Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1017/s0261127921000097
Catherine A. Bradley
This article presents, contextualises and analyses four bifolios of medieval polyphony (Stockholm Riksarkivet, fragments 535, 813 and 5786) probably copied in Northern France around 1300. These fragments – recording three-voice organa and Latin motets – feature two different non-rhythmic uses of red notation described in fourteenth-century theoretical treatises following Philippe de Vitry but never seen before in practice: an organum uses red ink to highlight ‘alien’ notes added to its chant foundation and a motet tenor to prompt octave transposition.This article synthesises new and existing evidence for a transitional and still little-studied period in the history of Latin-texted polyphony. It makes the case for an apparent gap in evidence for polyphonic composition and circulation at the turn of the thirteenth century into the fourteenth, exploring the possible explanations for and ramifications of a lacuna in surviving sources around 1300 and proffering new insights into what has been lost.
这篇文章提出，背景和分析了四个中世纪复调的两分体(斯德哥尔摩Riksarkivet，片段535,813和5786)可能在1300年左右在法国北部复制。这些片段——记录了三声风琴和拉丁颂歌——以两种不同的非节奏性的红色符号为特征，在14世纪菲利普·德·维特里(Philippe de Vitry)之后的理论论文中有描述，但在实践中从未见过:一个风琴用红墨水突出“外来”音符，添加到它的吟唱基础上，一个颂歌男高音提示八度转换。本文综合了新的和现有的证据，证明了拉丁文本复调历史上一个过渡性的、仍然很少研究的时期。它为13世纪到14世纪之交的复调作曲和流通证据的明显空白提供了理由，探索了1300年左右幸存的资料中空白的可能解释和后果，并为丢失的内容提供了新的见解。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1017/s0261127923000025
Peter V. Loewen, Robin Waugh
William Herebert’s Middle English poems, which appear in his Commonplace Book (c. 1314), have been undervalued by scholars. Yet, far from being a lonely purveyor of an ungainly series of translations, Herebert instead was a skillful adapter of Latin hymns into dance songs. Echoing his contemporaries and following the example of St Francis, Herebert revised the forms of two Latin poems, ‘Gloria, laus et honor’ and ‘Popule meus, quid feci tibi’, into two English lyrics: ‘Wele, heriȝyng and worshype’ and ‘My volk, what habbe y do þe?’ In doing so, he dealt imaginatively with poetic form, liturgical content, concepts of time and matching words to music – and he ended up producing early examples of English carols. Herebert’s achievements in dance song demonstrate that the seemingly outrageous idea of the dancing friar is not as alien to religious devotions as one might expect. We conclude with speculations concerning the performance of Herebert’s songs.
威廉·赫伯特的中世纪英语诗歌，出现在他的《常事书》(约1314年)中，一直被学者们低估。然而，赫伯特远不是一个孤独的翻译一系列笨拙的人，相反，他是一个熟练的将拉丁赞美诗改编成舞曲的人。赫伯特以圣弗朗西斯为榜样，与同时代的人相呼应，将两首拉丁诗歌“Gloria, laus et honor”和“people meus, quid feci tibi”的形式修改为两首英文歌词:“Wele, heriȝyng and worship”和“My volk, what habbe y do þe?”在此过程中，他对诗歌形式、礼仪内容、时间概念以及歌词与音乐的匹配都进行了富有想象力的处理——他最终创作出了早期的英语颂歌。赫伯特在舞曲方面的成就表明，跳舞的修士这个看似离谱的想法并不像人们想象的那样与宗教信仰格格不入。最后，我们对赫伯特的歌曲的演奏作一些推测。
{"title":"FRIAR WILLIAM HEREBERT’S CAROLS RECONSIDERED","authors":"Peter V. Loewen, Robin Waugh","doi":"10.1017/s0261127923000025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0261127923000025","url":null,"abstract":"William Herebert’s Middle English poems, which appear in his Commonplace Book (<jats:italic>c.</jats:italic> 1314), have been undervalued by scholars. Yet, far from being a lonely purveyor of an ungainly series of translations, Herebert instead was a skillful adapter of Latin hymns into dance songs. Echoing his contemporaries and following the example of St Francis, Herebert revised the forms of two Latin poems, ‘Gloria, laus et honor’ and ‘Popule meus, quid feci tibi’, into two English lyrics: ‘Wele, heriȝyng and worshype’ and ‘My volk, what habbe y do þe?’ In doing so, he dealt imaginatively with poetic form, liturgical content, concepts of time and matching words to music – and he ended up producing early examples of English carols. Herebert’s achievements in dance song demonstrate that the seemingly outrageous idea of the dancing friar is not as alien to religious devotions as one might expect. We conclude with speculations concerning the performance of Herebert’s songs.","PeriodicalId":42589,"journal":{"name":"EARLY MUSIC HISTORY","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138533419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1017/s0261127923000013
Philippa Ovenden
In the second half of the fourteenth century, the Italian music theorist Johannes Vetulus de Anagnia wrote a treatise named Liber de musica. Extraordinarily complex and replete with theological digressions, this work has to date remained little understood. Examining Liber de musica through the lenses of practice and philosophy sheds new light on this enigmatic text. Vetulus’s theory is in certain respects innovative, but in others it is conservative. Vetulus theorised a unique but impractical system of mensural divisions that synthesises and exhausts some of the central conceptual principles of contemporaneous performance. He makes sense of these divisions within a Platonist intellectual framework that reimagines Trinitarian theological concepts in a musical context. Approaching this treatise as far as possible on its own terms reveals that Vetulus developed a symbolic epistemology of music in which a mutual reciprocity could emerge between the tripartite structures of music, nature and the divine.
{"title":"JOHANNES VETULUS DE ANAGNIA’S PLATONIST MODEL OF MUSICAL TIME","authors":"Philippa Ovenden","doi":"10.1017/s0261127923000013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0261127923000013","url":null,"abstract":"In the second half of the fourteenth century, the Italian music theorist Johannes Vetulus de Anagnia wrote a treatise named <jats:italic>Liber de musica</jats:italic>. Extraordinarily complex and replete with theological digressions, this work has to date remained little understood. Examining <jats:italic>Liber de musica</jats:italic> through the lenses of practice and philosophy sheds new light on this enigmatic text. Vetulus’s theory is in certain respects innovative, but in others it is conservative. Vetulus theorised a unique but impractical system of mensural divisions that synthesises and exhausts some of the central conceptual principles of contemporaneous performance. He makes sense of these divisions within a Platonist intellectual framework that reimagines Trinitarian theological concepts in a musical context. Approaching this treatise as far as possible on its own terms reveals that Vetulus developed a symbolic epistemology of music in which a mutual reciprocity could emerge between the tripartite structures of music, nature and the divine.","PeriodicalId":42589,"journal":{"name":"EARLY MUSIC HISTORY","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138533432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1017/s0261127923000037
David Butchart
Striggio’s forty-part motet Ecce beatam lucem survives in a unique manuscript source, dated 1587, in the Ratsschulbibliothek in Zwickau. Its text, first published in 1595, formed part of a Pindaric ode written by the neo-Latin poet and Calvinist Paul Schede Melissus (1539–1602). A closer consideration of Melissus’ biography indicates that he probably wrote it after 1575, long after the wedding festivities with which the motet has habitually been associated (Florence, 1565; Munich, 1568). Its subject matter – a Calvinist vision of the New Jerusalem – also makes it an unlikely wedding text and inappropriate for Catholic festivities. Rather, it was probably used as the text of a contrafactum, for an as yet unidentified occasion, with which Striggio himself had little or no connection.
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Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1017/s0261127922000031
Emma Hornby, Marcus Jones, Emily Wride
This article builds on a close palaeographical, liturgical and musicological reading of a single Old Hispanic manuscript (Santo Domingo de Silos, Biblioteca del Monasterio MS 6) to draw conclusions about scriptorium size, working practices and scribal mobility in early medieval Iberia. We identify eight music scribes who worked in four distinct layers of scribal engagement with the manuscript. These scribes used three different notational styles, and draw on elements of both the León and Rioja melodic dialects. In this manuscript, León notation is used to notate Rioja dialect; Rioja notation can be used to notate León dialect. The notational styles and melodic dialects tell us that different groups of scribes had distinct cultural identities and were likely working across two or three institutions, and at different times. Some scribes specialised in particular solo genres, as we explore, suggesting strongly that some music scribes were also trained as solo singers.
本文建立在对一份古西班牙手稿(圣多明各·德·西洛斯，Biblioteca del Monasterio MS 6)的近距离古地学、礼仪学和音乐学阅读的基础上，得出关于中世纪早期伊比利亚缮写室大小、工作实践和抄写人员流动的结论。我们确定了八位音乐抄写员，他们在四个不同的抄写层中与手稿进行了接触。这些抄写员使用了三种不同的记谱风格，并借鉴了León和里奥哈旋律方言的元素。在这个手稿中，León符号被用来表示里奥哈方言;里奥哈符号可以用来表示León方言。记谱风格和旋律方言告诉我们，不同的文士群体有不同的文化身份，可能在不同的时间、在两到三个机构中工作。一些抄写员专门从事特定的独奏流派，正如我们所探索的，强烈表明一些音乐抄写员也被训练成独奏歌手。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1017/s026112792200002x
Benjamin Brand
While the great majority of Franco-Roman plainsong features lyrics adapted from the Bible, a long recognised but little studied minority sets excerpts from patristic sermons and commentaries. The antiphons and responsories for the night office on the feast of St Stephen are a case study of such literary borrowing. The lyrics of these chants feature a wide range of verbal debts and reminiscences from sermons written or inspired by Augustine, the majority of which were transmitted in the seventh-century Roman homiliary and thus recited as lessons at matins. Together, the plainsong and lessons develop a distinctively Augustinian portrait of Stephen as a kind, compassionate advocate for his persecutors rather than as the hard-nosed rhetorician he is depicted to be in the Bible. They thus illuminate the working methods and theological priorities of Roman lyricists as they crafted verbal texts for sung delivery in the Divine Office.
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Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1017/S0261127921000085
Stuart Lyons
Horace (65–8 BC), the great lyric poet of the Augustan Age in Rome, composed over a hundred Odes. Scholarly understanding of their early medieval reception has been hampered by the insistence of classical philologists that he was a purely literary poet. Ancient sources and Horace’s own writings demonstrate that he was a performing artist who sang to the accompaniment of his lyre. His use of Alcaic, Sapphic and Asclepiad metres has musical implications. In manuscripts from the ninth to the twelfth centuries, forty-eight passages from the Odes are accompanied by musical notation. The Montpellier codex has notation for the Ode to Phyllis (Odes 4.11) which relates to Guido d’Arezzo’s ‘ut-re-mi’ mnemonic. The St Petersburg codex has settings which suggest various uses, in the schoolroom, abbey entertainments and goliardic performance. The surviving manuscripts were widely spread across Europe and supported a monastic and secular tradition of Horatian song.
贺拉斯（公元前65-8年），罗马奥古斯都时代伟大的抒情诗人，创作了一百多首颂歌。由于古典文献学家坚持认为他是一位纯粹的文学诗人，学术界对其中世纪早期接受的理解受到了阻碍。古代资料和贺拉斯自己的作品表明，他是一位在七弦琴伴奏下唱歌的表演艺术家。他使用Alcaic，Sapphic和Asclepiad米具有音乐意义。在九世纪至十二世纪的手稿中，《颂》中有四十八段附有乐谱。蒙彼利埃法典对《菲利斯颂》（颂4.11）有注释，与吉多·阿雷佐的“ut re mi”助记符有关。圣彼得堡法典的设置暗示了各种用途，如教室、修道院娱乐和高尔夫表演。幸存下来的手稿在欧洲各地广泛传播，并支持了贺兰歌曲的修道院和世俗传统。
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Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1017/s0261127921000061
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Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1017/S0261127921000036
Anne Piéjus
In 1984 Noel O’Regan demonstrated that Roman manuscripts containing Lasso’s motets were reworkings of motets found in published editions. This article reopens an investigation of the Roman manuscript motet books in the light of an autograph booklet by the Oratorian priest and censor of music Giovanni Giovenale Ancina (1599). This document contains two lists of motets, comprising a wide selection that reflects a search for variety in the number of voices (with a preponderance of eight-voice motets), age and style of the motet. It shows a large number of concordances with several manuscript anthologies related to the Oratorian circles. Ancina’s bookletallows us to propose new attributions for motets by Zoilo and Prospero Santini, better known as a chapel master. Finally, a comparison with existing sets of music books qualifies the multiple authorship of the motet in the Roman erudite milieu of that time.
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