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Making the Latino South: A History of Racial Formation by Cecilia Márquez (review) 打造拉丁裔南方:种族形成史》,作者塞西莉亚-马尔克斯(评论)
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936690
Justin I. Salgado
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Making the Latino South: A History of Racial Formation</em> by Cecilia Márquez <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Justin I. Salgado </li> </ul> <em>Making the Latino South: A History of Racial Formation</em>. By Cecilia Márquez. ( Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. Pp. 284. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index.) <p>Race in the American South is a widely studied topic, and it is often discussed by scholars in terms of a Black-White binary. Those seeking to discuss the experiences of Latinos in the region emphasize the need to disrupt this binary. However, historian Cecilia Márquez argues that to effectively challenge racial binaries, scholars must thoroughly understand the intricate historical relationship among Southern Latinos, Blackness, and anti-Blackness. Her book, <em>Making the Latino South: A History of Racial Formation</em>, offers a ground-breaking history of how Latino racial identities evolved in the twentieth century, from Latinos being perceived as "provisionally white" in the mid-twentieth century to being labeled "illegal" at the beginning of the twenty-first century.</p> <p>Drawing from a diverse range of sources, notably newspapers, organizational records, and oral histories, this monograph is structured into five chapters that proceed chronologically from the 1940s to 2011. The first three chapters cover topics such as the school integration struggle in Washington, DC, the significance of a Mexican-themed rest stop at the border between North and South Carolina, and Latino participation in the civil rights movement, specifically in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Throughout these chapters, Márquez methodically examines how anti-Blackness influenced perceptions of race, demonstrating how non-Black Latinos benefited from what she terms "provisional whiteness," granting them access to Jim Crow institutions (p. 16).</p> <p>Chapter 4 focuses on the period from the 1980s to 2000, when a coherent Hispanic identity began to form. Interestingly, people in the South largely welcomed Latinos because they fulfilled necessary labor and economic roles. Even so, a surge in immigration and the emergence of the "hardworking Mexican" stereotype meant that Latinos began to lose their "provisional whiteness," as racial distinctions between them and White Southerners became more distinct. Chapter 5 delves into the Latino experience from 2000 to 2011, when a reconfiguration occurred from the "hardworking" stereotype to the stigmatization of Latinos as "illegal aliens" following the events of September 11, 2001, and the 2008 recession. This chapter is particularly insightful since it explicitly centers race in discussions of anti-immigration legislation and heightened border militarization during this period.</p> <p>Not only does this study fill a significant
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 打造拉丁裔南方:Cecilia Márquez 著 Justin I. Salgado 译 Making the Latino South: A History of Racial Formation:种族形成史》。作者:塞西莉亚-马尔克斯。(Chapel Hill:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2023 年。第 284 页。插图、注释、参考书目、索引)。美国南方的种族问题是一个被广泛研究的课题,学者们通常从黑人-白人二元对立的角度对其进行讨论。那些试图讨论该地区拉美裔经历的学者强调有必要打破这种二元论。然而,历史学家塞西莉亚-马尔克斯(Cecilia Márquez)认为,要想有效地挑战种族二元论,学者们必须彻底理解南方拉美人、黑人和反黑人之间错综复杂的历史关系。她的著作《创造拉丁裔南方》(Making the Latino South:一书开创性地描述了拉美裔种族身份在 20 世纪的演变史,从 20 世纪中期拉美裔被视为 "临时白人 "到 21 世纪初被贴上 "非法 "标签。本专著从报纸、组织记录和口述历史等各种资料中汲取素材,分为五章,按时间顺序从二十世纪四十年代一直写到 2011 年。前三章涉及的主题包括华盛顿特区的学校融合斗争、南北卡罗莱纳州边界上以墨西哥为主题的休息站的意义以及拉丁裔参与民权运动,特别是参与学生非暴力协调委员会(SNCC)的情况。在这些章节中,马尔克斯有条不紊地研究了反黑人如何影响种族观念,展示了非黑人拉美人如何从她所说的 "临时白人 "中受益,使他们得以进入吉姆-克罗体制(第 16 页)。第 4 章的重点是 20 世纪 80 年代至 2000 年,这一时期开始形成一致的拉美裔身份认同。有趣的是,南方人在很大程度上欢迎拉美人,因为他们扮演了必要的劳动力和经济角色。即便如此,移民数量的激增以及 "勤劳的墨西哥人 "这一刻板印象的出现,意味着拉美裔开始失去他们的 "临时白人身份",因为他们与南方白人之间的种族区别变得更加明显。第 5 章深入探讨了 2000 年至 2011 年拉美裔的经历,2001 年 9 月 11 日事件和 2008 年经济衰退之后,拉美裔从 "勤奋工作 "的刻板印象到被污蔑为 "非法移民 "的经历发生了重构。本章明确地将种族问题作为这一时期反移民立法和边境军事化加剧的讨论中心,因此特别具有洞察力。本研究承认拉美裔在南方的种族地位存在细微差别,这不仅填补了史学界的一大空白,更重要的是,它证明了美国南方史应包括对拉美裔的关注。该书让所有读者全面了解拉美裔、吉姆-克罗、公民身份和移民的交集。虽然马尔克斯关注的是南方 [完 第 111 页] 拉美人的历史经历,但她的见解具有更广泛的意义,读者可以利用这些见解来理解不同专业和地理区域的类别和身份是如何被不断重新定义的。为此,不仅历史学家会发现这本专著很有帮助,而且对于任何想更多了解美国拉美裔和种族复杂历史的人来说,这本专著都值得一读。最后,补充一点个人因素,我希望在我小时候试图了解自己的拉丁裔身份时,能有这本书作为指导。基于以上原因以及更多原因,《打造拉丁裔南方》是一本必读书。Justin I. Salgado 俄亥俄州立大学 版权所有 © 2024 德州历史协会 ...
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引用次数: 0
Emancipation Day to Juneteenth: The Origins of a Texas Celebration 从解放日到六月十日:得克萨斯州庆祝活动的起源
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936677
Carl H. Moneyhon
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Emancipation Day to Juneteenth:<span>The Origins of a Texas Celebration</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Carl H. Moneyhon (bio) </li> </ul> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution <p>A popular print of the Emancipation Proclamation produced in May 1886 by William B. Burford of Indianapolis, IN. <em>Courtesy of Library of Congress</em>.</p> <p></p> <p>O<small>n</small> J<small>une</small> 17, 2021, P<small>res</small>. J<small>oseph</small> R. B<small>iden signed a bill that</small> designated Juneteenth National Independence Day as a legal public holiday. In doing so, he recognized a long-standing Texas celebration on June 19 that remembered the day in 1865 when Union Maj. Gen. Gordon Granger arrived in Galveston and issued General Order No. 3, which informed Texans that slavery was at an end. The day was so widely celebrated in the state that the Texas Legislature made it a state holiday in 1979. In his remarks, President Biden pointed to that date as an important day to commemorate the end of slavery while at the same time consider the work that still needed to be done to bring about racial justice and equality in American society. "[I]t's not enough," he said, "just to commemorate Juneteenth. After all, the emancipation of enslaved Black Americans didn't mark the end of America's work to deliver on the promise of equality. To honor the true meaning of Juneteenth, we have to continue toward that promise because we've not gotten there yet."<sup>1</sup> Even though it thus became a national holiday, a Gallup Poll taken in 2022 showed that only seventeen percent of Americans knew a lot about Juneteenth, while the remaining eighty-three percent knew little or nothing.<sup>2</sup></p> <p>This lack of knowledge exists despite the fact that historians have written extensively about the celebration, especially since the creation of the state <strong>[End Page 1]</strong> holiday. Studies have examined how Juneteenth was perceived and remembered by Black Texans, what events led to Granger's action, in what way slavery did not actually end in Texas on that day, and how viewing the state's history through the lens of Juneteenth alters historical perspectives. Much of this work focuses on Juneteenth events staged later in the nineteenth and into the twentieth centuries; however, less attention has been paid to how these events developed in their earliest stages. This is true especially from 1866, when the first events were held, up to the development of the modern forms in the 1870s and 1880s. This essay seeks to fill in that gap, asking how Texans settled on June 19 as the day to celebrate, who organized and supported Emancipation Day events (as they were called into the 1890s and will be so referred to in this article), and how the memory of emancipation and the celebrations themselves changed through those years.<
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 从解放日到六月十日:德克萨斯州庆祝活动的起源 卡尔-H-钱洪(简历 点击查看大图 查看完整分辨率 1886 年 5 月,印第安纳波利斯的威廉-B-伯福德制作了《解放奴隶宣言》的通俗印刷品。美国国会图书馆提供。 2021 年 6 月 17 日,约瑟夫-拜登(Joseph R. Biden)总统签署了一项法案,将六一国家独立日定为法定公共假日。在此过程中,他承认了德克萨斯州在 6 月 19 日举行的一个由来已久的庆祝活动,这一天是 1865 年联邦少将戈登-格兰杰(Gordon Granger)抵达加尔维斯顿并发布第 3 号通令的日子,该通令通知德克萨斯人奴隶制已经结束。这一天在该州广为传颂,得克萨斯州议会于 1979 年将其定为州假日。拜登总统在讲话中指出,这一天是纪念奴隶制结束的重要日子,同时也是思考在美国社会实现种族公正和平等仍需努力的日子。"他说:"仅仅纪念六一儿童节是不够的。毕竟,被奴役的美国黑人获得解放并不标志着美国实现平等承诺的工作已经结束。为了纪念六一儿童节的真正意义,我们必须继续努力实现这一承诺,因为我们还没有达到这一目标。"1 尽管六一儿童节因此成为全国性节日,但 2022 年进行的盖洛普民意调查显示,只有 17% 的美国人对六一儿童节非常了解,其余 83% 的人知之甚少或一无所知。这些研究探讨了德克萨斯州黑人如何看待和记忆 "六一 "节,哪些事件导致了格兰杰的行动,在哪些方面奴隶制在这一天并未在德克萨斯州真正结束,以及如何通过 "六一 "节的视角来看待该州的历史改变了历史观。这方面的研究大多集中于 19 世纪晚期和 20 世纪的 "六一 "节活动,但较少关注这些活动在最初阶段是如何发展的。从 1866 年首次举办活动到 19 世纪 70 年代和 80 年代现代形式的发展,情况尤其如此。本文试图填补这一空白,询问德克萨斯人是如何确定 6 月 19 日为庆祝日的,谁组织并支持了解放日活动(1890 年代称之为解放日,本文也将如此称呼),以及对解放的记忆和庆祝活动本身在这些年中发生了怎样的变化。在南北战争结束后的几年里,对于解放何时在得克萨斯州合法进行并没有达成一致意见。许多在 1865 年抵达德克萨斯的联邦军队和联邦官员认为奴隶制在 1863 年 1 月 1 日结束,即亚伯拉罕-林肯总统的《解放奴隶宣言》生效之日。该公告宣布,居住在当时仍在反抗国家政府的地区的被奴役者获得自由。这意味着德克萨斯州邦联的大部分被奴役者都获得了自由。在其他一些前邦联州,这一天也成了庆祝的日子。当时,甚至连白人邦联成员都认为,国家政府打算承认这个日子。例如,《加尔维斯顿新闻》(Galveston News)的编辑在 1865 年 5 月(当时德克萨斯州的战争尚未结束)向读者保证,共和党 "决心执行解放奴隶宣言",并认为这种威胁要求德克萨斯人继续战斗。更让人们相信奴隶制已于 1863 年结束的事实是,在邦联军队投降的其他地方,联邦军队 "拒绝提出逐步解放的条件",显然是假定解放已经发生。6 月初,邦联特工阿什贝尔-史密斯(Ashbel Smith)和准将托马斯-哈里森(Thomas Harrison)从新奥尔良返回,进一步证实了德克萨斯人的这种理解。
{"title":"Emancipation Day to Juneteenth: The Origins of a Texas Celebration","authors":"Carl H. Moneyhon","doi":"10.1353/swh.2024.a936677","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2024.a936677","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;span&gt;&lt;span&gt;In lieu of&lt;/span&gt; an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:&lt;/span&gt;\u0000&lt;p&gt; &lt;ul&gt; &lt;li&gt;&lt;!-- html_title --&gt; Emancipation Day to Juneteenth:&lt;span&gt;The Origins of a Texas Celebration&lt;/span&gt; &lt;!-- /html_title --&gt;&lt;/li&gt; &lt;li&gt; Carl H. Moneyhon (bio) &lt;/li&gt; &lt;/ul&gt; &lt;br/&gt; Click for larger view&lt;br/&gt; View full resolution &lt;p&gt;A popular print of the Emancipation Proclamation produced in May 1886 by William B. Burford of Indianapolis, IN. &lt;em&gt;Courtesy of Library of Congress&lt;/em&gt;.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;O&lt;small&gt;n&lt;/small&gt; J&lt;small&gt;une&lt;/small&gt; 17, 2021, P&lt;small&gt;res&lt;/small&gt;. J&lt;small&gt;oseph&lt;/small&gt; R. B&lt;small&gt;iden signed a bill that&lt;/small&gt; designated Juneteenth National Independence Day as a legal public holiday. In doing so, he recognized a long-standing Texas celebration on June 19 that remembered the day in 1865 when Union Maj. Gen. Gordon Granger arrived in Galveston and issued General Order No. 3, which informed Texans that slavery was at an end. The day was so widely celebrated in the state that the Texas Legislature made it a state holiday in 1979. In his remarks, President Biden pointed to that date as an important day to commemorate the end of slavery while at the same time consider the work that still needed to be done to bring about racial justice and equality in American society. \"[I]t's not enough,\" he said, \"just to commemorate Juneteenth. After all, the emancipation of enslaved Black Americans didn't mark the end of America's work to deliver on the promise of equality. To honor the true meaning of Juneteenth, we have to continue toward that promise because we've not gotten there yet.\"&lt;sup&gt;1&lt;/sup&gt; Even though it thus became a national holiday, a Gallup Poll taken in 2022 showed that only seventeen percent of Americans knew a lot about Juneteenth, while the remaining eighty-three percent knew little or nothing.&lt;sup&gt;2&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This lack of knowledge exists despite the fact that historians have written extensively about the celebration, especially since the creation of the state &lt;strong&gt;[End Page 1]&lt;/strong&gt; holiday. Studies have examined how Juneteenth was perceived and remembered by Black Texans, what events led to Granger's action, in what way slavery did not actually end in Texas on that day, and how viewing the state's history through the lens of Juneteenth alters historical perspectives. Much of this work focuses on Juneteenth events staged later in the nineteenth and into the twentieth centuries; however, less attention has been paid to how these events developed in their earliest stages. This is true especially from 1866, when the first events were held, up to the development of the modern forms in the 1870s and 1880s. This essay seeks to fill in that gap, asking how Texans settled on June 19 as the day to celebrate, who organized and supported Emancipation Day events (as they were called into the 1890s and will be so referred to in this article), and how the memory of emancipation and the celebrations themselves changed through those years.&lt;","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142199111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
"Our Citizens": Mirabeau B. Lamar's Sentiments toward Mexicans during the Republic of Texas "我们的公民米拉波-拉马尔在德克萨斯共和国时期对墨西哥人的情感
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936678
Stefan Roel Reyes
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> "Our Citizens":<span>Mirabeau B. Lamar's Sentiments toward Mexicans during the Republic of Texas</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Stefan Roel Reyes (bio) </li> </ul> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution <p>Engraving of Mirabeau B. Lamar by J.B. Forrest, published in the <em>Democratic Review</em> 16 (May 1845), 521. <em>Courtesy of Library of Congress</em>.</p> <p></p> <p>S<small>hortly before becoming the second president of</small> T<small>exas in</small> 1838, Mirabeau Buonaparte Lamar praised José Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara's revolutionary forces for setting in action the chain of events that gave rise to the Texas Republic, calling them: "the valient [<em>sic</em>] spirits who followed the celebrated Jose Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara, in the sanguinary wars of 1812 and 1813 in Texas.—This fearless and ferocious patriot."<sup>1</sup> Lamar referred to the Gutiérrez–Magee Expedition, through which Gutiérrez de Lara continued the struggle for an independent Mexican nation after the demise of the instigator of the Mexican wars for independence, Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla. Given the dominant perspective of Texas historiography, which argues that the era of the Republic saw the hardening of racial divisions between Anglos and Tejanos, Lamar's praise for Mexican revolutionaries appears unusual.<sup>2</sup></p> <p>Many historians have elucidated an increasing hostility of racial attitudes toward Tejanos and Latinos after the formation of the Republic. But two problems dominate their historiography: periodization and monolithic portrayals. Caitlyn Fitz explores these in <em>Our Sister Republics: The United States in an Age of American Revolutions</em>. She writes that racial sentiments in the United States hardened <strong>[End Page 25]</strong> against the "sister republics" in Latin America in response to their perceived abolitionism. Fitz places the start of this shift in the 1820s as a reaction to the assembly of Latin American republics known as the Panama Congress. In Fitz's portrayal, American racial views of Mexicans and other Latin Americans was already decidedly negative by the time of the Texas Revolution However, the author neglects the fluid nature of a universalist rhetoric of Mexican and Anglo similarities that existed since the pre-Revolutionary era.<sup>3</sup> On the Texas frontier, ideas of shared humanity with Mexicans survived the Revolution and continued into the Republic era. While historians such as Fitz correctly highlight growing racial animosity, they overlook the continuation of a countering universalist sentiment.</p> <p>This problem is evident in the works of scholars who have investigated racial attitudes toward Texans of Mexican descent. In <em>Beyond the Alamo: Forging Mexican Ethnicity in San Antonio, 1821–1861</em>, Raúl Ramos offers a depiction of Anglo-Mexican relations cent
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: "我们的公民":米拉波-B-拉马尔在德克萨斯共和国时期对墨西哥人的情感 斯特凡-罗埃尔-雷耶斯(简历) 点击查看大图 查看完整分辨率 J.B. 福雷斯特为米拉波-B-拉马尔绘制的雕像,发表于《民主评论》第 16 期(1845 年 5 月),第 521 页。美国国会图书馆提供。 在 1838 年成为德克萨斯州第二任总统前不久,米拉波-布奥纳帕特-拉马尔称赞何塞-贝尔纳多-古铁雷斯-德-拉拉(José Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara)的革命军发动了一连串的事件,导致了德克萨斯共和国的诞生,并称他们为 "英勇的[原文如此]人":"拉马尔提到了古铁雷斯-马吉远征,在墨西哥独立战争的发起人米格尔-伊达尔戈-伊-科斯蒂亚(Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla)逝世后,古铁雷斯-德拉继续为建立一个独立的墨西哥国家而奋斗。德克萨斯州史学界的主流观点认为,在共和国时代,英国人和特亚诺人之间的种族分歧日益加剧,因此拉马尔对墨西哥革命者的赞美显得不同寻常。2 许多历史学家都阐明了共和国成立后对特亚诺人和拉美人日益增长的敌视态度,但他们的史学研究主要存在两个问题:时期划分和单一描述。凯特琳-菲茨(Caitlyn Fitz)在《我们的姐妹共和国》(Our Sister Republics)一书中探讨了这些问题:美国革命时代的美国》一书中探讨了这些问题。她写道,由于拉丁美洲的 "姊妹共和国 "被视为废奴主义,美国的种族情绪变得更加强烈 [第25页完] 。菲茨将这一转变的起始时间定为 19 世纪 20 年代,是对被称为巴拿马大会的拉丁美洲各共和国大会的反应。在菲茨的描述中,美国人对墨西哥人和其他拉美人的种族观念在得克萨斯革命时期已经明显消极。然而,作者忽略了自革命前时代起就存在的关于墨西哥人和英裔人相似性的普遍主义言论的流动性。虽然菲茨等历史学家正确地强调了日益增长的种族敌意,但他们忽视了与之相对应的普遍主义情绪的延续。这一问题在研究对墨西哥裔德克萨斯人的种族态度的学者的著作中显而易见。在《阿拉莫之外》(Beyond the Alamo:劳尔-拉莫斯(Raúl Ramos)在《超越阿拉莫:1821-1861 年圣安东尼奥的墨西哥种族》(Beyond Alamo: Forging Mexican Ethnicity in San Antonio, 1821-1861 年)一书中描述了以不信任和不忠诚为中心的英墨关系。拉莫斯还强调了得克萨斯革命后种族敌意的增加。在《恢复历史,重建种族:墨西哥裔美国人的印第安、黑人和白人根源》(2002 年)一书中,玛莎-门查卡(Martha Menchaca)讨论了根据文化、种族和社会规范构建墨西哥人身份的问题。作者在很大程度上将这种建构置于美墨战争之后。与其他学者一样,Menchaca 将种族主义描绘成一个线性过程,而不是一个有争议的复杂意识形态:1821-1900 年德克萨斯州盎格鲁人对墨西哥人的态度》。De León分析了盎格鲁-德克萨斯人的信念,即盎格鲁人需要将墨西哥人所谓的野蛮本性文明化,但这种分析也有不足之处。De León对人类平等的信念如何影响种族观念一笔带过。虽然他承认种族态度的复杂性,但作者描绘的种族主义概念非常单一。此外,作者还将得克萨斯革命之前这些强烈的种族态度视为一个诱发因素。虽然德莱昂正确地强调了驯服墨西哥野蛮人和野蛮行为的必要性是家长制和文明建设的动力,但他忽略了人道主义和进步的开明观念是如何影响这些观点的。在大多数情况下,他并没有将种族观念与共和国时期的帝国扩张联系起来。相反,德莱昂强调了墨西哥人在这一时期受到的迫害,却忽视了支持普遍主义论述的声音。这些问题在大卫-蒙特哈诺(David Montejano)的《德克萨斯州的形成中的英国人和墨西哥人》[第26页完]一书中同样明显...
{"title":"\"Our Citizens\": Mirabeau B. Lamar's Sentiments toward Mexicans during the Republic of Texas","authors":"Stefan Roel Reyes","doi":"10.1353/swh.2024.a936678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2024.a936678","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;span&gt;&lt;span&gt;In lieu of&lt;/span&gt; an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:&lt;/span&gt;\u0000&lt;p&gt; &lt;ul&gt; &lt;li&gt;&lt;!-- html_title --&gt; \"Our Citizens\":&lt;span&gt;Mirabeau B. Lamar's Sentiments toward Mexicans during the Republic of Texas&lt;/span&gt; &lt;!-- /html_title --&gt;&lt;/li&gt; &lt;li&gt; Stefan Roel Reyes (bio) &lt;/li&gt; &lt;/ul&gt; &lt;br/&gt; Click for larger view&lt;br/&gt; View full resolution &lt;p&gt;Engraving of Mirabeau B. Lamar by J.B. Forrest, published in the &lt;em&gt;Democratic Review&lt;/em&gt; 16 (May 1845), 521. &lt;em&gt;Courtesy of Library of Congress&lt;/em&gt;.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;S&lt;small&gt;hortly before becoming the second president of&lt;/small&gt; T&lt;small&gt;exas in&lt;/small&gt; 1838, Mirabeau Buonaparte Lamar praised José Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara's revolutionary forces for setting in action the chain of events that gave rise to the Texas Republic, calling them: \"the valient [&lt;em&gt;sic&lt;/em&gt;] spirits who followed the celebrated Jose Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara, in the sanguinary wars of 1812 and 1813 in Texas.—This fearless and ferocious patriot.\"&lt;sup&gt;1&lt;/sup&gt; Lamar referred to the Gutiérrez–Magee Expedition, through which Gutiérrez de Lara continued the struggle for an independent Mexican nation after the demise of the instigator of the Mexican wars for independence, Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla. Given the dominant perspective of Texas historiography, which argues that the era of the Republic saw the hardening of racial divisions between Anglos and Tejanos, Lamar's praise for Mexican revolutionaries appears unusual.&lt;sup&gt;2&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Many historians have elucidated an increasing hostility of racial attitudes toward Tejanos and Latinos after the formation of the Republic. But two problems dominate their historiography: periodization and monolithic portrayals. Caitlyn Fitz explores these in &lt;em&gt;Our Sister Republics: The United States in an Age of American Revolutions&lt;/em&gt;. She writes that racial sentiments in the United States hardened &lt;strong&gt;[End Page 25]&lt;/strong&gt; against the \"sister republics\" in Latin America in response to their perceived abolitionism. Fitz places the start of this shift in the 1820s as a reaction to the assembly of Latin American republics known as the Panama Congress. In Fitz's portrayal, American racial views of Mexicans and other Latin Americans was already decidedly negative by the time of the Texas Revolution However, the author neglects the fluid nature of a universalist rhetoric of Mexican and Anglo similarities that existed since the pre-Revolutionary era.&lt;sup&gt;3&lt;/sup&gt; On the Texas frontier, ideas of shared humanity with Mexicans survived the Revolution and continued into the Republic era. While historians such as Fitz correctly highlight growing racial animosity, they overlook the continuation of a countering universalist sentiment.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This problem is evident in the works of scholars who have investigated racial attitudes toward Texans of Mexican descent. In &lt;em&gt;Beyond the Alamo: Forging Mexican Ethnicity in San Antonio, 1821–1861&lt;/em&gt;, Raúl Ramos offers a depiction of Anglo-Mexican relations cent","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142199121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Norsemen Deep in the Heart of Texas: Norwegian Immigrants 1845–1900 by Gunnar Nerheim (review) 德克萨斯州中心深处的挪威人:挪威移民:1845-1900 年》,作者 Gunnar Nerheim(评论)
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936684
T. Lindsay Baker
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Norsemen Deep in the Heart of Texas: Norwegian Immigrants 1845–1900</em> by Gunnar Nerheim <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> T. Lindsay Baker </li> </ul> <em>Norsemen Deep in the Heart of Texas: Norwegian Immigrants 1845–1900</em>. By Gunnar Nerheim. ( College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2024. Pp. 430. Photographs, notes, bibliography, index.) <p>To write effectively on any immigrant groups, historians must employ sources recorded both in the emigrants' home places and in their destinations. This seems obvious, even though many writers on people who came to Texas from elsewhere use evidence only from where they ended up. This strategy usually leads to unbalanced interpretations. Researchers may find themselves cut off from evidence by military conflicts, but more often they are deterred by their own lack of language fluency or perceived expense and inconvenience of travel.</p> <p>Professor Gunnar Nerheim, recently retired from the University of Stavanger in Norway, provides an impressive model for how historians can find and employ documentation from both the places of origin and the end points to provide a comprehensive understanding of immigrant experiences. In 2015, during <strong>[End Page 103]</strong> the first of several trips, he attended the annual meeting of the Texas State Historical Association in Corpus Christi to establish connections with others who studied immigration to Texas and explored libraries and repositories that might contain pertinent material on Norwegian settlers. Nerheim found kindred spirits among Texan scholars and discovered multiple locations containing both English- and Norwegian-language evidence. Newly met local historians advised him about the types and locations of sources documenting the life experiences of immigrant groups.</p> <p>Texas holds an unexpectedly prominent role in the much broader story of Norwegian immigration to the United States. Emigrants from Norway began creating settlements in the northern states starting in 1825, when Cleng Peerson first organized their movement. He followed up with more colonies in the 1830s and 1840s. In the meantime, Peerson joined with other Norwegians who independently had already located in northeastern Texas to establish new farming communities farther west in Bosque County in 1854. Peerson, renowned as the founder of Norwegian immigration to America, remained in Texas until his death in 1863. His modest grave at the Norse rural community in Texas became a destination in later years for notable visitors, including King Olaf V of Norway, who in 1982 traveled there to recognize the two hundredth anniversary of Peerson's birth. Even today in Europe, Norwegian school children typically learn a rhythmical song that in translation narrates, "Cleng, Cleng, name like a song, lonely and lean drifting along. Cross
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 德克萨斯州中心深处的挪威人:贡纳尔-内尔海姆(Gunnar Nerheim)著,林赛-贝克(T. Lindsay Baker)译,《德克萨斯心脏深处的挪威人:1845-1900 年的挪威移民》(Norsemen Deep in the Heart of Texas):挪威移民1845-1900》。作者:贡纳尔-内尔海姆。(学院站:德克萨斯 A&M 大学出版社,2024 年。Pp.430.照片、注释、参考书目、索引)。要有效地撰写有关任何移民群体的文章,历史学家必须利用移民家乡和目的地的资料来源。这似乎是显而易见的,尽管许多研究从其他地方来到德克萨斯州的人的作者只使用他们最终目的地的证据。这种策略通常会导致不平衡的解释。研究人员可能会发现自己因军事冲突而无法获得证据,但更常见的情况是,他们因自身语言不流利或认为旅行费用昂贵且不方便而望而却步。刚从挪威斯塔万格大学退休的贡纳尔-内尔海姆教授(Gunnar Nerheim)提供了一个令人印象深刻的范例,说明历史学家如何能够从原籍地和终点地寻找并利用文献资料,从而全面了解移民的经历。2015年,在[第103页完]数次旅行中的第一次旅行期间,他参加了在科珀斯克里斯蒂举行的得克萨斯州历史协会年会,与其他研究得克萨斯州移民的人建立联系,并探索可能藏有挪威移民相关资料的图书馆和资料库。聂海姆在德克萨斯学者中找到了志同道合者,并发现了多处同时包含英语和挪威语证据的地方。新结识的当地历史学家向他介绍了记录移民群体生活经历的资料类型和地点。得克萨斯州在挪威人移民美国这一更为广泛的故事中扮演着出人意料的重要角色。1825年,挪威移民克伦-皮尔森(Cleng Peerson)首次组织移民运动,开始在北部各州建立定居点。随后,他又在19世纪30年代和40年代建立了更多的殖民地。与此同时,1854年,佩尔森与其他已在得克萨斯州东北部独立定居的挪威人一起,在更西部的博斯克县建立了新的农业社区。作为挪威人移民美国的创始人,皮尔森一直留在得克萨斯州,直到1863年去世。1982年,挪威国王奥拉夫五世(King Olaf V of Norway)前往德克萨斯州,纪念佩尔森诞辰200周年。即使在今天的欧洲,挪威学校的孩子们通常都会学习一首有节奏的歌曲,翻译过来就是:"Cleng, Cleng, name like a song, lonely and lean drift along.穿过大草原,涉过小溪流,他的钱包空空如也,他的帽子装满了梦想"。几乎每个挪威人都知道佩尔森,但大多数德克萨斯人却不知道。作为多部学术专著的作者,贡纳尔-内尔海姆知道如何找到有时隐藏的资料来源,以及如何将它们编织成关于像佩尔森这样生活在欧洲和美国世界之间的人的细致入微的故事。在大西洋两岸将近十年的时间里,他不仅一次又一次地前往图书馆和档案馆,而且还采访了移民到德克萨斯州的后裔和大西洋彼岸留在家乡的人。该书对孤星州挪威人的研究内容全面,可读性强,是研究其他移民群体的典范。T. Lindsay Baker 德州里奥维斯塔市 版权所有 © 2024 德州历史协会 ...
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引用次数: 0
Claiming Sunday: The Story of a Texas Slave Community by Joleene Maddox Snider (review) Claiming Sunday:Joleene Maddox Snider 所著的《德克萨斯奴隶社区的故事》(评论)
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936683
Kyle Ainsworth
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p><span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li> <!-- html_title --> <em>Claiming Sunday: The Story of a Texas Slave Community</em>by Joleene Maddox Snider <!-- /html_title --> </li> <li> Kyle Ainsworth </li> </ul> <em>Claiming Sunday: The Story of a Texas Slave Community</em>. <edition>2nd</edition>edition. By Joleene Maddox Snider. ( Fort Worth: TCU Press, 2022. Pp. 270. Illustrations, appendices, notes, bibliography, index.) <p>Lay readers of the second edition of <em>Claiming Sunday</em>, by Joleene Maddox Snider, will enjoy a thoughtful and probing case study of the people enslaved by the Devereux family at Monte Verdi plantation in Rusk County, Texas. The book is organized into four parts and has a more or less chronological structure. Readers start with the Devereux's and their enslaved people in Alabama, then make their way with them first to Montgomery County, Texas, and finally to Rusk County. At the end of each section are transcripts of oral histories the author conducted with descendants of the Devereux slave community. These testimonies link old and new generations by pairing commentaries on history and slavery with more contemporary experiences of being an African American. Chapter 11 is particularly incisive, with insights into enslaved labor patterns and a detailed exploration of the slave's free enterprise, selling their own corn and cotton crops and buying personal items from local merchants.</p> <p>Historians reading this book, however, might come away wishing for additional details that are available from state and local records. Snider writes in the introduction that her purpose is "to tell the story of the Devereux Slave <strong>[End Page 102]</strong>Community in as much detail as the records allowed" (p. 1), and she deftly explores a wealth of information (letters, receipts, farm accounts, journals, etc.) in the Julien Sydney Devereaux Family Papers, which are housed in the Dolph Briscoe Center for American History Center at the University of Texas in Austin. However, the author only cites one primary source for the entire manuscript. Snider defends her methodology in the conclusion (p. 194), but additional records about the Devereux family and their enslaved people likely do exist in the courthouses of Georgia, Alabama, and Texas, and in university and state archives. For example, annual tax records would have helped Snider understand Devereux family finances and cotton production. Other county court documents (deeds, probate, court cases) could have added nuance and depth. All these additional records could have also shed light on the transition from slavery to freedom.</p> <p>Snider suggests in the introduction that "the white Devereux family is a perfect example of Southern planters and slave owners" (p. 2). However, with 75 slaves, the Devereux's were hardly representative of most Texas slaveholders. Julien Devereux was in the top one per
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:审稿人:: Claiming Sunday:The Story of a Texas Slave Communityby Joleene Maddox Snider Kyle Ainsworth Claiming Sunday:德克萨斯奴隶社区的故事》。第 2 版。作者:乔琳娜-马多克斯-斯奈德。(沃斯堡:TCU Press, 2022.270 页。插图、附录、注释、参考书目、索引)。乔琳-马多克斯-斯奈德(Joleene Maddox Snider)所著的《索取星期天》(Claiming Sunday)第二版的非专业读者会喜欢这本关于德克萨斯州卢斯科县蒙特威尔第种植园中被德弗里家族奴役的人们的深思熟虑和探究性案例研究。该书分为四个部分,大致按时间顺序编排。读者先从德弗里一家及其在阿拉巴马州的奴隶开始,然后与他们一起先到得克萨斯州的蒙哥马利县,最后到拉斯克县。每一部分的末尾都有作者与德弗里奴隶社区后裔口述历史的记录。这些证词将对历史和奴隶制的评论与当代非裔美国人的经历结合在一起,从而将新老两代人联系在一起。其中第 11 章尤其精辟,它深入揭示了被奴役者的劳动模式,并详细探讨了奴隶的自由企业,他们出售自己的玉米和棉花作物,并从当地商人那里购买个人物品。不过,历史学家在阅读本书时,可能会希望从州和地方记录中获得更多细节。斯奈德在序言中写道,她的目的是 "在记录允许的范围内尽可能详细地讲述德弗罗奴隶 [完,第 102 页]社区的故事"(第 1 页),她巧妙地探索了朱利安-悉尼-德弗罗家族文件中的大量信息(信件、收据、农场账目、日记等),这些文件存放在奥斯汀德克萨斯大学的多尔夫-布里斯科美国历史中心(Dolph Briscoe Center for American History Center)。不过,作者在整部手稿中只引用了一个原始资料来源。斯奈德在结论(第 194 页)中为她的研究方法进行了辩护,但佐治亚州、阿拉巴马州和得克萨斯州的法院以及大学和州档案馆中可能确实存在有关德弗罗家族及其被奴役者的其他记录。例如,年度税收记录有助于斯耐德了解德弗罗家族的财务状况和棉花生产情况。其他县法院文件(契约、遗嘱检验、法院案件)可以增加细微差别和深度。所有这些额外的记录还可以揭示从奴隶制向自由过渡的过程。斯耐德在导言中指出,"白人德弗罗家族是南方种植园主和奴隶主的完美典范"(第 2 页)。然而,德弗罗家族拥有 75 名奴隶,很难代表得克萨斯州的大多数奴隶主。根据 Randolph B. Campbell 在《奴隶制的帝国》一书中的描述,1850 年,朱利安-德弗罗在德克萨斯州奴隶主中排名前百分之一,1860 年,他的妻子萨拉也是如此:The Peculiar Institution in Texas, 1821-1865(巴吞鲁日,路易斯安那州立大学出版社,1989 年),第 193 页。朱利安-德弗罗的财富使他能够体现家长式的美德,照顾被奴役者的营养、医疗和精神需求。虽然德弗罗夫妇对其被奴役者福祉的关注值得一提,但他们的奴隶社区在整个前贝鲁特时期在罗斯克县的相对稳定,与得克萨斯州其他地方许多被奴役者的生活和经历不可同日而语。凯尔-安斯沃思 斯蒂芬F.奥斯汀州立大学版权所有 © 2024 德州历史协会
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引用次数: 0
When Cimarron Meant Wild: The Maxwell Land Grant Conflict in New Mexico and Colorado by David L. Caffey (review) 当西马龙意味着荒野:新墨西哥州和科罗拉多州的马克斯韦尔赠地冲突》,作者 David L. Caffey(评论)
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936687
James Bailey Blackshear
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>When Cimarron Meant Wild: The Maxwell Land Grant Conflict in New Mexico and Colorado</em> by David L. Caffey <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> James Bailey Blackshear </li> </ul> <em>When Cimarron Meant Wild: The Maxwell Land Grant Conflict in New Mexico and Colorado</em>. By David L. Caffey. ( Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, Pp. 259. Illustrations, maps, tables, notes, bibliography, index.) <p>The historiography of land grabs and shooting wars in the Territory of New Mexico during the nineteenth century is quite robust. One of the most famous events has to do with what happened on the Maxwell Land Grant. A good short list that covers different aspects of this story includes María E. Montoya's <em>Translating Property: The Maxwell Land Grant and the Conflict over Land in the American West, 1840–1900 (</em>2005), William Keleher's <em>Maxwell Land Grant: A New Mexico Ite</em>m (1984), and Morris F. Taylor's <em>O.P. McMains and the Maxwell Land Grant Conflict</em> (1979). Interested historians and lovers of Southwestern history can now add David L. Caffey's work to this list.</p> <p>While on the surface it may seem that if you have read one of these histories, you have read them all, nothing could be further from the truth. With each passing decade historians bring forth additional perspectives on such events, shedding light on why the past is never over. Caffey illustrates this by focusing on some of the same social issues that confront modern society: gun violence, racial injustice, corrupt politicians, and alcoholism.</p> <p>This history begins in 1841, when Mexico granted 97,000 acres to Carlos Beaubien and Guadalupe Miranda. Some of this land was in southern Colorado, and some of it was in northern New Mexico. The majority of all this was handed down through Beaubien's daughter María de la Luz to her husband, former United States Army scout Lucian Maxwell. The Santa Fe Trail ran through the property. Once New Mexico became a United States Territory, government officials expanded the grant, declaring that it included 1,714,764 acres.</p> <p>By the end of the 1860s, Maxwell ruled like a feudal lord over a massive fiefdom around the town of Cimarron in Colfax County; merchant and government contractor, Indian agent and mediator, and patron to Nuevomexicanos who ranched and farmed for shares. Life was good even before gold was found and plans for a rail line were made that would run right through his property. But such news also sparked an influx of newcomers into the grant. Miners clashed <strong>[End Page 107]</strong> with the Jicarillas and Utes who lived there. Then Texas cattlemen arrived and fought with everybody. Maxwell to this point had managed to keep the peace with everyone settled in the various valleys and small towns on the grant, but in 1870 he had a change of heart, sold every
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 When Cimarron Meant Wild: The Maxwell Land Grant Conflict in New Mexico and Colorado by David L. Caffey James Bailey Blackshear When Cimarron Meant Wild: The Maxwell Land Grant Conflict in New Mexico and Colorado.作者:David L. Caffey。(诺曼:俄克拉荷马大学出版社,第 259 页。插图、地图、表格、注释、参考书目、索引)。关于 19 世纪新墨西哥州领土上的土地掠夺和枪战的史料相当丰富。其中最著名的事件之一就是发生在麦克斯韦尔赠与土地上的事件。涵盖这一事件不同方面的一份不错的简短清单包括 María E. Montoya 的《翻译财产》:The Maxwell Land Grant and the Conflict over Land in the American West, 1840-1900》(2005 年)、William Keleher 的《Maxwell Land Grant:A New Mexico Item》(1984 年),以及 Morris F. Taylor 的《O.P. McMains and the Maxwell Land Grant Conflict》(1979 年)。感兴趣的历史学家和西南部历史爱好者现在可以将 David L. Caffey 的作品加入这一名单。从表面上看,似乎只要读过其中一部历史,就等于读过了所有的历史,但事实并非如此。每过十年,历史学家们都会对这些事件提出新的观点,揭示为什么过去永远不会结束。卡菲通过关注现代社会面临的一些同样的社会问题来说明这一点:枪支暴力、种族不公、腐败的政客和酗酒。这段历史始于 1841 年,当时墨西哥将 97,000 英亩的土地授予卡洛斯-博比恩和瓜达卢佩-米兰达。这些土地有些在科罗拉多州南部,有些在新墨西哥州北部。其中大部分土地通过博比恩的女儿玛丽亚-德拉卢斯(María de la Luz)传给了她的丈夫、前美军侦察兵卢西恩-马克斯韦尔(Lucian Maxwell)。圣达菲小道穿过这片土地。新墨西哥州成为美国领土后,政府官员扩大了赠与范围,宣布它包括 1,714,764 英亩土地。到 19 世纪 60 年代末,麦克斯韦尔像封建领主一样统治着科尔法克斯县西马龙镇周围的大片领地;他既是商人,又是政府承包商,既是印第安人的代理人和调解人,又是新墨西哥人的赞助人,这些新墨西哥人通过放牧和耕种获得股份。即使在发现金矿和计划修建铁路线穿过他的地产之前,他的生活也是美好的。但这些消息也引发了大量新移民涌入这片土地。矿工们与居住在那里的Jicarillas人和Utes人发生了冲突。随后,德克萨斯州的牧牛人也来到了这里,并与所有人发生了争斗。在此之前,马克斯韦尔一直设法与在这片土地上的各个山谷和小镇定居的所有人保持和平,但在 1870 年,他改变了主意,把一切都卖给了住在世界另一端的一群英国商人,然后搬到了佩科斯河中游河谷。他留下了几个具有不同文化和目标的竞争团体。现在拥有这片土地的英国公司实施了一项计划,将新墨西哥定居者、独立矿工和德克萨斯牛仔一网打尽,从而加剧了紧张局势。卡菲从两个角度审视了这段历史。一个是概述。西部扩张对吉卡里亚人和犹特人的家园产生了哪些重大影响?为什么生活在这片土地上的人对圣达菲集团这个政治阴谋如此仇视?不同派别是如何利用边境司法来实现其目标的?酗酒的人总是随身带着枪,这会对社会产生什么影响?第二个视角则更加个人化。卡菲深入研究了圣达菲环中的人物,尤其是密苏里人托马斯-B-卡特伦(Thomas B. Catron)和大学同学斯蒂芬-B-埃尔金斯(Stephen B. Elkins)。卡菲是研究环形使者滑稽行为的主要历史学家之一,甚至可以说是顶级专家。在一个有趣的并列关系中,他还研究了两位在新墨西哥州定居的爱荷华州大学同学弗兰克-斯普林格(Frank Springer)和威廉-莫雷利(William R. Morely)。这两人成为圣达菲集团和麦克斯韦土地铁路公司的重要反击者。卡菲还对新墨西哥州的历史进行了细致的分析。
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引用次数: 0
Index 索引
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-23 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a928861
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • Index

118th United States Colored Infantry: in Bagdad, Mexico, filibuster raid (1866), 57, 66, 68–69, 72, 73

Abbot, Benjamin, 176n7, 177–178

Abney, John Armle, 293

Abney, Paul Collins, 293

abolitionism: as cause of women’s petitions, 202

accreditation: of Texas colleges and universities, 433–434

Adair, John: Gutiérrez-Magee

Expedition and, 188, 189, 192

Adams, John A., Jr.: article by, 268–286; book by rev., 360–361

African Americans: Blackdom, New Mexico, book about noted, 345; Burrill Daniel’s claim at Mexican Claims Commission (1871), article about, 80–106; in Dallas, Texas, book about rev., 355–356; Emmett J. Scott biography, rev., 354–355; George T. Ruby biography rev., 132–134; in Greater Reconstruction, 110–111; Huntsville, Texas, swimming pools and, article about, 144–171; Lawrence Washburne Minor, article about, 268–286; Old City Park (Dallas, Texas) Black History Tour announced, 344; at Texas Christian University (TCU), book about noted, 456–457; at Texas colleges and universities, 441; University of Texas racial integration, article about, 242–267. See also slavery

Alarid, Michael J.: book by rev., 472–473

Alazán, Battle of (1813), 193

Alcorn, James L., 275

Alcorn University: Lawrence W. Minor as professor at, 269, 274–276, 277, 281–282, 286

Alice Tainter (blockade runner), 46

Allen, Carne Edward (C. E.), 164

Alliance for Texas History: symposium announced, 456

Allison, Benjamin V.: New Handbook of Texas article award won by, 452

Allison, Fred H.: book by rev., 475–476

Allison family: World War II and, book about rev., 475–476

Allred, Mason Kamana: book by rev., 231–233

Almaráz, Félix D., Jr.: in memoriam, 116–117

Alta California (newspaper): on Western troop removal during Civil War, 21

Alta Vista Agricultural College: founding of, 277–278; Lawrence W. Minor as principal of, 271, 278–285. See also Prairie View A&M University

Alta Vista Plantation (Waller County, Texas), 278

Amalia (debt peon), 87, 97

Amanda (debt peon), 87

Amarillas, Marqués de las: Spanish Texas fortifications and, 402–403, 414, 415, 416, 419

Amarillo, Texas: Pantex ordnance plant near: book about rev., 374–375

American Association of Clinical Endocrinologists (AACE), 330, 332

American College News Bureaus Association (ACNBA), 434–435

American College of Endocrinology, 330, 331

American College of Physicians (ACP), 327, 331, 332

American College Publicity Association (ACPA), 434–435, 437, 438

American College Public Relations Association (ACPRA), 434–435, 441, 442, 444

American Colonization Society, 272

Amigos de las

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 索引 第 118 美国有色步兵团:在墨西哥巴格达的 "拉布 "袭击(1866 年), 57, 66, 68-69, 72, 73 Abbot, Benjamin, 176n7, 177-178 Abney, John Armle, 293 Abney, Paul Collins, 293 废奴主义:作为妇女请愿的原因, 202 accreditation: of Texas colleges and universities, 433-434 Adair, John: Gutiérrez-Magee Expedition and, 188, 189, 192 Adams, John A.. Jr、小亚当斯:文章作者, 268-286; 书籍修订本, 360-361 非洲裔美国人:Blackdom, New Mexico, book about noted, 345; Burrill Daniel's claim at Mexican Claims Commission (1871), article about, 80-106; in Dallas, Texas, book about rev., 355-356; Emmett J. Scott biography, rev., 354-355; George T. Ruby biography rev、132-134; in Greater Reconstruction, 110-111; Huntsville, Texas, swimming pools and, article about, 144-171; Lawrence Washburne Minor, article about, 268-286; Old City Park (Dallas, Texas) Black History Tour announced, 344; at Texas Christian University (TCU), book about noted, 456-457; at Texas colleges and universities, 441; University of Texas racial integration, article about, 242-267.另见奴隶制 Alarid, Michael J.: book by rev., 472-473 Alazán, Battle of (1813), 193 Alcorn, James L., 275 Alcorn University:Lawrence W. Minor 教授, 269, 274-276, 277, 281-282, 286 Alice Tainter (blockade runner), 46 Allen, Carne Edward (C. E.), 164 Alliance for Texas History: symposium announced, 456 Allison, Benjamin V.: New Handbook of Texas article award won by, 452 Allison, Fred H.: book by rev., 475-476 Allison family:Allred, Mason Kamana: book by rev., 231-233 Almaráz, Félix D., Jr.: in memoriam, 116-117 Alta California (newspaper): on Western troop removal during Civil War, 21 Alta Vista Agricultural College: founding of, 277-278; Lawrence W. Minor as principal of, 271, 278-285。另见 Prairie View A&M 大学 Alta Vista Plantation (Waller County, Texas), 278 Amalia (debt peon), 87, 97 Amanda (debt peon), 87 Amarillas, Marqués de las:西班牙德克萨斯州的防御工事和, 402-403, 414, 415, 416, 419 Amarillo, Texas:德克萨斯州阿马里洛:附近的潘太克斯军械厂:关于修订的书、374-375 American Association of Clinical Endocrinologists (AACE), 330, 332 American College News Bureaus Association (ACNBA), 434-435 American College of Endocrinology, 330, 331 American College of Physicians (ACP), 327, 331、332 American College Publicity Association (ACPA), 434-435, 437, 438 American College Public Relations Association (ACPRA), 434-435, 441, 442, 444 American Colonization Society, 272 Amigos de las Americas, 321 Andersen, Jack D. : book rev.: book rev. by, 464-465 Anderson, Ernest H.、284 Anderson, Jahue: book by rev., 467-468 Anderson, L. C., 284, 285 anesthesia, 296-297, 300-301, 310, 336 Angelina County, Texas:德克萨斯州的 Denman 家族, 290, 292-293, 301; 第一家医院, 299; 第一台 X 射线设备, 298; 十九世纪末, 293 安吉洛州立大学:获得教学补助金, 454-455 抗生素, 290, 314-315, 319 防腐剂, 290, 297 安东尼娅(墨西哥帝国炮舰), 67, 73, 77-78 阿帕奇人:亚利桑那州的阿帕奇人, 11, 23; 敌人, 408; 方济各会与, 405-406; 圣萨巴圣克鲁斯传教团与, 408; 圣路易斯-德拉斯-阿马里拉斯长老会与, 400, 415; 迁移, 112; 连环杀人案, 关于修订的书, 290, 290, 297,471-472.另见奇里卡瓦阿帕奇人(恩代);利潘阿帕奇人;和梅斯卡莱罗阿帕奇人 阑尾炎,299 建筑:伯德索尔-P-布里斯科的建筑,关于修订的书,368-369;得克萨斯州韦科的建筑,关于修订的书,371-372 伯德索尔-P-布里斯科的建筑:修订,368-36
{"title":"Index","authors":"","doi":"10.1353/swh.2024.a928861","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2024.a928861","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Index <!-- /html_title --></li> </ul> <p>118th United States Colored Infantry: in Bagdad, Mexico, filibuster raid (1866), 57, 66, 68–69, 72, 73</p> <p>Abbot, Benjamin, 176n7, 177–178</p> <p>Abney, John Armle, 293</p> <p>Abney, Paul Collins, 293</p> <p>abolitionism: as cause of women’s petitions, 202</p> <p>accreditation: of Texas colleges and universities, 433–434</p> <p>Adair, John: Gutiérrez-Magee</p> <p>Expedition and, 188, 189, 192</p> <p>Adams, John A., Jr.: article by, 268–286; book by rev., 360–361</p> <p>African Americans: Blackdom, New Mexico, book about noted, 345; Burrill Daniel’s claim at Mexican Claims Commission (1871), article about, 80–106; in Dallas, Texas, book about rev., 355–356; Emmett J. Scott biography, rev., 354–355; George T. Ruby biography rev., 132–134; in Greater Reconstruction, 110–111; Huntsville, Texas, swimming pools and, article about, 144–171; Lawrence Washburne Minor, article about, 268–286; Old City Park (Dallas, Texas) Black History Tour announced, 344; at Texas Christian University (TCU), book about noted, 456–457; at Texas colleges and universities, 441; University of Texas racial integration, article about, 242–267. <em>See also</em> slavery</p> <p>Alarid, Michael J.: book by rev., 472–473</p> <p>Alazán, Battle of (1813), 193</p> <p>Alcorn, James L., 275</p> <p>Alcorn University: Lawrence W. Minor as professor at, 269, 274–276, 277, 281–282, 286</p> <p><em>Alice Tainter</em> (blockade runner), 46</p> <p>Allen, Carne Edward (C. E.), 164</p> <p>Alliance for Texas History: symposium announced, 456</p> <p>Allison, Benjamin V.: <em>New Handbook of Texas</em> article award won by, 452</p> <p>Allison, Fred H.: book by rev., 475–476</p> <p>Allison family: World War II and, book about rev., 475–476</p> <p>Allred, Mason Kamana: book by rev., 231–233</p> <p>Almaráz, Félix D., Jr.: in memoriam, 116–117</p> <p><em>Alta California</em> (newspaper): on Western troop removal during Civil War, 21</p> <p>Alta Vista Agricultural College: founding of, 277–278; Lawrence W. Minor as principal of, 271, 278–285. <em>See also</em> Prairie View A&amp;M University</p> <p>Alta Vista Plantation (Waller County, Texas), 278</p> <p>Amalia (debt peon), 87, 97</p> <p>Amanda (debt peon), 87</p> <p>Amarillas, Marqués de las: Spanish Texas fortifications and, 402–403, 414, 415, 416, 419</p> <p>Amarillo, Texas: Pantex ordnance plant near: book about rev., 374–375</p> <p>American Association of Clinical Endocrinologists (AACE), 330, 332</p> <p>American College News Bureaus Association (ACNBA), 434–435</p> <p>American College of Endocrinology, 330, 331</p> <p>American College of Physicians (ACP), 327, 331, 332</p> <p>American College Publicity Association (ACPA), 434–435, 437, 438</p> <p>American College Public Relations Association (ACPRA), 434–435, 441, 442, 444</p> <p>American Colonization Society, 272</p> <p>Amigos de las","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141259146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Sitting on a Keg of Dynamite: Father Bill, Texas City, and a Disaster Foretold by John Neal Phillips (review) 坐在一桶炸药上:约翰-尼尔-菲利普斯(John Neal Phillips)所著的《比尔神父、得克萨斯城和灾难预言》(评论
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-23 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a928848
Jack D. Andersen
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • Sitting on a Keg of Dynamite: Father Bill, Texas City, and a Disaster Foretoldby John Neal Phillips
  • Jack D. Andersen
Sitting on a Keg of Dynamite: Father Bill, Texas City, and a Disaster Foretold. By John Neal Phillips. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2022. Pp. 264. Illustrations, maps, notes, bibliography, index.)

Sitting on a Keg of Dynamiteis a cautionary tale of the Texas City Disaster of 1947, when a ship that improperly transported ammonium nitrate exploded in the port of Texas City. Much of the story is told through the life of a Catholic priest, William ”Bill” Roach. John Neal Phillips offers readers a glimpse into the life of what it meant to be a Catholic crusader for social justice in a state where nativism and traditional Southern political and cultural attitudes still dominated society and government. His narrative also warns of the dangers of deregulation in Texas, which the argues is still the least effectively regulated state in the United States.

Much of the first half of the book depicts Roach as a force for Catholic idealism in a state where Catholics had little say in government and were often persecuted. Despite these obstacles, Roach doggedly built churches and organized Catholic organizations, including the first chapter of Catholic Charities in Texas. As the book’s many colorful anecdotes and letters from Roach indicate, he was well liked because of his charisma, kindness and willingness to find common [End Page 464]ground with people. When Roach’s activities took him to Texas City, his missions became increasingly difficult as conservative state and national politicians who supported moneyed interests eroded industrial regulations and labor rights in Texas. The result was an explosion that resulted in the deaths of hundreds of people (including Roach), millions of dollars in property and environmental damage, and decades of litigation. In light of more recent industrial disasters, Phillips concludes: “the state has learned little from the lessons of the Texas City explosions of 1947” (pp. 173–174). He blames this on persistent corruption and incompetence in the Texas Railroad Commission and the Electric Reliability Council of Texas.

The book is most effective when it focuses on Roach’s life in Texas. The discussion of him is well-documented with interviews and archival material. However, when the story shifts to the larger picture in Texas, it often relies on flawed secondary sources. Eor example, nineteenth-century Mexican rancher Juan Cortina is referred to as a “Texas rancher,” while “since 1858, the Karankawa have been considered extinct as a separate people” (p. 68). The alleged extinction of the Karankawas has been disputed for at least two dec

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者:Sitting on a Keg Dynite: S. S. S. S. S. S: 坐在炸药桶上:John Neal Phillipsby Jack D. Andersen Sitting on a Keg of Dynamite:比尔神父、德克萨斯城和一场灾难的预言。作者:约翰-尼尔-菲利普斯。(诺曼:俄克拉荷马大学出版社,2022 年。264 页。插图、地图、注释、参考书目、索引)。 坐在一桶炸药上》是一个关于 1947 年德克萨斯城灾难的警示故事,当时一艘运输硝酸铵不当的船只在德克萨斯城港口爆炸。故事的大部分内容是通过天主教神父威廉-"比尔"-罗奇的一生讲述的。约翰-尼尔-菲利普斯为读者揭示了在一个本土主义和传统南方政治文化观念仍然主导着社会和政府的州里,作为一名天主教社会正义斗士的生活。他的叙述还对德克萨斯州放松管制的危险提出了警告,认为该州仍然是美国管制最不有效的州。该书前半部分的大部分内容都将罗奇描绘成天主教理想主义的力量,在这个州,天主教徒在政府中几乎没有发言权,还经常受到迫害。尽管存在这些障碍,罗奇还是坚持不懈地修建教堂和组织天主教组织,包括在得克萨斯州成立了天主教慈善机构的第一个分会。正如书中许多丰富多彩的轶事和罗奇的信件所显示的那样,他因其魅力、善良和愿意与人求同 [第 464 页完] 而深受人们的喜爱。当罗奇的活动把他带到得克萨斯城时,他的任务变得越来越艰巨,因为支持金钱利益的保守的州和国家政客削弱了得克萨斯州的工业法规和劳工权利。结果,一场爆炸导致数百人死亡(包括罗奇),数百万美元的财产和环境损失,以及数十年的诉讼。鉴于最近发生的工业灾难,菲利普斯总结道:"该州几乎没有从 1947 年得克萨斯城爆炸事件中吸取教训"(第 173-174 页)。他将此归咎于德克萨斯州铁路委员会和德克萨斯州电力可靠性委员会的长期腐败和无能。该书最有效的部分是集中介绍罗奇在得克萨斯州的生活。通过采访和档案材料,对他的讨论有据可查。然而,当故事转向德克萨斯州的大背景时,它往往依赖于有缺陷的二手资料。例如,十九世纪墨西哥牧场主胡安-科尔蒂纳被称为 "德克萨斯牧场主",而 "自 1858 年以来,卡兰卡瓦人作为一个独立的民族被认为已经灭绝"(第 68 页)。至少二十年来,人们一直对所谓的卡兰卡瓦人灭绝的说法提出质疑,其中最著名的是卡兰卡瓦卡尔达人,他们通过文化项目以及与地方当局合作保护卡兰卡瓦人的埋葬地,赢得了公众的关注。为了加强菲利普斯关于工业放松管制的危险性的论点,这些离题的叙述是没有必要的。尽管存在这些小局限,《坐在一桶炸药上》仍然是一个及时的故事。天主教会历史学家和希望更多了解新政自由主义衰落时期得克萨斯州的学者将从本书中获得最大价值。杰克-D-安德森科林学院 版权所有 © 2022 年德克萨斯州历史协会
{"title":"Sitting on a Keg of Dynamite: Father Bill, Texas City, and a Disaster Foretold by John Neal Phillips (review)","authors":"Jack D. Andersen","doi":"10.1353/swh.2024.a928848","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2024.a928848","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p><span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li> <!-- html_title --> <em>Sitting on a Keg of Dynamite: Father Bill, Texas City, and a Disaster Foretold</em>by John Neal Phillips <!-- /html_title --> </li> <li> Jack D. Andersen </li> </ul> <em>Sitting on a Keg of Dynamite: Father Bill, Texas City, and a Disaster Foretold</em>. By John Neal Phillips. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2022. Pp. <fpage>264</fpage>. Illustrations, maps, notes, bibliography, index.) <p> <em>Sitting on a Keg of Dynamite</em>is a cautionary tale of the Texas City Disaster of 1947, when a ship that improperly transported ammonium nitrate exploded in the port of Texas City. Much of the story is told through the life of a Catholic priest, William ”Bill” Roach. John Neal Phillips offers readers a glimpse into the life of what it meant to be a Catholic crusader for social justice in a state where nativism and traditional Southern political and cultural attitudes still dominated society and government. His narrative also warns of the dangers of deregulation in Texas, which the argues is still the least effectively regulated state in the United States.</p> <p>Much of the first half of the book depicts Roach as a force for Catholic idealism in a state where Catholics had little say in government and were often persecuted. Despite these obstacles, Roach doggedly built churches and organized Catholic organizations, including the first chapter of Catholic Charities in Texas. As the book’s many colorful anecdotes and letters from Roach indicate, he was well liked because of his charisma, kindness and willingness to find common <strong>[End Page 464]</strong>ground with people. When Roach’s activities took him to Texas City, his missions became increasingly difficult as conservative state and national politicians who supported moneyed interests eroded industrial regulations and labor rights in Texas. The result was an explosion that resulted in the deaths of hundreds of people (including Roach), millions of dollars in property and environmental damage, and decades of litigation. In light of more recent industrial disasters, Phillips concludes: “the state has learned little from the lessons of the Texas City explosions of 1947” (pp. 173–174). He blames this on persistent corruption and incompetence in the Texas Railroad Commission and the Electric Reliability Council of Texas.</p> <p>The book is most effective when it focuses on Roach’s life in Texas. The discussion of him is well-documented with interviews and archival material. However, when the story shifts to the larger picture in Texas, it often relies on flawed secondary sources. Eor example, nineteenth-century Mexican rancher Juan Cortina is referred to as a “Texas rancher,” while “since 1858, the Karankawa have been considered extinct as a separate people” (p. 68). The alleged extinction of the Karankawas has been disputed for at least two dec","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141147426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Confederates and Comancheros: Skullduggery and Double-Dealing in the Texas-New Mexico Borderlands by James Bailey Blackshear and Glen Sample Ely (review) 邦联和科曼切罗人:James Bailey Blackshear 和 Glen Sample Ely 所著的《得克萨斯州-新墨西哥州边境地区的尔虞我诈和两面三刀》(评论)
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-23 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a928855
Jerry D. Thompson
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • Confederates and Comancheros: Skullduggery and Double-Dealing in the Texas-New Mexico Borderlandsby James Bailey Blackshear and Glen Sample Ely
  • Jerry D. Thompson
Confederates and Comancheros: Skullduggery and Double-Dealing in the Texas-New Mexico Borderlands. By James Bailey Blackshear and Glen Sample Ely. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2021. Pp. 228. Notes, maps, photographs, bibliography, appendix, index.)

After a proliferation of scholarship on the Civil War in West Texas and New Mexico Territory in the last several decades, any Civil War historian might conclude there is little left to seriously research. Veteran scholars Glen Sample Ely and James Bailey Blackshear have proven this idea to be erroneous.

Much of the scholarship on the subject started with Martin H. Hall’s fascinating 1960 account of Gen. Henry Hopkins Sibley’s far-reaching attempt to seize New Mexico Territory at the beginning of the war, allegedly as a steppingstone to the Colorado gold and silver mines and, eventually, California’s ports and gold fields. Historians of the Civil War in the Southwest are fond of retelling how the Rebel Texans won the field at Valverde and how General Sibley made the fatal mistake of bypassing the Union bastion of Fort Craig, proceeding up the Rio Grande, and falling on his face at Glorieta Pass when a band of determined “Pikes Peakers” led by Maj. John Chivington destroyed the Rebel supply train in the depths of Apache Canyon, not far from Santa Fe. As a result, the Texans were forced into a disastrous retreat during which many proud cavalrymen walked all the way back to San Antonio. But they were lucky; a third of the zealous Texas farm boys who so confidently marched out of San Antonio in the summer and fall of 1861 never saw the Lone Star State again. Jefferson Davis’s dreams of a Confederate Manifest Destiny and trans-continental nation stretching from Charleston to San Francisco that would bring with it formal British and French diplomatic recognition and independence went up in smoke.

Most of the books that followed Hall’s work, as well as the previous work of William A Keleher, continued to concentrate on the failures of the poorly led and misguided Confederate invasion. Several books focused on the troops from California that marched across the heart of the Sonoran Desert in 1862 and arrived on the Rio Grande too late to help expel the Texans. Some scholarly studies of the Indigenous Peoples caught up in the violence, such as biographies of the great leaders Mangas Coloradas and Cochise, recall Gen. James H. Carleton’s wars with the Chiricahua, Mimbres, and Mescalero Apache. A number of good books ably record Col. Kit Carson’s genocidal war on the Navajo in 1863–1864, which led to the unf

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 邦联和科曼切罗人:詹姆斯-贝利-布莱克希尔(James Bailey Blackshear)和格伦-桑普尔-伊利(Glen Sample Ely Jerry D. Thompson)合著的《同盟军与科曼切罗人:得克萨斯州与新墨西哥州边境的奸诈与两面派》(Confederates and Comancheros:德克萨斯州-新墨西哥州边境地区的尔虞我诈与两面三刀》(Skullduggery and Double-Dealing in the Texas-New Mexico Borderlands)。詹姆斯-贝利-布莱克希尔和格伦-桑普尔-伊利著。(诺曼:俄克拉荷马大学出版社,2021 年。第 228 页。注释、地图、照片、参考书目、附录、索引)。在过去几十年中,有关西得克萨斯州和新墨西哥地区内战的学术研究层出不穷,任何内战历史学家都可能会得出结论,认为已经没有什么可以认真研究的了。资深学者格伦-桑普尔-伊利(Glen Sample Ely)和詹姆斯-贝利-布莱克希尔(James Bailey Blackshear)已经证明这种想法是错误的。1960 年,马丁-H-霍尔(Martin H. Hall)撰写了一篇引人入胜的文章,描述了亨利-霍普金斯-西布利将军在战争初期夺取新墨西哥领土的深远企图,据称这是通往科罗拉多金矿和银矿以及最终通往加利福尼亚港口和金矿的踏脚石。西南内战的历史学家们喜欢复述叛军德克萨斯人是如何在瓦尔韦德战场上获胜的,以及西伯利将军是如何犯下致命错误,绕过联邦堡垒克雷格,沿格兰德河逆流而上,并在格罗列塔山口摔了个大跟头,当时约翰-奇文顿少校率领的一队意志坚定的 "派克峰人 "在离圣达菲不远的阿帕奇峡谷深处摧毁了叛军的补给列车。结果,德克萨斯人被迫进行灾难性撤退,许多骄傲的骑兵一路步行返回圣安东尼奥。但他们是幸运的;1861 年夏秋之际,热血沸腾的德克萨斯农家子弟满怀信心地从圣安东尼奥出发,其中三分之一的人再也没有见过孤星州。杰斐逊-戴维斯梦想着建立一个从查尔斯顿到旧金山的跨大陆国家,并获得英国和法国的正式外交承认和独立,但这一切都化为泡影。在霍尔的著作以及威廉-凯莱赫(William A Keleher)之前的著作之后出版的大多数书籍,都继续集中介绍了领导不力、误入歧途的南方邦联入侵行动的失败。有几本书重点介绍了 1862 年从加利福尼亚州出发的部队,这些部队穿过索诺拉沙漠的中心地带,到达格兰德河时已为时过晚,无法帮助驱逐德克萨斯人。一些学术著作对卷入暴力冲突的原住民进行了研究,如关于伟大领袖曼加斯-科罗拉多和科奇斯的传记,回顾了詹姆斯-H-卡尔顿将军与奇里卡瓦人、明布雷斯人和梅斯卡莱罗阿帕奇人的战争。很多好书都很好地记录了基特-卡森上校(Col. Kit Carson)在 1863-1864 年对纳瓦霍人发动的种族灭绝战争,这场战争导致了不可饶恕的悲剧:迪内人长征到博斯克-雷东多,这可能是美国西部历史上最糟糕的社会实验。最近的一本书叙述了 1864 年夏天卡森在得克萨斯潘汉德地区对科曼奇人和基奥瓦人发动的几乎是灾难性的战役。关于西南部内战的书籍总共有 50 多本,其中许多值得称道,其他一些则肤浅、拙劣、错误百出,不值得出版。布莱克斯希尔和伊利的《南军和科曼切罗人》是一本引人入胜的读物,详细介绍了 1865 年以后新墨西哥州东部和得克萨斯州西部的历史。该书文笔优美,结构严谨,对作者所称的 "德克萨斯州-新墨西哥州边境地区的奸诈和两面交易 "提供了新颖而深刻的细节。这里讲述的是新墨西哥州科曼切人的故事,他们大多是西班牙裔人,没有政治效忠,只想通过与拉诺埃斯塔卡多的科曼切人进行贸易的古老传统谋生。在此过程中,科曼切人经常偷窃得克萨斯州的牲畜,同时向科曼切人和基奥瓦人出售枪支、弹药和贸易物品。作者令人信服地记录了新墨西哥州的一些主要商人是如何通过与流入新墨西哥州的成千上万头牛打交道而致富并过上封建领主般的生活的,其中许多牛是用来喂养饥饿的人的。
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引用次数: 0
A Curious Mix of People: The Underground Scene of 90s Austin by Gregg Beets and Richard Whymark (review) 一群奇异的人:90 年代奥斯汀的地下场景》,作者 Gregg Beets 和 Richard Whymark(评论)
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-23 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a928860
Stephen K. Davis
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • A Curious Mix of People: The Underground Scene of 90s Austinby Gregg Beets and Richard Whymark
  • Stephen K. Davis
A Curious Mix of People: The Underground Scene of 90s Austin. By Gregg Beets and Richard Whymark. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2023. Pp. 350. Photographs, notes, bibliography, index.)

In August 1991, Austin officially proclaimed itself the ”Live Music Capital of the World.” But what kind of music most characterized the city’s live sceneffi Certainly, many people associated Austin with the kind of alt-country, bluesy, singer-songwriter fare featured on Austin City Limitsand covered in the music pages of the Austin Chronicle. Figures like Willie Nelson, Marcia Ball, and Robert Earl Keen come to mind in this context. A Curious Mix of Peopletakes a different tack, vividly documenting the punk and underground scene that thrived in Austin during the 1990s. Authors Greg Beets and Richard Whymark were participants as a vocalist and filmmaker respectively, and their insider status facilitated interviews with more than a hundred musicians, club owners, DJs, and journalists, which serve as the heart of this study. The resulting book captures Austin in a crucial decade during which it was transforming from a college town with a laidback vibe into the high-tech metropolis it is today.

Half of the book’s chapters are about legendary clubs that provided performance space. The Blue Flamingo opened in 1992 on a seedy corner of Red River and 7 thStreet. Run by a large African-American trans woman named Miss Laura, it featured drag races (not the kind with cars), male strippers, and free admission for patrons in their underwear. The Motards embodied its “reckless, anarchic spirit” (p. 105), playing according to their leader in a punk style that was “hard and fast and cheap” (p. 115). The club’s lack of a stage meant no separation between musicians and audience, a clientele that Miss Laura herself described and celebrated as “a curious mix of people.”

Another essential venue was the Hole in the Wall, which had been operating on the Drag (Guadalupe Street) since 1974. A former waitress, Debbie Rombach, began to book indie bands like the Hickoids and Pork in the 90s. Musicians appreciated the cool vibe with the University of Texas across the street and the drummer visible through the glass to sidewalk passersby. Liberty Lunch on Second Street had been the site of a popular restaurant during World [End Page 480]War II. As a club, it hosted local bands on the way up and booked touring groups like Green Day that had not yet hit their popular peak. The club was on city-owned property and, by 1999, the rise in real estate values compelled municipal administrators

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: A Curious Mixed People: A Curious Mixed People: A Curious Mixed People: A Curious Mixed People: A Curious Mixed People: A Curious Mix of People:90 年代奥斯汀的地下场景》作者:Gregg Beets 和 Richard Whymark Stephen K. Davis 《奇怪的混合人群:90 年代奥斯汀的地下场景》:90 年代奥斯汀的地下场景。作者:Gregg Beets 和 Richard Whymark。(奥斯汀:德克萨斯大学出版社,2023 年。Pp.350.照片、注释、参考书目、索引)。1991 年 8 月,奥斯汀正式宣布自己为 "世界现场音乐之都"。当然,许多人将奥斯汀与《奥斯汀城市极限》(Austin City Limits)节目和《奥斯汀纪事报》(Austin Chronicle)音乐版面所报道的那种另类乡村、蓝调、创作型歌手的音乐联系在一起。在这种背景下,威利-尼尔森(Willie Nelson)、玛西娅-鲍尔(Marcia Ball)和罗伯特-厄尔-基恩(Robert Earl Keen)等人物就会出现在人们的脑海中。A Curious Mix of People》则另辟蹊径,生动记录了 20 世纪 90 年代在奥斯汀蓬勃发展的朋克和地下音乐场景。作者格雷格-比茨(Greg Beets)和理查德-怀马克(Richard Whymark)分别以歌手和电影制片人的身份参与其中,他们的内行身份促成了对一百多位音乐人、俱乐部老板、DJ 和记者的采访,这些采访是本研究的核心内容。本书记录了奥斯汀从一个悠闲的大学城转变为今天高科技大都市的关键十年。书中一半的章节都是关于提供表演空间的传奇俱乐部。蓝色火烈鸟俱乐部于 1992 年开业,位于红河和 7thStreet 交界处的一个肮脏角落。该俱乐部由一位名叫劳拉小姐(Miss Laura)的大个子非裔美国变性女人经营,其特色是变装比赛(不是有车的那种)、男脱衣舞娘和顾客穿着内衣免费入场。Motards体现了 "鲁莽、无政府主义的精神"(第 105 页),他们的表演风格是 "硬、快、廉价 "的朋克风格(第 115 页)。俱乐部没有舞台,这意味着乐手和观众之间没有隔阂,劳拉小姐自己形容和赞美这些观众是 "奇特的混合体"。另一个必不可少的场所是 "墙洞"(Hole in the Wall),它自 1974 年以来一直在拖拉街(瓜达卢佩街)经营。前女招待黛比-隆巴赫(Debbie Rombach)在上世纪 90 年代开始预订独立乐队的演出,如 "Hickoids "和 "Pork"。音乐家们很喜欢这里的氛围,因为街对面就是德克萨斯大学,路人可以透过玻璃看到鼓手。二战期间,位于第二街的自由午餐曾是一家很受欢迎的餐厅。作为一家俱乐部,它曾接待过正在崛起的本地乐队,也接待过像绿日(Green Day)这样尚未达到巅峰的巡回演出团体。到 1999 年,随着房地产价值的上升,市政管理人员不得不出售土地并关闭俱乐部,尽管它具有历史和文化价值。那年七月,自由午餐举办了 "格洛丽亚音乐会",当地乐队连续 24 小时不间断地演奏范-莫里森的经典车库摇滚乐!Beets 和 Whymark 报道了 20 世纪 90 年代地下音乐场景中的其他重要机构。其中有几章专门介绍了另类广播和公共电视上的朋克节目。1990 年元旦,Butthole Surfers 鼓手科菲(King Coffey)决定成立一家唱片公司,专门录制本地乐队的唱片,这是一个重要的发展。恍惚辛迪加唱片公司(Trance Syndicate Records)由此成为自 20 世纪 60 年代休斯顿国际艺术家公司(International Artists)以来德克萨斯州最重要的摇滚乐厂牌。1995 年,科菲帮助奥斯汀 20 世纪 60 年代末原生朋克乐队 13thFloor Elevators 的传奇人物罗基-埃里克森录制了一张复出专辑,并发行了其他重要唱片。您可以在位于瓜达卢佩街 2100 号的 Sound Exchange 购买到这些唱片。这家时髦的商店拥有时髦的店员、频繁的店内朋克演出、展示本地黑胶唱片的单曲墙、贴满演出通知的橱窗,以及由歌手丹尼尔-约翰斯顿(Daniel Johnston)绘制的 "恶魔青蛙 "标志性壁画(附近的教堂信徒将其解释为 "恶魔青蛙")。音乐会传单被粘贴在德拉格大街上的灯柱上,至少在当地颁布法令禁止粘贴传单并对违规者处以 500 美元罚款之前是这样。在现场音乐之都,官方的鼓励也就到此为止了。
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