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Institutional Legal Reform in Kuwait after 2011 2011年后科威特的机构法律改革
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-28 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-12341382
Rania Maktabi
In 2015, Law 12 legislated for the establishment of family courts for the first time in the modern history of Kuwait. The reflections and experiences of stakeholders—judges, lawyers, and administrators—surrounding this law are here contextualized from three perspectives: (1) as an institutional means of strengthening Kuwaiti women’s civil rights in marriage and divorce after women were given political rights in 2005; (2) as part of wide-ranging juridical reforms, including the passing of the Law on the Child in 2015, the expansion of the Kuwait Institute for Judicial and Legal Studies’ powers, and the certification of graduates from the Faculty of Sharīʿa as legal advisors in the state apparatus after 2012; and (3) as an avenue for managing religious pluralism in a state where one-third of the citizenry are Shiʿa Muslim.The sum of these different reforms in the legal sphere are acts of governance that reflect establishing rule-of-law guidelines as a means of centralizing political authority and, by extension, the ruling Āl Ṣubāḥ regime’s grip on power following the 2011 Arab uprisings.
2015年,第12号法律在科威特现代史上首次立法设立家庭法院。利益相关者——法官、律师和行政人员——围绕这项法律的思考和经验从三个角度进行了阐述:(1)在2005年赋予妇女政治权利后,作为加强科威特妇女婚姻和离婚公民权利的一种制度手段;(2) 作为广泛司法改革的一部分,包括2015年通过《儿童法》,扩大科威特司法和法律研究所的权力,以及2012年后认证Sharīa学院毕业生为国家机构的法律顾问;以及(3)在一个三分之一公民是穆斯林的国家,作为管理宗教多元化的途径。法律领域的这些不同改革的总和是治理行为,反映了建立法治指导方针,作为集中政治权力的手段,进而反映了统治Ṣubāḥ 2011年阿拉伯起义后政权对权力的控制。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction 介绍
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-28 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-12341374
Susanne Dahlgren, M. Lindbekk
This article focuses on adjudication of Muslim family law in countries that range from the Middle East and North Africa to South-East Asia. It begins by shortly summarizing the development of shari‘a in pre-modern times, up until the 19th century. We discuss the basic features of marriage among classical jurists and argue that the close connection known today between the family and Islamic law can be traced to the emergence of modern nation states and centralizing state structures. We then provide a description of important personal status reforms during the 20th and 21st centuries and consider the growing body of scholarship that engages with adjudication of Muslim family law in action and in context. Finally, we consider the contribution that the articles contained in the special double issue make to the field of research, including the questions of gender and judicial authority, religion-based judicial activism, and the courts’ involvement in larger socio-political processes.
本文关注的是从中东、北非到东南亚等国家对穆斯林家庭法的裁决。它首先简要总结了伊斯兰教法在前现代直到19世纪的发展。我们讨论了古典法学家婚姻的基本特征,并认为当今已知的家庭与伊斯兰法律之间的密切联系可以追溯到现代民族国家和中央集权国家结构的出现。然后,我们描述了20世纪和21世纪重要的个人地位改革,并考虑了越来越多的学者参与穆斯林家庭法的实践和背景裁决。最后,我们考虑了双刊特刊中的文章对研究领域的贡献,包括性别和司法权威、基于宗教的司法激进主义以及法院参与更大的社会政治进程等问题。
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引用次数: 0
“Confine Your Women!”: Diachronic Development of Islamic Interpretive Discourse on the Creation of Woman “相信你的女人!”:伊斯兰女性创造解释话语的长期发展
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-27 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-bja10010
Katja von Schöneman
This article explores the diachronic development of Islamic interpretive discourse on the Qurʾanic passage khalaqakum min nafsin wāḥidatin wa-khalaqa minhā zawjahā, present in the first verse of Sūrat al-Nisāʾ and conventionally understood as the creation of the primeval couple, Adam and Eve. The analyses, performed within a theoretical framework of feminist discourse analysis, focus on ten medieval Sunni commentaries (tafāsīr) from the late third/ninth to the ninth/fifteenth centuries. The study reveals that the concept of nafs wāḥida, single soul, was interpreted as the first man, Adam, and the mate created from this soul, zawj, as Eve, the latter being created from the former’s rib in all the exegetic accounts examined. These elaborated exegetic suppositions on human creation were strengthened throughout the classical period of tafsīr. Interpretive information both accumulated and transformed in Islamic interpretive tradition through three discursive stages, characterised as normativisation, consolidation, and expanding the concept.
本文探讨了伊斯兰对《古兰经》经文的解释性话语的历时性发展ḥidatin wa khalaqa minhāzawjahā,出现在Súrat al-Nisāʾ的第一节中,通常被理解为原始夫妇亚当和夏娃的创造。这些分析是在女权主义话语分析的理论框架内进行的,重点关注三/九世纪末至九/十五世纪的十篇中世纪逊尼派评论(tafāsīr)。研究表明,nafs wāḥ伊达,一个灵魂,被解释为第一个人,亚当,和从这个灵魂创造的伴侣,zawj,作为夏娃,后者是从前者的肋骨创造的,在所有的训诫中。这些关于人类创造的详尽的训诫假设在整个塔夫的古典时期都得到了加强。解释信息在伊斯兰解释传统中通过三个话语阶段积累和转化,其特征是规范化、巩固和扩展概念。
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引用次数: 2
Princesses Born to Concubines: A First Visit to the Women of the Abbasid Household in Late Medieval Cairo 由妃子所生的公主:中世纪晚期开罗阿拔斯家族女性的首次访问
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-23 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-bja10009
Mustafa Banister
This article presents a study of the women of the Abbasid household in 8th-/14th- and 9th-/15th-century Cairo.1 Following a discussion of the size and growth of the Abbasid family, the article juxtaposes a late fourteenth-century marriage document, which extolls the virtues of unions made with the caliph’s family, against the historical record of marriages made by Abbasid and non-Abbasid spouses in search of social capital. The study seeks to understand the meaning attached to marriages made with Abbasid family members, and the social advantages the caliphal family hoped to gain in return. By thus reconsidering the role of Abbasid concubines and princesses, we challenge preconceived notions about the agency and mobility of Abbasid family members in late medieval Cairo and demonstrate their freedom of movement in pursuing valuable marriage connections. The article is thus a contribution to broader understandings of notable women in premodern Islamicate societies.
本文对8世纪至14世纪和9世纪至15世纪开罗阿拔斯家族的女性进行了研究。1在讨论了阿拔斯家庭的规模和成长之后,文章并列了一份14世纪晚期的婚姻文件,该文件赞扬了与哈里发家族结合的美德,反对阿拔斯和非阿拔斯配偶为寻求社会资本而结婚的历史记录。这项研究试图理解与阿巴斯家族成员结婚的意义,以及卡利法尔家族希望获得的社会优势。因此,通过重新考虑阿拔斯王朝妃子和公主的角色,我们挑战了中世纪晚期开罗关于阿拔斯家族成员的能动性和流动性的先入为主的观念,并展示了他们在追求宝贵婚姻关系方面的行动自由。因此,这篇文章有助于更广泛地理解前现代伊斯兰社会中的著名女性。
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引用次数: 0
The Role of the Shariʿa Court in Divorce in Palestine Shariʿa法院在巴勒斯坦离婚中的作用
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-03 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-bja10002
Turid Smith Polfus
The article analyzes four decrees from the shariʿa court in Ramallah (2010–13) that introduce procedural reforms regarding divorce, to inquire what role the court envisages for itself as Palestine prepares for statehood. The study finds that the legal maxim “Ṭalāq is in the hands of the husband,” ergo not the court, ensures that the court does not represent a real alternative to privatized justice, and thus fails to contribute to the state-building process. The court upholds its construction of men as sovereign, over whom the court has no jurisdiction in ṭalāq cases. It regards ṭalāq as a matter between the husband and God. Wives need intermediaries to obtain a unilateral divorce, but the court is reluctant to take on that role.
本文分析了拉马拉伊斯兰教法院(shari - al - a court)于2010 - 2013年颁布的四项法令,这些法令引入了有关离婚的程序改革,以探究法院在巴勒斯坦准备建国时为自己设想的角色。研究发现,法律格言“Ṭalāq掌握在丈夫手中”,而不是法院,确保了法院不能代表私有化司法的真正替代方案,因此未能为国家建设进程作出贡献。法院坚持将人视为主权者,法院在ṭalāq案件中对其没有管辖权。它把ṭalāq看作是丈夫和上帝之间的事。妻子需要中间人才能获得单方面离婚,但法院不愿承担这一角色。
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引用次数: 1
The Banality of Power: Women’s Influence on Emirati Politics, c. 1800–present 平庸的权力:女性对阿联酋政治的影响,大约1800年至今
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-bja10007
A. Rugh
The political impact of women from paramount families in the UAE over the last 200 years has been largely overlooked by scholars who tend to focus on male power and ignore the banality of women’s everyday influences. In fact, these women linked families, provided crucial information through their networks, restrained rulers, and promoted the career ambitions of their sons. Their ability to influence events in this early period suggests a power greater than that enjoyed by women appointed or elected to government positions today.
在过去的200年里,来自阿联酋最高家庭的女性的政治影响在很大程度上被那些倾向于关注男性权力而忽视女性日常影响的学者所忽视。事实上,这些女性将家庭联系在一起,通过网络提供重要信息,约束统治者,并促进儿子的职业抱负。她们在早期影响事件的能力表明,她们的权力比今天被任命或当选为政府职位的女性更大。
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引用次数: 0
How Women’s Presence in Tehran’s Public Spaces Compares to Shariʿa Prescriptions, Old Tehran and Contemporary Tehran 女性在德黑兰公共空间的存在与伊斯兰教法处方、旧德黑兰和当代德黑兰的比较
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-26 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-bja10006
F. Salarvandian, Seyed Ali Hosseini, Muhammad Jafar Ashkevari, Seyed Mohammad Hashem Hosseini, Ahmand Pourahmad
In Islamic cities, the shariʿa determines to what extent women are allowed to attend public spaces. This article addresses women’s public attendance in Tehran, in both the classical and modern periods, and compares this with the prescriptions of the shariʿa. Our exploration of the Qurʾan, hadiths, the practices of religious scholars, and the descriptions of women’s status in travelogues suggests two distinct views, the first of which prohibits any kind of public appearance and considers home to be the best place for women. The second view holds that women can enter public spaces, but with some preconditions. Amidst the complexity of religion, society, culture, and politics, two shariʿa tenets have not changed significantly over time: veiling and sex segregation. Some female spheres outside the home have vanished as others have emerged. As a result of these shifts, the one notable change has been that women appear more frequently in public.
在伊斯兰城市,伊斯兰教法决定了女性在多大程度上可以进入公共场所。这篇文章讨论了古典和现代时期德黑兰妇女的公众出席情况,并将其与伊斯兰教法的规定进行了比较。我们对《古兰经》、圣训、宗教学者的实践以及游记中对女性地位的描述的探索表明了两种截然不同的观点,第一种观点禁止任何形式的公开露面,认为家是女性最好的地方。第二种观点认为,女性可以进入公共空间,但要有一些先决条件。在宗教、社会、文化和政治的复杂性中,伊斯兰教法的两个原则并没有随着时间的推移而发生重大变化:戴面纱和性别隔离。家庭之外的一些女性领域消失了,而另一些则出现了。由于这些转变,一个显著的变化是女性出现在公共场合的频率增加了。
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引用次数: 1
Emirati Women Leaders in the Cultural Sector 阿联酋文化部门的女性领导人
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-08 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-12341370
Laila Prager
During the last decade Emirati women, due to their ever increasing educational achievements—sustained by a state politics of modernization—have ventured into a great variety of occupations. As a corollary, the term “women leadership” has become fashionable in public and governmental discourses, highlighting Emirati women’s successes. In the article, I compare the state narrative on women leadership and female empowerment with the experiences of 30 Emirati women leaders from the cultural sector with whom I conducted extensive interviews (2018–19) about their career pathways, family background, achievements, and the various challenges and obstacles they face—both at work and at home. In this context, it is examined how Emirati women leaders are compelled to navigate between state feminist discourses and the still prevalent conservative gender role and value expectations in the United Arab Emirates. Finally, I discuss whether and to what extent UAE state feminism facilitates Emirati women’s empowerment.
在过去的十年里,阿联酋妇女,由于她们不断提高的教育成就——在国家政治现代化的支持下——已经冒险进入了各种各样的职业。因此,“妇女领导”一词在公共和政府话语中变得时髦起来,突出了阿联酋妇女的成功。在这篇文章中,我将国家对女性领导和女性赋权的叙述与来自文化部门的30名阿联酋女性领导人的经历进行了比较,我对她们进行了广泛的采访(2018-19),了解她们的职业道路、家庭背景、成就以及她们在工作和家庭中面临的各种挑战和障碍。在此背景下,本文探讨了阿联酋女性领导人如何被迫在国家女权主义话语和仍然普遍存在的保守性别角色和价值期望之间进行导航。最后,我讨论了阿联酋国家女权主义是否以及在多大程度上促进了阿联酋妇女的赋权。
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引用次数: 12
Conflictual Identities: The State and Feminist Women in the Islamic Republic of Iran 冲突的身份:伊朗伊斯兰共和国的国家与女权主义妇女
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-08 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-12341372
H. Sedghi
This study explores the tensions between the state and women’s efforts to construct an alternative vision of gender equality and feminism. The experiences of the One Million Signatures Campaign for the Repeal of Discriminatory Laws offer new perspectives on women’s struggles to carve out their own space and place in society. But how and why does the state construct and reproduce patriarchal norms and practices? Conversely, how do women, specifically feminists, address and engage the state in their attempts to form their own feminist rights and gender identities? Although it is important to understand that both the state and women draw on their own political and cultural preferences, I argue that constructing feminist identities is often an uphill battle, as women encounter resistance from the state that is not gender neutral and is patriarchal.
本研究探讨了国家与女性努力构建性别平等和女权主义的另一种愿景之间的紧张关系。废除歧视性法律的百万签名运动的经历为妇女在社会中开拓自己的空间和地位的斗争提供了新的视角。但是,国家如何以及为什么构建和复制父权规范和实践?相反,女性,特别是女权主义者,在试图形成自己的女权主义权利和性别认同时,如何处理和参与国家?虽然理解国家和女性都利用自己的政治和文化偏好是很重要的,但我认为,构建女权主义身份往往是一场艰苦的战斗,因为女性会遇到来自非性别中立和父权制国家的抵制。
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引用次数: 1
Saudi Women as Decision Makers: Analyzing the Media Portrayal of Female Political Participation in Saudi Arabia 沙特妇女作为决策者:分析沙特阿拉伯女性政治参与的媒体形象
IF 0.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-08 DOI: 10.1163/15692086-12341371
M. Karolak, H. A. Guta
This paper analyzes the contrasting media portrayals of female political participation in the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Through a thorough discourse analysis of Saudi, British, and American newspaper articles surrounding the 2015 municipal elections, we scrutinize how the portrayal of women as a subject group has shifted from one that requires the constant approval of guardians in the public sphere to one that makes its own decisions and actively participates in politics. We analyze what types of discourses and frames have supported this drastic shift in official Saudi media discourses. We then contrast these findings with the portrayal of Saudi female political participation in Western countries that claim to uphold human rights and gender equality, in contrast to Saudi Arabia. Finally, we contrast our findings with the perceptions of 50 female Saudis regarding female agency and political participation in Saudi Arabia.
本文分析了沙特王国媒体对女性政治参与的对比描述。通过对沙特、英国和美国报纸围绕2015年市政选举的文章进行彻底的话语分析,我们仔细观察了女性作为一个主题群体的形象是如何从需要公共领域监护人不断批准的转变为自己做出决定并积极参与政治的。我们分析了哪些类型的话语和框架支持了沙特官方媒体话语的这种剧烈转变。然后,我们将这些发现与声称维护人权和性别平等的西方国家对沙特女性政治参与的描述进行对比,与沙特阿拉伯形成对比。最后,我们将我们的研究结果与50名沙特女性对沙特阿拉伯女性机构和政治参与的看法进行了对比。
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引用次数: 8
期刊
Hawwa
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