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Sean Gallagher, Johannes Regis . Collection ‘Épitome musical’. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2010. xii+249 pp. 肖恩·加拉赫,约翰内斯·里吉斯。收藏“Épitome musical”。Turnhout:Brepols Publishers,2010年。xii+249 pp。
IF 0.3 1区 艺术学 0 MUSIC Pub Date : 2012-08-08 DOI: 10.1017/S026112791200006X
D. Fallows
Sean Gallagher states that this is ‘to my knowledge, the first book on a medieval or renaissance composer to include recordings of his complete works’. He is too diffident. They are not just recordings but two newly prepared CDs by no less an ensemble than the Clerks’ Group under Edward Wickham. Surely, the musicians who have recorded all Ockeghem’s sacred music with such eloquence are the best-equipped people, world-wide, to make sense of Regis’s often wayward and always unpredictable polyphony. The CDs are conveniently accommodated in sachets inside the front and back coverboards of the book. (They are, of course, the same CDs that were issued two years earlier in a strikingly elegant box-case by Musique en Wallonie; and probably few readers of these lines will need telling that the figure behind both this and the series ‘Épitome musical’ is the indefatigable Philippe Vendrix – whose efforts here merit a serious salute.) In addition, though, Gallagher prepared new editions of all the music and supervised all the recording sessions. He is of course no newcomer to the topic. His various publications on Regis reach back to 1996 and have been coming out regularly since then. Nevertheless, the experience of those recordings with those particular musicians plainly shows in the book. Profusely equipped with musical examples and references to particular passages on the recordings, his chapters on the music are packed with detailed observations of a kind that could not have happened without that background. Beyond that, the very difficult Latin texts have been given ‘the treatment’ by Leofranc Holford-Strevens, who has been providing that service for musical texts of the fifteenth century for the past twenty years. The full details of what Holford-Strevens has done to them, and why, will appear elsewhere in a separate article, but the upshot of his investigations is clearly stated here (pp. 181–2). Heinz-Jürgen Winkler in his 1999 monograph described the Regis motet texts in the Chigi Codex as korrupt überliefert, which is true; but they are also very badly written by an author with a weak grasp of Latin prosody and grammar. Gallagher reports that ‘even when one allows for problems of transmission, [they] are awkward, overly ambitious attempts at quantitative verse, riddled with errors of various kinds’. He also hints that they may be by Regis himself, who could have been trying to emulate Du Fay’s fluent Latinism. Reviews
肖恩·加拉格尔表示,“据我所知,这是第一本收录了中世纪或文艺复兴时期作曲家全集录音的书。”他太缺乏自信了。它们不仅仅是录音,而是两张新制作的cd,出自爱德华·威克姆(Edward Wickham)领导下的店员乐队(clerk ' Group)。毫无疑问,那些以如此雄辩的方式记录了奥凯凯姆所有神圣音乐的音乐家是世界上最有能力理解里吉斯经常任性和总是不可预测的复调的人。cd被方便地装在书的正面和背面封面内的小袋里。(当然,它们就是两年前瓦隆尼音乐公司(Musique en Wallonie)用精美绝伦的盒装发行的cd;也许读过这几句话的读者不需要告诉他们,这两句话和“Épitome音乐剧”系列背后的人物是不知疲倦的菲利普·文德里克斯——他在这里的努力值得向他致敬。)此外,加拉格尔还准备了所有音乐的新版本,并监督了所有的录音环节。他当然不是这个话题的新手。他关于Regis的各种出版物可以追溯到1996年,并从那时起定期出版。然而,与这些特定音乐家的录音经历在书中清楚地显示出来。大量的音乐例子和对录音中特定段落的参考,他关于音乐的章节充满了详细的观察,如果没有这些背景,就不可能发生这种情况。除此之外,非常难的拉丁文本已经被Leofranc Holford-Strevens“处理”了,他在过去的二十年里一直为十五世纪的音乐文本提供这种服务。关于Holford-Strevens对他们做了什么以及为什么这样做的全部细节,将在另一篇文章中出现,但他的调查结果在这里清楚地说明了(第181-2页)。heinz - jrgen Winkler在他1999年的专著中描述了chiigi手抄本中的Regis格言文本为korcorrupt berliefert,这是真的;但作者对拉丁韵律和语法的把握很差,写得也很糟糕。Gallagher报告说,“即使考虑到传播上的问题,(它们)也是笨拙的、过于雄心勃勃的定量诗歌尝试,充斥着各种各样的错误。”他还暗示,这可能是里吉斯本人写的,他可能一直在努力模仿杜费流利的拉丁语。评论
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引用次数: 0
A GENTLEMAN IN EXILE: LIFE AND BACKGROUND OF THE COMPOSER JOHN RAVENSCROFT 一个流亡的绅士:作曲家约翰·雷文斯克罗夫特的生活和背景
IF 0.3 1区 艺术学 0 MUSIC Pub Date : 2012-08-08 DOI: 10.1017/S0261127912000034
P. Barbieri, M. Talbot
John Ravenscroft (1664/5–1697) is today best known for the fact that in 1695 he published a set of church sonatas that closely imitate Corelli in their style. The discourse around Ravenscroft has ever since focused on these twelve sonatas and the significance of their relationship to their illustrious model, to the exclusion of a later set of sonatas of different kind but equal merit. Ravenscroft's fascinating and unusual biography has likewise been totally ignored. The article examines the background of his distinguished, Catholic-leaning family in England during a long, turbulent period when Catholics were severely disadvantaged and his short but productive period spent in Rome, aided by newly discovered archival documents and a rich variety of other sources, both old and more recent, most of which have previously been overlooked by music historians.
约翰·拉文斯克罗夫特(1664/5-1697)在今天最为人所知的是,他在1695年出版了一套模仿科雷利风格的教堂奏鸣曲。从那以后,围绕拉文斯克罗夫特的论述就集中在这十二首奏鸣曲上,以及它们与杰出典范之间关系的重要性,而排除了后来一系列不同类型但同等价值的奏鸣曲。拉文斯克罗夫特引人入胜、与众不同的传记同样被完全忽视了。这篇文章通过新发现的档案文件和丰富多样的其他资源,包括旧的和最近的,大部分被音乐历史学家所忽视的,他在罗马度过的短暂但富有成效的时期,以及他在英国的杰出的天主教家庭的背景,天主教徒处于严重不利地位。
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引用次数: 1
John Cunningham, The Consort Music of William Lawes 1602–1645 . Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2010. xxiv+350 pp. ISBN 978-0-954-68097-8. 约翰·坎宁安,《威廉·劳斯的协奏曲》1602-1645。伍德布里奇:博伊德尔出版社,2010年。xxiv+350 pp. ISBN 978-0-954-68097-8。
IF 0.3 1区 艺术学 0 MUSIC Pub Date : 2012-08-08 DOI: 10.1017/S0261127912000125
Jonathan P. Wainwright
but it would have been so good to have a copy of the music with the coherent Cambrai text, certainly copied long after Regis’s death but at least copied at Cambrai Cathedral, no great distance from Soignies and indeed the cathedral church of that diocese. There are some editing problems, to be sure; and there is one chunk of text that is in entirely the wrong place. But the upshot looks a lot more sensible, so it is a pity that Gallagher neither printed it nor included it in the recording. But that of course brings us back to the matter of editions. It looks as though in most other cases Gallagher now has all the material together for a new edition of Regis. It would be so great if he could provide this.
但如果能有一份有连贯的康布雷文本的音乐副本就太好了,当然是在里吉斯死后很久才被复制的,但至少是在康布雷大教堂复制的,离索瓦尼不远,实际上是那个教区的大教堂。当然,这里存在一些编辑问题;还有一段文字完全放错了地方。但结果看起来要合理得多,所以很遗憾加拉格尔既没有把它印出来,也没有把它收录在录音中。当然,这又把我们带回到版本的问题上。似乎在其他大多数情况下,加拉格尔现在把所有的材料都集中在了新版的《瑞吉斯》上。如果他能提供这个就太好了。
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引用次数: 0
AMAZONS FROM MADRID TO VIENNA, BY WAY OF ITALY: THE CIRCULATION OF A SPANISH TEXT AND THE DEFINITION OF AN IMAGINARY 从马德里到维也纳的亚马逊人,经由意大利:西班牙文本的流通和虚构的定义
IF 0.3 1区 艺术学 0 MUSIC Pub Date : 2012-08-08 DOI: 10.1017/S0261127912000046
A. Garavaglia, Katherine Kamal
The fascinating phenomenon of the migration of theatrical subjects between literary genres, languages and countries is enriched through a new example discussed in this article. A handwritten libretto compiled in Rome for the court of Vienna, La simpatia nell'odio, overo Le amazoni amanti by Giovanni Pietro Monesio (1664), was discovered to be a faithful translation of the Spanish play Las Amazonas by Antonio de Solís (1657), hitherto known as the basis of a much later libretto, Caduta del regno delle Amazzoni, by Domenico De Totis (1690), set by Bernardo Pasquini. Monesio's libretto not only allows us to reconstruct the manner and time of the European circulation of a Spanish subject (from Madrid to Rome, to Vienna and Naples), but also to shed light on wider cultural aspects. First of all, it increases the number of librettos closely based on Spanish plays, of which so far only a few examples by Giulio Rospigliosi were known. Secondly, it provides further proof of the hypotheticised Spanish influence on the fortune of the Amazons in Italian opera and confirmation that its first appearance was beyond the Alps rather than in Italy. Finally, in the context of the the Habsburg Viennese court, the success of the Amazons seems to be linked to the political need to create a strong symbolic association between the ‘discourse’ on the virago and the legitimation of female power.
通过本文讨论的一个新例子,丰富了戏剧题材在文学类型、语言和国家之间的迁移这一令人着迷的现象。由Giovanni Pietro Monesio(1664)在罗马为维也纳宫廷编写的手写剧本La simpatia nell'odio, overo Le amazoni amanti由Giovanni Pietro Monesio(1664)编写,被发现是安东尼奥·德·Solís(1657)的西班牙戏剧《亚马逊人》(Las Amazonas)的忠实译本,迄今为止,它被认为是后来多梅尼科·德·托蒂斯(1690)的剧本《Caduta del regno delle Amazzoni》的基础,由贝尔纳多·帕斯基尼设定。莫奈西奥的剧本不仅让我们得以重建西班牙题材在欧洲的传播方式和时间(从马德里到罗马,到维也纳和那不勒斯),而且还揭示了更广泛的文化层面。首先,它增加了与西班牙戏剧密切相关的剧本的数量,到目前为止,已知的只有朱利奥·罗斯皮里奥西的几个例子。其次,它进一步证明了西班牙对意大利歌剧中亚马逊人命运的影响,并证实了它的首次出现是在阿尔卑斯山以外,而不是在意大利。最后,在哈布斯堡维也纳宫廷的背景下,亚马逊女战士的成功似乎与政治需要有关,即在关于virago的“话语”和女性权力的合法性之间建立一种强烈的象征性联系。
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引用次数: 2
EMH volume 31 Cover and Back matter EMH第31卷封面和封底
IF 0.3 1区 艺术学 0 MUSIC Pub Date : 2012-08-08 DOI: 10.1017/s0261127912000113
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引用次数: 0
Elizabeth Eva Leach, Guillaume de Machaut: Secretary, Poet, Musician. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2011. xv+367 pp. 伊丽莎白·伊娃·利奇,纪尧姆·德·马肖:秘书、诗人、音乐家。伊萨卡和伦敦:康奈尔大学出版社,2011。十五+ 367页。
IF 0.3 1区 艺术学 0 MUSIC Pub Date : 2012-08-08 DOI: 10.1017/S0261127912000083
Anna Zayaruznaya
Elizabeth Eva Leach’s new book was not out yet when I was planning a Spring 2011 seminar on Machaut, so I let its title guide me. Guillaume de Machaut: Secretary, Poet, Musician was obviously the monograph that finally brought Machaut’s life and works into accord – one that explained the importance of his time as a court official to his music and poetry. I therefore put it on the syllabus for ‘Life and Works’ day under the provocative (I hoped) question ‘Does biography matter?’ It was a rookie mistake. Leach’s new book is not a ‘life and works’ study at all. Though it concerns itself with both Machaut’s life and his musico-poetic output, it does so sequentially, placing much more emphasis on the latter. After the first chapter, which brings together all the surviving evidence of the historical Machaut that does not come from his own poetry, the ‘real’ Machaut is treated as much as a symbol as an actuality. His body serves as a metaphor for his oeuvre, the dismemberment of which by modern disciplinarity is the focus of chapter 2. After this the core section of the book explores a series of multivalent themes – ‘Creation’, ‘Hope’, ‘Fortune’ and ‘Death’ – with regard to their manifestation in Machaut’s output, both musical and poetic. The result is that Machaut is ‘re-membered’ even as he is ‘remembered’. In the lucid chapter 1 (‘Life: Guillaume de Machaut’s Living’) Leach brings together the surviving information about Machaut that hails from sources external to his poetic works. Such an undertaking is necessitated by the shaky hold of truth in his dits (long narrative poems). The famous ‘Voir dit’ (‘True Story’ or ‘True Fiction’) is a case in point: the poem often refers to real persons and places, teems with scintillating details about Machaut’s habits of book-making, and records impressive statements about the worth of his musical compositions. The narrator is even named Guillaume. But Guillaume also meets Hope in a field while walking, and
伊丽莎白·伊娃·利奇(Elizabeth Eva Leach)的新书在我计划2011年春季马肖研讨会时还没有出版,所以我以书名为指导。《纪尧姆·德·马肖:秘书、诗人、音乐家》显然是最后把马肖的生活和作品联系在一起的专著——这本专著解释了他作为宫廷官员的那段时间对他的音乐和诗歌的重要性。因此,我把它放在“生活与作品”日的教学大纲中,并提出了一个具有挑衅性(我希望如此)的问题:传记重要吗?这是新手犯的错误。利奇的新书根本不是关于“生活与作品”的研究。虽然它既关注马肖的生活,也关注他的音乐诗歌作品,但它是按顺序进行的,更强调后者。第一章汇集了历史上马肖的所有现存证据,这些证据并非来自他自己的诗歌,在这一章之后,“真实的”马肖被视为一个象征,而不是一个现实。他的身体是他全部作品的隐喻,现代纪律对其的肢解是第二章的重点。在此之后,本书的核心部分探讨了一系列多重主题——“创造”、“希望”、“财富”和“死亡”——以及它们在马肖作品中的表现,包括音乐和诗歌。结果是马肖被“记住”,就像他被“记住”一样。在清晰的第一章(“生活:纪尧姆·德·马肖的生活”)中,利奇汇集了有关马肖的现存信息,这些信息来自他诗歌作品之外的来源。由于他在长篇叙事诗中对真理的把握不稳,这样的工作是必要的。著名的“Voir dit”(“真实的故事”或“真实的小说”)就是一个很好的例子:这首诗经常提到真实的人和地方,充满了马肖写书习惯的精彩细节,并记录了关于他的音乐作品价值的令人印象深刻的陈述。叙述者甚至叫纪尧姆。但是纪尧姆在散步的时候也遇到了霍普,然后
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引用次数: 1
FORS SEULEMENT L'ACTENTE QUE JE MEURE: OCKEGHEM'S RONDEAU AND THE GENDERED RHETORIC OF GRIEF 《只为我而死:奥克赫姆的回旋曲与申诉的性别修辞》
IF 0.3 1区 艺术学 0 MUSIC Pub Date : 2012-08-08 DOI: 10.1017/S0261127912000058
Vincenzo Borghetti, Stephen Bemrose
Fors seulement is among Johannes Ockeghem's most extensively discussed chansons. A much debated feature of this rondeau is that its two upper voices span almost the same high register. Sources disagree over which of these voices is the tenor: earlier and authoritative manuscripts assign this role to the uppermost voice, while later ones ‘normalise’ the disposition by giving it to the slightly lower one. Apart from a few passing remarks, musicologists have not taken into sufficient consideration that the text of Fors seulement, the lament of a woman, is modelled upon Alain Chartier's Complainte on the death of his lady, as Paula Higgins has demonstrated. This article focuses on the transformation of the rhetoric of grief from male Complainte to female rondeau, and considers anew the issue of Fors seulement's unique contrapuntal structure and its troubled reception from the point of view of the peculiarly gendered nature of its poetic voice.
Fors seuement是约翰内斯·奥克海姆(Johannes ockehem)最被广泛讨论的香颂之一。这首朗多的一个备受争议的特点是它的两个高音跨越了几乎相同的高音域。来源不同意这些声音中的哪一个是男高音:早期和权威的手稿把这个角色分配给了最高的声音,而后来的“正常化”的处置,把它给了稍微低一点的声音。除了一些偶然的评论,音乐学家们没有充分考虑到,正如Paula Higgins所证明的那样,Fors seulement的文本,一个女人的哀歌,是模仿alan Chartier对他妻子死亡的抱怨。本文着眼于悲伤修辞从男性的抱怨到女性的抱怨的转变,并从其独特的诗歌声音的性别特征的角度重新思考福斯的独特对位结构及其令人困惑的接受问题。
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引用次数: 0
EMH volume 31 Cover and Front matter 有效市场假说第31卷封面和正面问题
IF 0.3 1区 艺术学 0 MUSIC Pub Date : 2012-08-08 DOI: 10.1017/s0261127912000101
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引用次数: 0
GENDER AND THE POLITICS OF MUSIC IN THE EARLY ISLAMIC COURTS 性别与早期伊斯兰宫廷的音乐政治
IF 0.3 1区 艺术学 0 MUSIC Pub Date : 2012-08-08 DOI: 10.1017/S0261127912000010
Lisa Nielson
Until the ninth century, the role of the professional musician in pre-Islamic Arabia and Mesopotamia was primarily fulfilled by women. Men were socially prohibited from working as musicians, though some transgressed gender and social boundaries by adopting feminine dress and playing ‘women's’ instruments. With the advent of Islam, patronage of qiyān (singing girls), mukhannathūn (effeminates) and later, male musicians, did not substantially change. During the early Abbasid era (750–950 ce), however, their collective visibility in court entertainments was among several factors leading to debates regarding the legal position of music in Islam. The arguments for and against took place in the realm of politics and interpretation of religious law yet the influence of traditional expectations for gendered musical performance that had existed on the cultural landscape for millennia also contributed to the formation of a musical semiotics used by both sides. In this article, I examine the representation of musicians in the early Islamic court in Baghdad from the perspective of select ninth-century Arabic texts. First, I begin with a summary of the gender roles and performance expectations for pre-Islamic court musicians and point to their continuation into the early Islamic courts. Then, I suggest how the figure of the musician became a key referent in the development of a musical semiotics used in medieval Islamic music discourse.
直到9世纪,在前伊斯兰阿拉伯和美索不达米亚,职业音乐家的角色主要是由女性扮演的。男性被社会禁止从事音乐家的工作,尽管有些人通过穿女性服装和演奏“女性”乐器来突破性别和社会界限。随着伊斯兰教的出现,对qiyān(唱歌的女孩)、mukhannathūn(柔弱的女人)以及后来的男性音乐家的赞助并没有实质性的改变。然而,在阿拔斯王朝早期(公元750-950年),他们在宫廷娱乐中的集体知名度是导致关于伊斯兰音乐法律地位的辩论的几个因素之一。支持和反对的争论发生在政治和宗教法律的解释领域,但几千年来文化景观中对性别音乐表演的传统期望的影响也促成了双方使用的音乐符号学的形成。在这篇文章中,我从精选的9世纪阿拉伯文本的角度研究了音乐家在巴格达早期伊斯兰宫廷中的表现。首先,我总结了前伊斯兰宫廷音乐家的性别角色和表演期望,并指出他们在早期伊斯兰宫廷的延续。然后,我提出了音乐家的形象如何成为中世纪伊斯兰音乐话语中使用的音乐符号学发展的关键参考。
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引用次数: 13
MUSIC, PESTILENCE AND TWO SETTINGS OF O BEATE SEBASTIANE 音乐,瘟疫和两种设定的节奏塞巴斯蒂安
IF 0.3 1区 艺术学 0 MUSIC Pub Date : 2012-08-08 DOI: 10.1017/S0261127912000022
Remi Chiu
This essay examines the role of music in the late-medieval and Renaissance response to plague. According to doctors, the mere thought of plague could bring on the disease; they therefore prescribed joyful music to distract the mind from insidious imaginings and to counteract the harmful effects of fear. The prescription for music, however, was not unequivocal. Some spiritual authorities looked suspiciously upon music's role as anti-pestilential remedy. These competing discourses inform a reading of Johannes Martini's and Gaspar van Weerbeke's settings of O beate Sebastiane, motets that petition St Sebastian, the premier plague saint of the Renaissance, for divine intervention against pestilence.
这篇文章探讨了音乐在中世纪晚期和文艺复兴时期对瘟疫的反应中的作用。根据医生的说法,仅仅是想到瘟疫就可能导致这种疾病;因此,他们规定了欢快的音乐,以分散思想从阴险的想象和抵消恐惧的有害影响。然而,音乐的处方并不是明确的。一些精神权威对音乐作为抗疫药物的作用持怀疑态度。这些相互竞争的话语为约翰内斯·马蒂尼和加斯帕尔·凡·韦尔贝克的《O beat Sebastiane》的设定提供了信息,这是向文艺复兴时期首要的瘟疫圣徒圣·塞巴斯蒂安请愿的颂歌,祈求上帝干预瘟疫。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
EARLY MUSIC HISTORY
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