Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14682737.2022.2112465
D. Mourenza
Abstract When La venganza was premiered at Cannes, critics reviewed the film negatively in comparison with Juan Antonio Bardem’s previous films and vis-à-vis the aesthetics of Italian neorealism. This article claims that such a criticism was misguided from the outset and that this film should be analysed as a rural melodrama, a genre particularly prolific in the 1950s. Furthermore, like many other Spanish rural melodramas, La venganza incorporates visual and dramatic motifs from the western to tell a story of revenge and, ultimately, reconciliation. Scholars have taken for granted that this film is an allegory of the Politics of National Reconciliation approved by the Communist Party of Spain in 1956, but have seldom discussed these politics regarding its use of genre. This article addresses how and why Bardem used the genres of the rural melodrama and the western to convey such a political message.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14682737.2022.2112466
N. M. Murray
Abstract This essay analyses the intersections of race, gender, and comedy in ¡Cómo está el servicio! (Ozores 1968) to argue that the film brings to light anxieties about purity and womanhood associated with the rapid development of the final years of the Franco dictatorship. By focusing on the film’s brief, yet poignant portrayals of Africans and Afro-descendants and the film’s representations of sex and miscegenation, I argue that ¡Cómo está el servicio! demonstrates the ways that concepts of national purity remain inextricably linked to a politics of the home and the preservation of white womanhood against perceived threats of outside contamination, explicitly articulated through race. Indeed, ¡Cómo está el servicio! visually expresses the ways that appropriate white womanhood linked to domesticity enables women to succeed in an inward-looking Catholic society that simultaneously exalts capitalist principles in order to survive.
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Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14682737.2022.2079852
D. L. García León
In this article, I analyse the early work of John (Templanza) Better, particularly the book Locas de felicidad, cr (cid:1) onicas travestis y otros relatos ( LF ) and the audiovisual report “ El Jokel. Jannys Herrera. Assistant mechanic ” to trace the effects that recent Colombian neoliberal sex politics has had on Colombian queer masculinities. Through combining (Latin American) cultural studies with gender studies and queer theory, I answer the following research questions: How has the neoliberal logic capitalized and normalized queer bodies, relationships, and masculinities? And how has Better created a series of discursive strategies to combat or reproduce such capitalization and normalization? Therefore, this study contributes to understanding the relationship between neoliberalism and sex-gender-marginalized identities as well as to showing how language use and cultural artifacts contribute to maintaining or questioning the normalization of Colombian queer masculinities.
在这篇文章中，我分析了John（Templanza）Better的早期作品，特别是《猫的命运》（Locas de felicidad，cr（cid:1）onicas travisis y otros relatos（LF）一书和视听报告《El Jokel.Jannys Herrera助理技工》，以追踪最近哥伦比亚新自由主义性政治对哥伦比亚酷儿男性气质的影响。通过将（拉丁美洲）文化研究与性别研究和酷儿理论相结合，我回答了以下研究问题：新自由主义逻辑是如何将酷儿的身体、关系和男子气概资本化和规范化的？Better是如何创造一系列话语策略来对抗或再现这种资本化和规范化的？因此，这项研究有助于理解新自由主义与性别边缘化身份之间的关系，并展示语言使用和文化产物如何有助于维持或质疑哥伦比亚酷儿男子气概的正常化。
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Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14682737.2022.2079875
J. London
over Montevideo and Buenos Aires in 1806 and 1807. The local elites defended themselves successfully against the invasion, with little help from the distant Iberian Peninsula, and it was this that convinced them they did not really need the crown’s support. Blanchard’s study provides a powerful corrective on the traditional view that creoles were unhappy with the colonial arrangement. Had the elites not wanted to remain under the control of the Spanish crown, the British invasion would have been an excellent moment to declare independence. Instead, monarchical sentiment surged as the elites joined the enslaved and the Indigenous in rallying around to defend the viceroyalty as a part of a greater monarchy. Paradoxically, the fact that they defended themselves without the support of the crown convinced many that they did not really need their support. It was this conviction that eventually led to the process of independence when the context changed once again after Napoleon captured the King of Spain. By paying attention to the voices found in the archive, Blanchard presents a novel view of a period that has tended to be seen as a preamble for independence. He shows that this was actually a moment of profound loyalty. The comparison of three different cities is particularly illuminating, as is the attention Blanchard pays to different social groups, including elites, middling sectors, and the subaltern. This approach allows him to present a nuanced and detailed picture of a period that is complex and little understood.
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Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14682737.2022.2079847
Inma Ridao Carlini
Abstract This article analyses Galdós’s account in Cánovas of the historical financial fraud perpetrated in the 1870s by Baldomera Larra, youngest daughter of the writer Mariano José de Larra. It studies the contemporary press coverage of the rise and fall of Doña Baldomera’s Ponzi scheme in order to reach a better understanding of the role which Galdós assigns to this historical fraud. In Cánovas, the scheme becomes an emblem of the speculative economy of Restoration Spain. The article shows that, despite his progressive detachment from political history, Galdós remains a sharp critic of the society of his time in this final episodio.
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Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14682737.2022.2079858
Carl-Henrik Bjerström
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Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14682737.2022.2079853
Sergio Navarro Ramírez
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Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14682737.2022.2079859
J. Labanyi
differences by exploring issues relating to monetary policy, social work, food consumption, and children’s experiences in innovative ways. The fourth and final section, “Legacies of the Spanish Civil War, 1939–1944,” looks at soldiers’ experiences and military culture in the early 1940s. The three chapters comprising this section ultimately show, through their discussions of gender ideals, Blue Division soldiers, and veterans, that the official end of the Spanish war on April 1, 1939 did not set in motion a straightforward process of demobilization. Spanish society remained highly militarized, at least until the mid-1940s. To expand the chronological framework of this study on the Spanish war beyond 1939 makes perfect sense, in other words, and chimes with other recent research problematizing the notion of the 1940s in Spain as a “post-war” period. Overall, then, this anthology is a welcome addition to the English language historiography on the Spanish Civil War. It covers an impressively wide range of topics while still maintaining a sense of thematic coherence. The value of its multi-layered, holistic approach to social and military history is clearly on display, although the short lengths of individual chapters mean that we mostly—if understandably—get rather general descriptions of grassroots perspectives, as if summarized “from above,” rather than any direct sense of grassroots voices. It would also have been good to include a concluding section, summarizing and reflecting on the individual chapters’ main findings. Still, there is no doubt that the scholarship included here will benefit students and professional historians alike. The Spanish Civil War, as a subject of historical and historiographical debate, is still far from being exhausted. Carl-Henrik Bjerstr€ om University of Copenhagen chyb@hum.ku.dk
通过以创新的方式探索与货币政策、社会工作、食品消费和儿童体验有关的问题。第四节也是最后一节，“1939–1944年西班牙内战的遗产”，探讨了20世纪40年代初士兵的经历和军事文化。本节的三章通过对性别理想、蓝师士兵和退伍军人的讨论，最终表明1939年4月1日西班牙战争的正式结束并没有启动直接的复员进程。西班牙社会仍然高度军事化，至少到20世纪40年代中期。换言之，将这项关于西班牙战争的研究的时间框架扩展到1939年之后是完全有意义的，这与最近其他将20世纪40年代西班牙视为“战后”时期的研究相吻合。总的来说，这本选集是关于西班牙内战的英语史学的一个受欢迎的补充。它涵盖了令人印象深刻的广泛主题，同时仍然保持着主题连贯性。它对社会和军事历史的多层次、整体方法的价值显而易见，尽管单个章节的篇幅很短，这意味着我们大多——如果可以理解的话——对基层观点的描述相当笼统，就好像是“从上面”总结的，而不是对基层声音的任何直接感觉。如果能包括一个总结部分，总结和反思各章的主要结论，那也很好。尽管如此，毫无疑问，这里包含的奖学金将使学生和专业历史学家都受益。西班牙内战作为一个历史和史学争论的主题，仍然远未耗尽。Carl Henrik Bjerstr€om哥本哈根大学chyb@hum.ku.dk
{"title":"Following Franco: Spanish Culture and Politics in Transition","authors":"J. Labanyi","doi":"10.1080/14682737.2022.2079859","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14682737.2022.2079859","url":null,"abstract":"differences by exploring issues relating to monetary policy, social work, food consumption, and children’s experiences in innovative ways. The fourth and final section, “Legacies of the Spanish Civil War, 1939–1944,” looks at soldiers’ experiences and military culture in the early 1940s. The three chapters comprising this section ultimately show, through their discussions of gender ideals, Blue Division soldiers, and veterans, that the official end of the Spanish war on April 1, 1939 did not set in motion a straightforward process of demobilization. Spanish society remained highly militarized, at least until the mid-1940s. To expand the chronological framework of this study on the Spanish war beyond 1939 makes perfect sense, in other words, and chimes with other recent research problematizing the notion of the 1940s in Spain as a “post-war” period. Overall, then, this anthology is a welcome addition to the English language historiography on the Spanish Civil War. It covers an impressively wide range of topics while still maintaining a sense of thematic coherence. The value of its multi-layered, holistic approach to social and military history is clearly on display, although the short lengths of individual chapters mean that we mostly—if understandably—get rather general descriptions of grassroots perspectives, as if summarized “from above,” rather than any direct sense of grassroots voices. It would also have been good to include a concluding section, summarizing and reflecting on the individual chapters’ main findings. Still, there is no doubt that the scholarship included here will benefit students and professional historians alike. The Spanish Civil War, as a subject of historical and historiographical debate, is still far from being exhausted. Carl-Henrik Bjerstr€ om University of Copenhagen chyb@hum.ku.dk","PeriodicalId":42561,"journal":{"name":"Hispanic Research Journal-Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"22 1","pages":"657 - 658"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47872320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14682737.2022.2079863
Charlotte Byrne
insisting that, if it was once necessary to critique the myth of a successful Spanish transition to democracy, it has now become necessary to critique the opposing tendency to blame the transition for the country’s contemporary ills. His book is a model of how to write cultural history in its refusal to put things into tidy boxes. In particular, it demonstrates how attention to popular culture allows the historian to prise out the complexity of cultural processes. Jo Labanyi New York University jo.labanyi@nyu.edu
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Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14682737.2022.2079872
Natalia Sobrevilla Perea
to vote, Capel analyses data from five districts in Granada as a representative example to draw her conclusions. She notes that the numerical superiority of women is much clearer where the Centre-Right won, although it was mainly women who abstained from voting all together, and she also considers the ages and occupations of voters; younger people and those who had some level of education were more likely to vote. It is a fascinating piece that will be enjoyed by readers interested in the politics of the Second Republic. Leaping to the end of the Spanish Civil War, Blanco Fajardo, and P erez Mart ınez’s chapters cover the entire dictatorship and explore the role played by radio in reinforcing models of masculinity and femininity as perpetuated by Francoism. Blanco Fajardo introduces the concept of the radio as a technology that not only constructed a normative profile of femininity and masculinity, but also became a means of controlling the domestic sphere. He also highlights the significance of the radionovela which perpetuated Francoist ideals in various ways, including articulating a capitalist economy. P erez Mart ınez follows on from this by examining the various formats and genres of radio programmes that were aimed at a female audience in great depth, and highlights how the radio was a part of a network of institutions that supported the superstructural apparatus of the dictatorship (377). Both essays will appeal to those researching any aspect of women’s history or communication under Francoism. Claudia Jare~ no Gila’s chapter “Amistades, redes y colaboraci on: una mirada «gen etica» sobre el Proyecto colectivo de Vindicaci on Feminista (1976–1979)” brings the collection to a fitting close. Looking at the inception and creation of the feminist magazine, Jare~ no Gila argues that the project was born of the conscience and will to create an exclusively female and feminist vehicle of expression and explores the contributions of the network of Spanish feminists such as Lidia Falc on, Carmen Alcalde, and Montserrat Roig to its pages. Additionally, Jare~ no Gila notes that the magazine was one of the first voices that demanded emotional and legal reparation for the victims of Francoism during the Transition. Acci on y voces de mujer en el espacio p ublico is a long overdue publication that will be gratefully received by Hispanists and those working in women’s studies more generally. An ambitious book that is wide in its scope, it is an invaluable resource for those working on historical memory and women’s biography and will be a significant addition to any feminist bookshelf. Charlotte Byrne Queen Mary University of London c.j.byrne@qmul.ac.uk
为了投票，卡佩尔分析了格拉纳达五个地区的数据，作为代表性的例子来得出她的结论。她指出，在中右翼获胜的地方，女性在数量上的优势更为明显，尽管弃权的主要是女性。她还考虑了选民的年龄和职业;年轻人和受过一定教育的人更有可能投票。这是一篇引人入胜的文章，对第二共和国政治感兴趣的读者会喜欢它。跳转到西班牙内战结束，布兰科·法哈多和P·佩雷斯·马特ınez的章节涵盖了整个独裁统治，并探讨了广播在强化弗朗哥主义延续下来的男性和女性气质模式方面所起的作用。Blanco Fajardo介绍了无线电的概念，作为一种技术，它不仅构建了女性气质和男性气质的规范轮廓，而且还成为控制家庭领域的手段。他还强调了以各种方式延续弗朗哥主义理想的放射性物质的重要性，包括阐明资本主义经济。P erez Mart ınez以此为基础，深入研究了针对女性观众的各种形式和类型的广播节目，并强调了广播是如何成为支持独裁上层建筑机器的机构网络的一部分(377)。这两篇文章将吸引那些研究弗朗哥主义下妇女历史或交流的任何方面的人。Claudia Jare~ no Gila的章节“Amistades, redes by colaboraci on: una mirada«genetica»sobre el proproecto collective de Vindicaci on Feminista(1976-1979)”为该系列画上了一个恰当的句号。Jare~ no Gila回顾女权主义杂志的创立与创制过程，认为这个计划是出于良知与意愿，想要创造一种专属女性与女权主义的表达方式，并探讨了西班牙女权主义者网络的贡献，例如Lidia Falc on、Carmen Alcalde和Montserrat Roig。此外，Jare~ no Gila指出，该杂志是最早要求在过渡时期为弗朗哥主义受害者提供情感和法律赔偿的声音之一。《女性在公共空间中的声音》是一本姗姗来迟的出版物，西班牙语学者和从事女性研究的人们将会感激地接受它。这是一本雄心勃勃的书，它的范围很广，对于那些研究历史记忆和女性传记的人来说，这是一个无价的资源，将是任何女权主义者书架上的重要补充。夏洛特·伯恩伦敦玛丽女王大学c.j.byrne@qmul.ac.uk
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