状况历史化的方法。伊丽莎白·汤普森(Elizabeth Thompson)表明,通过地方精英和政府联盟,叙利亚的父权制得到了重塑和加强,本文表明,女性情妇在MZAB的调解对于加强男性统治至关重要。一群有学问和虔诚的妇女,被称为“死者的洗衣者”,在那里向妇女传授宗教,并协助伊巴迪学者完成任务。他们是男性统治不可或缺的代理人,他们的代理人也有所增加。
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引用次数: 0
Les femmes dans la culture visuelle du Shāhnāma de Firdawsī : entre mythes, imaginaire et pratiques sociales 视觉文化中女性的Shāhnāma的Firdawsī):虚构的神话,与社会实践
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-12341356
A. Caiozzo
Les femmes, comme l’a montré Olga Davidson, jouent un rôle central dans le Shāhnāma de Firdawsī, épopée affectionnée par les aristocrates persans comme turcs au cours de la période médiévale. Les programmes iconographiques renforcent le rôle de ces épouses, mères, fiancées, sœurs, qui attendent les guerriers et chantent leurs exploits. Trois points révèlent l’image des femmes dans l’imaginaire social : d’une part, leur rôle central dans la formation des héros (fils, amant ou époux), leur fonction sociale comme l’indiquent les différents types d’unions et comme consolidatrices des aristocraties et de la paix des peuples mais aussi une part de défiance s’attachent à leur image ambivalente instaurée par les imaginaires masculins. Mères et épouses remarquables, séductrices et sorcières sont leurs étiquettes.
正如奥尔加·戴维森(Olga Davidson)所展示的那样,女性在中世纪波斯和土耳其贵族喜爱的史诗《FirdawsīshāhnĀma》中扮演着核心角色。图像节目强化了这些妻子、母亲、未婚夫和姐妹的角色,他们等待战士并歌唱他们的壮举。三点揭示了女性在社会想象中的形象:一方面,她们在塑造英雄(儿子、情人或丈夫)中的中心作用,不同类型的结合所表明的她们的社会功能,以及作为贵族和人民和平的巩固者,另一方面,对男性想象所确立的矛盾形象产生了不信任。杰出的母亲和妻子、诱惑者和女巫是他们的标签。
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引用次数: 0
L’impossible équité : polygynie et partage des nuits 不可能的公平:一夫多妻制和共享夜晚
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-12341357
M. Benkheira
La représentation courante de la polygynie est un mari agissant comme un despote, sans contrainte, et gouverné par son seul désir. Au vu de la littérature du fiqh, il n’en est rien, puisqu’il est contraint par la Loi. On observe que le fait que les concubines ne soient pas traitées comme les épouses ne relève pas de la différence de religion.
对一夫多妻制的普遍描述是,丈夫表现得像一个暴君,不受约束,只受自己的欲望支配。从fiqh文献来看,它不是,因为它是受法律约束的。值得注意的是,妾不被当作妻子对待的事实与宗教差异无关。
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引用次数: 0
Le statut matrimonial de la femme dans l’islam médiéval à l’épreuve des documents juridiques 中世纪伊斯兰教中妇女的婚姻状况:法律文件的检验
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-12341358
M. Dridi, M. Roiland
Dans le dār al-islām, c’est une conception juridique et contractuelle du mariage qui prévaut : le mariage y est, en effet, un contrat qui fixe les droits et les obligations des époux. Sur la base d’un corpus de documents juridiques rédigés entre les IIIe/IXe et les Xe/XVIe siècles, à partir de cas provenant de plusieurs régions du monde arabe médiéval, nous mettons ici en valeur la situation matrimoniale des femmes, en particulier, la valeur de la dot, les relations conjugales et l’ajout éventuel aux contrats de conditions qui leur sont favorables.La vie de couple peut en effet être rythmée par une succession d’actes de droit personnel : mariages, quittances de réception de la dot, répudiation ou divorce. Le corollaire étant que certaines femmes n’hésitent pas à saisir le qāḍī pour faire respecter les clauses qu’elles, ou leur représentant, ont fait inscrire dans les contrats.
在Dār al-IslĀm中,婚姻的法律和合同概念占主导地位:事实上,婚姻是确定配偶权利和义务的合同。根据3/9世纪至10/16世纪之间起草的一系列法律文件,从中世纪阿拉伯世界几个地区的案例中,我们在这里强调了妇女的婚姻状况,特别是嫁妆的价值、婚姻关系以及可能在合同中增加对她们有利的条件。事实上,夫妻生活可以通过一系列属人法行为来打断:婚姻、嫁妆收据、离婚或离婚。其推论是,一些妇女毫不犹豫地诉诸qāḍī,以执行她们或其代表在合同中规定的条款。
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引用次数: 0
Imperialist Feminism and Islamic Law 帝国主义女权主义和伊斯兰法律
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-12341354
Lena Salaymeh
This article presents three arguments about defects in imperialist feminism. First, I show that imperialist feminists engage in decontextualized comparisons: they consistently compare Western women to the Muslimwoman, without comparing Muslim men and women or comparing non-Muslim men and women. These inconsistent comparisons are the source of significant misrepresentations of Muslim women. Second, I propose that imperialist feminists view Muslim women through the heteronormative male gaze. That is, when imperialist feminists assess Muslim women’s practices, they implement the normative assumptions of heterosexual males in the West. Third, I argue that imperialist feminists incorrectly presume that Western women enjoy full autonomy or fail to recognize that women everywhere do not enjoy full autonomy. I present medieval Islamic legal ideas about a wife’s right to sexual fulfillment as evidence that the liberal myth of autonomy is not translatable to orthodox Islamic jurisprudence.
本文对帝国主义女性主义的缺陷提出了三种观点。首先,我表明帝国主义女权主义者从事非语境化的比较:他们一贯将西方女性与穆斯林女性进行比较,而不比较穆斯林男性和女性,也不比较非穆斯林男性和女性。这些不一致的比较是对穆斯林妇女严重歪曲的根源。第二,我建议帝国主义女权主义者通过异性恋规范的男性视角来看待穆斯林女性。也就是说,当帝国主义女权主义者评估穆斯林女性的行为时,他们采用了西方异性恋男性的规范假设。第三,我认为帝国主义女权主义者错误地假设西方女性享有完全的自主权,或者没有认识到世界各地的女性并不享有完全的自主权。我以中世纪伊斯兰法律中关于妻子性满足权的观点作为证据,证明自由主义的自主神话不能翻译为正统的伊斯兰法学。
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引用次数: 2
Hope Springs Eternal: Reforming Inheritance Law in Islamic Societies 希望之泉永恒:伊斯兰社会的继承法改革
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-06-10 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3405094
A. Souaiaia
Soon after the Lajnat al-Hurriyāt al-Fardiyya wa-l-Musāwāt (“Committee on Individual Rights and Equality”) submitted its report in June 2018 to the president of Tunisia, Beji Caid Essebsi, the latter ordered the legislature to amend the 1956 family law to achieve equality between men and women in inheritance and property rights. Although the authors of the report had written forcefully about how Islamic texts (the Qurʾan and sunna) are compatible with modern law, some of their recommendations suggested a broad inclination to reform the law outside religious tradition and as part of the exigencies of the civil state. These events and ideas brought to the fore questions such as whether classical Islamic law is reformable or obsolete. This paper aims to show that interpretations of Islamic texts that result in radically different inheritance laws have existed since at least the third Islamic century. Inequality has persisted always for political and institutional reasons, not substantive ones.
2018年6月,Lajnat al-Hurriyāt al-Fardiyya wa-l-Musāwāt(“个人权利与平等委员会”)向突尼斯总统Beji Caid Essebsi提交报告后不久,后者命令立法机构修改1956年的家庭法,以实现男女在继承权和财产权方面的平等。尽管该报告的作者有力地阐述了伊斯兰文本(《古兰经》和《圣训》)如何与现代法律相兼容,但他们的一些建议表明,人们普遍倾向于在宗教传统之外改革法律,并将其作为公民国家迫切需要的一部分。这些事件和思想凸显了诸如古典伊斯兰法律是可改革的还是过时的问题。本文旨在表明,至少自伊斯兰三世纪以来,对伊斯兰文本的解释就已经存在,这些解释导致了截然不同的继承法。不平等一直是出于政治和体制原因,而不是实质性原因。
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引用次数: 5
Debates on the Diya (Blood Money): Contemporary Juristic Discourse and Women’s Rights 血钱之争:当代法律话语与妇女权利
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-14 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-12341351
Ron Shaham
The present study focuses on a fatwa issued in 2005 by Yūsuf al-Qaraḍāwī. Unlike the predominant opinion of all law schools that the female’s diya is half that of a male’s, al-Qaraḍāwī argues that it is equal to that of a male’s. I claim that the encounter between the Modern-Salafi juristic methodology, applied by al-Qaraḍāwī, and the Traditional-Salafi methodology, applied by those who opposed his fatwa, captures in a nutshell the main features of current juristic debates in general, and debates on the legal status of women in particular. Although the strict methodology of Traditional-Salafis does not hold substantive potential for change, Modern-Salafis are able to undermine the orthodox positions by exploiting the lack of agreement on the authoritative reports and the ambiguous definitions of consensus, to form legal opinions that enhance women’s status.
本研究的重点是Yūsuf al-Qaraḍāwī于2005年发布的一项教令。不同于所有法学院的主流观点,即女性的diya是男性的一半,al-Qaraḍāwī认为女性的diya与男性的diya相等。我认为,al-Qaraḍāwī所采用的现代萨拉菲法学方法论与那些反对他的法特瓦的人所采用的传统萨拉菲法学方法论之间的相遇,概括地抓住了当前法学辩论的主要特点,特别是关于妇女法律地位的辩论。尽管传统萨拉菲派严格的方法论并不具有实质性的改变潜力,但现代萨拉菲派能够利用权威报告缺乏共识和共识定义的模糊来破坏正统地位,形成提高妇女地位的法律意见。
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引用次数: 0
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