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Man with the Killer Smile: The Life and Crimes of a Serial Mass Murderer by Mitchel P. Roth (review) 带着杀手微笑的男人:米切尔-P.-罗斯(Mitchel P. Roth)所著的《连环杀人狂的生平与罪行》(评论
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a918124
James Presley
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • Man with the Killer Smile: The Life and Crimes of a Serial Mass Murderer by Mitchel P. Roth
  • James Presley
Man with the Killer Smile: The Life and Crimes of a Serial Mass Murderer. By Mitchel P. Roth. ( Denton: University of North Texas Press, 2022. Pp. 352. Notes, appendix, bibliography, index, illustrations.)

Serial killers tend to choose special types of victims, who are usually strangers. Mass murderers prefer crowds and increased body counts. George Jefferson Hassell (1888–1928), the subject of Mitchel P. Roth's latest book, Man with the Killer Smile: The Life and Crimes of a Serial Mass Murderer, fits into both categories as well as a third: familicide. ("Killer smile" alludes to Hassell's superficial charm he used on women.) He killed thirteen—two wives and eleven stepchildren. In the annals of true crime, Hassell is part of a rare subset of killers. In our era of AR-15s, terrorists, and frequent atrocities, these long forgotten but important crimes stand out. Just as study of a rare but malignant disease may shed light on it and other [End Page 362] disorders, so may this complex case of a serial mass killer who specialized in families offer insight into criminal behavior on several levels.

The basic facts are chilling. In Whittier, California, in 1917, Hassell killed Marie Vogel, his common law wife, and her three children, one from a previous marriage and two adopted. He strangled all four with his bare hands and stockings. He buried them under the house where the bodies remained undiscovered for years. In Farwell, Texas, near New Mexico, in 1926, Hassell's slayings did gain scrutiny and sent him to Death Row. He killed nine: his wife Susan–his older brother's widow whom he had married–and eight of her children. He used a variety of means to snuff out their lives, all up close and personal. He bashed in the skull of his wife with a hammer and dispatched others with an axe, a razor, his hands, and a shotgun. As in California, he buried all nine in a common pit and lied about their absences. In each instance, he killed the mother first and then her children, ages ranging from two to twenty-one, as if killing the children might eliminate possible witnesses against him or—who knows?—targeting them as proxies in revenge for some perceived slight from years before. The slayings were senseless and in cold blood. Hassell ended his life story in Huntsville's electric chair less than two years after the Texas murders. The legal process appears to have been fair. He was read a Miranda warning years before Miranda. The judge entered a plea of not guilty for him when he failed to respond.

Professor Roth acquits himself well in the challenging task of researching old cases. In the first murders

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 带着杀手微笑的男人:米切尔-罗斯(Mitchel P. Roth)著,詹姆斯-普雷斯利(James Presley)译,《带着杀手微笑的男人:一个连环杀人狂的生平与罪行》(Man with the Killer Smile:一个连环杀人狂的生平与罪行》。作者:米切尔-P-罗斯。(丹顿:北德克萨斯大学出版社,2022 年。Pp.352.注释、附录、参考书目、索引、插图)。连环杀手倾向于选择特殊类型的受害者,他们通常是陌生人。大屠杀凶手更喜欢人群和更多的尸体。乔治-杰斐逊-哈塞尔(George Jefferson Hassell,1888-1928 年)是米切尔-P-罗斯(Mitchel P. Roth)最新著作《带着杀手微笑的男人》(Man with the Killer Smile:乔治-杰斐逊-哈塞尔(George Jefferson Hassell,1888-1928 年)是米切尔-P. 罗斯(Mitchel P. Roth)的新书《杀手微笑的男人:一个连环杀人狂的生平与罪行》(Man with Killer Smile: The Life and Crimes of a Serial Mass Murderer)的主人公。(杀手的微笑 "暗指哈塞尔对女性的肤浅魅力)他杀了 13 个妻子和 11 个继子。在真实犯罪史上,哈塞尔属于罕见的杀手子集。在我们这个充斥着 AR-15、恐怖分子和频繁暴行的时代,这些早已被人遗忘但却十分重要的罪行显得格外突出。正如对一种罕见的恶性疾病的研究可以揭示这种疾病和其他 [完 第 362 页] 疾病的真相一样,这个专杀家庭的连环杀人狂的复杂案件也可以从多个层面揭示犯罪行为。基本事实令人不寒而栗。1917 年,在加利福尼亚州的惠蒂尔,哈塞尔杀害了他的同居妻子玛丽-沃格尔(Marie Vogel)和她的三个孩子,其中一个是前妻所生,两个是领养的。他赤手空拳,用丝袜将四个孩子全部勒死。他把他们埋在房子下面,尸体多年未被发现。1926 年,在新墨西哥州附近的得克萨斯州法威尔,哈塞尔的谋杀案确实受到了关注,并将他送进了死囚牢。他杀死了九人:他的妻子苏珊--他与哥哥结婚后的遗孀--以及她的八个孩子。他使用了各种手段来扼杀他们的生命,而且都是近距离、亲自动手。他用锤子敲碎了妻子的头骨,用斧头、剃刀、双手和猎枪杀死了其他人。和在加利福尼亚一样,他把九个人都埋在一个共同的坑里,并谎称他们不在。每一次,他都先杀母亲,然后再杀她的孩子,年龄从两岁到 21 岁不等,似乎杀了孩子就可以消除可能对他不利的证人,或者--谁知道呢?--把他们当作代理人,为多年前的某些轻视行为复仇。这些谋杀毫无道理,冷血无情。在得克萨斯谋杀案发生后不到两年,哈塞尔就在亨茨维尔的电椅上结束了自己的生命。法律程序似乎是公正的。他被宣读了米兰达警告,比米兰达早了好几年。当他没有做出回应时,法官为他做了无罪辩护。罗斯教授很好地完成了研究旧案这一具有挑战性的任务。在第一起谋杀案中,没有任何官方文件。他经常依靠家谱资料或报纸文章。当被迫推测时,他也会这样说。对于得克萨斯州的犯罪,法庭和监狱记录确定了大部分故事,而哈塞尔本人则几乎是信手拈来,其中不乏疑点。虽然连环杀手很少招供,但哈塞尔的供词长达3000字。他喜欢说话,主要是关于他自己。用 "仕途坎坷 "来形容哈塞尔的一生是不恰当的。作为一个没有受过良好教育、从事低薪工作的流浪汉,他迷倒了很多女人,吹嘘自己住过 27 个州和墨西哥,从海军和陆军开过小差,犯过较轻的重罪,坐过牢,性虐待过妇女,还与未成年的侄女乱伦。在叙述中,罗斯介绍了一些老读者不会陌生的新闻记者:爱德华-安德森(Edward Anderson)是阿比林市的一名记者,如今因其小说(《像我们一样的小偷》、《饥饿的人》)而闻名;保罗-克鲁姆(Paul Crume)后来成为《达拉斯晨报》的头版专栏作家。没有人能够成功地探究哈塞尔那混乱而令人不安的心灵,但《联合早报》的一位记者给出了最好的概括:"德克萨斯州最奇怪的杀手"。(第 183 页)罗斯是山姆休斯顿州立大学刑事司法和犯罪学教授。本书是《北德克萨斯犯罪与刑事司法丛书》的第 13 辑。该书非常出色,包含二十...
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引用次数: 0
William F. Buckley Sr.: Witness to the Mexican Revolution, 1908–1922 by John A. Adams Jr. (review) William F. Buckley Sr:墨西哥革命的见证者,1908-1922 年》,小约翰-A-亚当斯著(评论)
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a918140
Steven Collins
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • William F. Buckley Sr.: Witness to the Mexican Revolution, 1908–1922 by John A. Adams Jr.
  • Steven Collins
William F. Buckley Sr.: Witness to the Mexican Revolution, 1908–1922. By John A. Adams Jr. ( Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2023. Pp. 320. Illustrations, map, graph, tables, notes, bibliography, index.)

In William F. Buckley Sr.: Witness to the Mexican Revolution, 1908-1922, John Adams provides a long overdue biography of an attorney and oilman from San Diego, Texas. Buckley secured his place in history as one of the leading forces behind the Tampico oil boom in Mexico, 1908. After the ouster of his friend, Mexican President Porfirio Díaz, his keen knowledge of the oil industry and ability to negotiate with politicians and bandits alike gave him and his Pantepec Oil Company a front-row seat to Mexico's long revolution. In the 1920s, when the Mexican oil and gas industry experienced a downturn, he identified new possibilities in Venezuela. He then befriended Venezuelan President Juan Gómez and provided plans for commercial facilities and gained leasing rights in the Lake Maracaibo region. During the 1930s, Buckley acknowledged the importance of diversification for the long-term viability of his company. He secured drilling contracts in Florida, Canada, and the Middle East, establishing a truly global enterprise. Adams concludes that Buckley's upbringing in South Texas and his University of Texas law degree contributed to his success as one of the most accomplished independent oilmen in the industry's history. The lasting impact of Buckley's influence helped to shape the international oil industry for decades following his death in 1958.

The book demonstrates Buckley's unparalleled business acumen and astute political mind. Following the establishment of a law office in Mexico City, he used the local Petroleum Club as a venue for negotiating contracts and securing loans, culminating in the founding of his Pantepec Oil Company. He was critical of President Woodrow Wilson's administration, which lacked appreciation for Mexican culture, politics, and social dynamics. His defense of the Catholic Church and testimony during the 1919 Fall Committee hearings led to his expulsion from Mexico in 1921. Adams explains this was a watershed for Buckley's career. He fortuitously [End Page 360] expanded Pantepec Oil to Venezuela. Then, as the Great Depression unfolded, he had the great foresight to diversify Pantepec. He gained new leases in Florida, Canada, and the Middle East to create one of the largest independently owned oil companies.

Adams' book is more than a biography. It is a historical ride through the rough and tumble days of the Tampico oil rush and the Mexican Revolution. In the final years

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: William F. Buckley Sr: 威廉-巴克利(William F. Buckley Sr:墨西哥革命的见证者,1908-1922》,小约翰-A-亚当斯著,史蒂文-柯林斯译,老威廉-F-巴克利译:墨西哥革命的见证者,1908-1922 年。By John A. Adams Jr. ( Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2023.Pp.320.插图、地图、图表、表格、注释、参考书目、索引)。在威廉-巴克利(William F. Buckley Sr:一书中,约翰-亚当斯(John Adams)为这位来自得克萨斯州圣地亚哥的律师和石油商撰写了一本久违的传记。1908 年,巴克利作为墨西哥坦皮科石油繁荣背后的主导力量之一,在历史上占据了一席之地。在他的朋友、墨西哥总统波菲里奥-迪亚斯下台后,他对石油工业的敏锐知识以及与政客和匪徒谈判的能力,使他和他的潘特佩克石油公司在墨西哥的长期革命中占据了前排位置。20 世纪 20 年代,当墨西哥石油和天然气行业陷入低谷时,他发现了委内瑞拉的新机遇。随后,他结识了委内瑞拉总统胡安-戈麦斯(Juan Gómez),并提供了商业设施计划,获得了马拉开波湖地区的租赁权。20 世纪 30 年代,巴克利认识到多元化对公司长期生存的重要性。他在佛罗里达、加拿大和中东获得了钻井合同,建立了一个真正的全球性企业。亚当斯总结说,巴克利在南得克萨斯州的成长经历和他在得克萨斯大学获得的法律学位使他成为该行业历史上最有成就的独立石油商之一。巴克利的影响力在他于 1958 年去世后的几十年里一直影响着国际石油业的发展。该书展示了巴克利无与伦比的商业头脑和精明的政治头脑。在墨西哥城设立律师事务所后,他利用当地的石油俱乐部作为谈判合同和获得贷款的场所,最终成立了潘特佩克石油公司。他批评伍德罗-威尔逊总统的政府缺乏对墨西哥文化、政治和社会动态的了解。他为天主教会辩护并在 1919 年秋季委员会听证会上作证,导致他于 1921 年被驱逐出墨西哥。亚当斯解释说,这是巴克利职业生涯的分水岭。他幸运地 [第 360 页完] 将潘特佩克石油公司扩展到了委内瑞拉。随后,随着经济大萧条的到来,他又高瞻远瞩地将潘特佩克石油公司多元化。他在佛罗里达、加拿大和中东获得了新的租约,创建了最大的独立石油公司之一。亚当斯的书不仅仅是一本传记。书中讲述了坦皮科石油热潮和墨西哥革命的坎坷历程。在执政的最后几年,迪亚斯邀请外国投资以提高墨西哥人的生活水平。他的经济变革带来了普遍的贫困和社会动荡,引发了反叛派别和针对外国人的暴力革命。巴克利与潘乔-比利亚(Pancho Villa)等革命领袖以及墨西哥总统维努斯蒂亚诺-卡兰萨(Venustiano Carranza)和阿尔瓦罗-奥布莱贡(Alvaro Obregón)发生过争执。后者最终将他逐出了墨西哥。亚当斯出色地记录了一个来自得克萨斯州圣地亚哥的好奇男孩的一生。通过细致入微的研究,他揭示了一个大胆的探险家、胆大妄为的商人和忠于家庭的男人。本书为读者提供了墨西哥革命以及 20 世纪初墨西哥和委内瑞拉石油繁荣的精彩历史视角。考虑到当前的边境困难,亚当斯的文化和外交史提供了宝贵的见解。史蒂文-柯林斯 北得克萨斯大学版权所有 © 2022 年得克萨斯州历史协会 ...
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引用次数: 0
Our Stories: Black Families in Early Dallas ed. by George Keaton Jr. and Judith Garrett Segura (review) 我们的故事:George Keaton Jr. 和 Judith Garrett Segura 编辑的《早期达拉斯的黑人家庭》(评论)
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a918137
Makenzie A. Wiley
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • Our Stories: Black Families in Early Dallas ed. by George Keaton Jr. and Judith Garrett Segura
  • Makenzie A. Wiley
Our Stories: Black Families in Early Dallas. Ed. By George Keaton Jr. & Judith Garrett Segura. (Denton: University of North Texas Press, 2022. Pp. 334. Illustrations, notes, index.)

This collection of stories and personal histories focuses on Dallas, but it aims to provide a deeper perspective on the lives of all African Americans in Texas. The book is a republication and expansion of two earlier works produced by Black Dallas Remembered, a non-profit history organization [End Page 355] led by Mamie L. McKnight. Entitled African Families and Settlements in Dallas and First African American Families in Dallas, these brief works appeared in 1990 and 1987, respectively. For this edition, editors George Keaton Jr. and Judith Garret Segura have added their notes and commentary throughout while updating some information to modernize the text and bring the monograph to new audiences. The monograph itself now acts as a great foundation for examining the establishment of Black settlements in the Dallas area, while also providing context regarding how those areas transformed as Dallas became the larger metroplex it is today.

Looking at three aspects of Black life in Dallas, the authors discuss the establishment of several towns following the Civil War, the schools that served those communities, and the major families of the area. Beginning with this background on Black communities and settlements founded in the Dallas area following emancipation, the monograph provides a comprehensive narrative of the subsequent development of Black neighborhoods in Dallas. Some communities mentioned are Booker T. Washington Addition, Eagle Ford, the Fields Community, the Thomas Hill Community, Mill City, North Dallas, Oak Cliff, The Prairie, South Dallas, Upper and Lower White Rock, and the West Dallas Community, all areas that became large subdivisions in modern Dallas. While the authors discuss each town individually, they also look at similarities between the communities, like the role of churches, schools, and important families that helped to settle the area. Additionally, the authors use oral history transcripts to provide more detail concerning the settlements of the Black communities in Dallas.

The authors do an excellent job of completing the picture of early Dallas; however, the greatest accomplishment of the book is their ability to humanize the settlers of so many of the Black communities. Despite the hardships and discrimination that plagued Black life in the period, this work shows how the first Black settlers in Dallas should be honored for the great steps they took in not only endurin

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 我们的故事:由 George Keaton Jr. 和 Judith Garrett Segura 编辑 Makenzie A. Wiley 《我们的故事:早期达拉斯的黑人家庭》:早期达拉斯的黑人家庭》。Ed.By George Keaton Jr. & Judith Garrett Segura.(丹顿:北德克萨斯大学出版社,2022 年。Pp.334.插图、注释、索引)。这本故事和个人史集以达拉斯为重点,但其目的是为德克萨斯州所有非裔美国人的生活提供更深层次的视角。该书是对由 Mamie L. McKnight 领导的非营利性历史组织 [尾页 355]"铭记黑人达拉斯 "早先出版的两部作品的再版和扩充。这两本简短的著作分别于 1990 年和 1987 年出版,标题分别为《达拉斯的非洲家庭和定居点》和《达拉斯的第一批非裔美国人家庭》。在这一版本中,编辑 George Keaton Jr. 和 Judith Garret Segura 增加了他们的注释和评论,同时更新了一些信息,使文本更加现代化,并为新的读者带来了这本专著。现在,这本专著本身已成为研究达拉斯地区黑人聚居区建立情况的重要基础,同时还提供了这些地区在达拉斯成为今天的大型都市区后如何转变的背景资料。作者从三个方面考察了达拉斯的黑人生活,讨论了内战后建立的几个城镇、为这些社区服务的学校以及该地区的主要家庭。这本专著以解放后在达拉斯地区建立的黑人社区和定居点为背景,全面叙述了达拉斯黑人社区随后的发展。其中提到的一些社区包括布克-华盛顿区、伊格尔福特、菲尔兹社区、托马斯山社区、米尔城、北达拉斯、橡树崖、草原、南达拉斯、上白石和下白石以及西达拉斯社区,所有这些地区都成为了现代达拉斯的大型分区。作者在逐一讨论每个城镇的同时,还探讨了这些社区之间的相似之处,如教堂、学校和帮助该地区定居的重要家族所扮演的角色。此外,作者还利用口述历史记录提供了有关达拉斯黑人社区定居的更多细节。作者出色地完成了对早期达拉斯的描绘;然而,该书最大的成就在于他们能够将众多黑人社区的定居者人性化。尽管这一时期的黑人生活充满艰辛和歧视,但这部作品展示了达拉斯的第一批黑人定居者应该受到尊敬,因为他们迈出了伟大的一步,不仅经受住了磨难,而且成为了达拉斯进步的一部分。作者不仅提供了定居点本身的额外背景资料,还介绍了最初定居者的社区和日常生活,从而完整地展现了这些人的生活。我们的故事》是社区研究如何融入德克萨斯州非裔美国人整体史学的典范。通过将本书作为目前研究非裔美国人解放后动向的指南,历史学家可以更好地了解他们的生活是如何演变的。希望更多了解德克萨斯州非裔美国人日常生活的学者会发现,这本编辑过的作品对他们的研究大有帮助,因为原作者和参与再版的编辑们将早期的达拉斯带入了德克萨斯州黑人的现代史学中。[End Page 356] Makenzie A. Wiley Texas A&M-Central Texas 版权所有 © 2022 德州历史协会 ...
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引用次数: 0
Before Lawrence v. Texas: The Making of a Queer Social Movement by Wesley G. Phelps (review) 在劳伦斯诉得克萨斯州案之前:Wesley G. Phelps 著的《同性恋社会运动的形成》(评论)
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a918126
La Shonda Mims
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • Before Lawrence v. Texas: The Making of a Queer Social Movement by Wesley G. Phelps
  • La Shonda Mims
Before Lawrence v. Texas: The Making of a Queer Social Movement. By Wesley G. Phelps. ( Austin: University of Texas Press, 2023. Pp. 292. Notes, index, photos.)

In popular opinion, social movements are often defined by major events punctuating a tidy timeline. Yet historians know that an analysis of the long game is where we uncover the true significance of a major achievement. Before Lawrence v. Texas is an exhaustively researched legal and political analysis to which Wesley Phelps applies the methodology of social history. Through an investigation of the complex legislative maneuvering that defined Lawrence v. Texas, which is sometimes viewed as a spontaneous achievement in the history of LGBTQ rights, Phelps shows that over three decades urban activists fought less successful cases that influenced the seismic Lawrence decision.

From the 1860 sodomy law in Texas, Phelps travels the winding legal road to the Lawrence decision, demonstrating the importance of "ordinary citizens" to a "thriving democracy." This book centers on Texas cities because that is where political action and community organizing happens. When the Texas penal code was revised starting in 1965, it resulted in the 1974 adoption of Section 21.06, which criminalized same-sex sexual activity. Phelps argues that this "homosexual conduct law served as a rationale for denying queer Texans the rights and freedoms of first-class citizenship." (p. 81) The results were devastating. For example, when two lesbians joined their families together in Garland, Texas, including children from prior marriages, they quickly faced a brutal custody case. In 1975, one of the women lost custody of her biological children because of 21.06. Placing individual stories like this in the larger narrative of Texas's legal history is imperative in order to understand how daily queer life exposed a culture of inequality in the state.

At the heart of the book, Phelps focuses on queer resistance in the 1970s and 1980s. Phelps asserts that cases like Baker v. Wade in 1985 represented a "turning point" because they created a national storyline for the legislative fight against sodomy laws. (p. 12) Even though Baker's claims to privacy rights were unsuccessful, and the plaintiffs were "battle worn and scarred" at the end, Phelps argues that the case was "critical" [End Page 365] to initiating the "legal strategy" necessary to overturn the state's sodomy statute. (pp. 160-161) Following the Baker decision, two cases brought by women plaintiffs highlight the diversity of those arguing against the state's sodomy laws. As a lesb

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 在劳伦斯诉得克萨斯州案之前:Wesley G. Phelps La Shonda Mims 所著的《在劳伦斯诉得克萨斯州案之前:一场同性恋社会运动的形成》:同性恋社会运动的形成》。作者:韦斯利-G-菲尔普斯。(奥斯汀:德克萨斯大学出版社,2023 年。第 292 页。注释、索引、照片。)在流行观点中,社会运动通常由重大事件来定义,并以整齐的时间轴作为点缀。然而,历史学家知道,对长期博弈的分析才能揭示重大成就的真正意义。在劳伦斯诉得克萨斯州案之前》一书中,韦斯利-菲尔普斯运用社会史的方法,对法律和政治进行了详尽的研究分析。劳伦斯诉得克萨斯州案有时被视为 LGBTQ 权利史上的一项自发成就,菲尔普斯通过对这一案件复杂的立法运作过程的调查表明,30 多年来,城市活动家们在一些不太成功的案件上的斗争影响了劳伦斯案的震撼性判决。从 1860 年德克萨斯州的鸡奸法开始,菲尔普斯走过了通往劳伦斯案判决的曲折法律之路,展示了 "普通公民 "对于 "繁荣民主 "的重要性。本书以得克萨斯州的城市为中心,因为那里是政治行动和社区组织的发生地。1965 年,得克萨斯州开始修订刑法,并于 1974 年通过了第 21.06 条,将同性性行为定为犯罪。菲尔普斯认为,这部 "同性恋行为法是剥夺德克萨斯州同性恋者作为一等公民的权利和自由的依据"。(第 81 页)结果是毁灭性的。例如,当两名女同性恋者在德克萨斯州加兰市组建家庭(包括之前婚姻所生的孩子)时,她们很快就面临了一场残酷的监护权官司。1975 年,其中一名妇女因 21.06 条失去了对亲生子女的监护权。为了了解同性恋者的日常生活如何暴露了该州的不平等文化,将这样的个人故事置于德克萨斯州法律史的大叙事中是非常必要的。在本书的核心部分,菲尔普斯重点介绍了 20 世纪 70 年代和 80 年代同性恋者的反抗。菲尔普斯断言,1985 年贝克诉韦德案等案件是一个 "转折点",因为这些案件为反对鸡奸法的立法斗争创造了一个全国性的故事情节。(第 12 页)尽管贝克对隐私权的主张没有成功,而且原告最后也 "身经百战、伤痕累累",但菲尔普斯认为,该案件对于启动推翻州鸡奸法规所需的 "法律策略 "是 "至关重要的"[第 365 页结束]。(pp. 160-161) 继贝克案判决之后,两起由女性原告提起的诉讼凸显了反对该州鸡奸法的多样性。作为一名有色人种女同性恋,琳达-莫拉莱斯的抗争暴露了白人女同性恋和男同性恋活动家群体中存在的歧视。到了 20 世纪末,当活动家们准备再次通过联邦渠道挑战鸡奸法时,菲尔普斯指出,他们 "可以依靠丰富的案例史、法律先例和组织动力来进行努力"(第 210 页)。(第 210 页)菲尔普斯将劳伦斯案与奥伯格菲尔案的婚姻平等判决直接联系起来,详细描述了肯尼迪大法官依据劳伦斯案的判决将平等范围从性亲密关系扩展到婚姻权利的过程。本书的结尾提出了后多布斯时代同性恋平等和保护的现状,同时承认研究同性恋过去的重要性,因为像德克萨斯这样的州正在积极努力关闭对同性恋过去的保存和教学。由于菲尔普斯详细描述了法律纠纷的内部运作过程,书中的人物形象有时会变得模糊不清,不过,他从档案研究中获得的出色图片使叙述更加生动。当然,这本书为未来的研究人员提供了很多资料,他们应该在德克萨斯州的种族和同性恋历史问题上有所建树。在这项重要的研究中,菲尔普斯确定了失败必须成为更广泛的同性恋历史叙事的一部分。在南方的城市空间中研究这些斗争至关重要,在那里,每天的斗争都跨越数十年,最终实现变革。La Shonda Mims 伯明翰大学(英国) Copyright © 2022 德州历史协会 ...
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引用次数: 0
Texas Secessionists Standoff: The 1997 Republic of Texas "War" by Donna Marie Miller (review) 得克萨斯分离主义者的对峙:Donna Marie Miller 著的《1997 年德克萨斯共和国 "战争"》(评论)
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a918125
Darren L. Ivey
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • Texas Secessionists Standoff: The 1997 Republic of Texas "War" by Donna Marie Miller
  • Darren L. Ivey
Texas Secessionists Standoff: The 1997 Republic of Texas "War." By Donna Marie Miller. ( College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2023. Pp. 336. Photographs, bibliography, index.)

For more than fifty years, sustained political violence has been plaguing American society. Throughout this time period, disaffected groups, who range the ideological spectrum, have attacked property and people, even to the point of murder, to further their radical goals. Austin-based freelance journalist Donna Marie Miller's well-researched Texas Secessionists Standoff chronicles one episode in this tragic historical trend. The book examines the Republic of Texas (ROT) secessionist militia and its taking of hostages in the Davis Mountain Resort (DMR) near Fort Davis in April 1997. Miller has organized her twenty-five chapters into three parts: Before the ROT War, The ROT War, and After the ROT War.

Part I lays the foundation for the events that occurred in the Davis Mountains. Much of this portion relies on interviews Miller conducted with participants between 2017 and 2019. Richard McLaren, the self-appointed "ambassador" of the ROT, was convinced that Texas had been illegally annexed in 1845 and disputed the legitimacy of the state government. To further his ambitions, McLaren exploited the legal system to prosecute a "paper war" and challenge land titles in the DMR. He also began abusing adverse possession laws and filing liens against banks, churches, businesses, politicians, and even neighbors.

Even as she ably weaves various threads together to explain subsequent events, Miller focuses much of the first part on telling the story of Jo Anne Canady Turner, a wife, mother, and businesswoman who was floundering financially and anxious to escape the threat of foreclosure. Her desperation led to the fateful decision to aid the ROT in their endeavors. Although she was not in the Davis Mountains during the standoff, Turner is central to Miller's narrative.

Part II chronicles the seven-day confrontation in the DMR where several members of the ROT held Joe and Margaret Ann Rowe captive in their own home. Three hundred law enforcement officers responded, and Texas Ranger Captain Barry Caver served as the on-scene commander. He, Rangers David Duncan and Joe Malone, and FBI hostage negotiator Gary Noesner (who wrote the book's foreword) were instrumental in saving the Rowes. As this incident followed other altercations with extremists at Ruby Ridge, Idaho, and the Branch Davidian compound near Waco, both of which ended badly, Caver and his colleagues were especially eager to resolve the crisis without bloodshed. Ultimately, the ROT

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 德克萨斯分离主义者的对峙:唐娜-玛丽-米勒(Donna Marie Miller)著,达伦-L-艾维(Darren L. Ivey)译,《德克萨斯分离主义者的对峙:1997 年德克萨斯共和国的 "战争"》:1997 年德克萨斯共和国的 "战争"。作者:唐娜-玛丽-米勒。(学院站:德克萨斯 A&M 大学出版社,2023 年。Pp.336.照片、参考书目、索引)。五十多年来,持续的政治暴力一直困扰着美国社会。在此期间,各种意识形态领域的不满团体为实现其激进目标,不惜攻击财产和人员,甚至实施谋杀。奥斯汀自由撰稿记者唐娜-玛丽-米勒(Donna Marie Miller)的《得克萨斯分离主义者对峙》一书经过深入研究,记录了这一悲惨历史潮流中的一个插曲。该书研究了德克萨斯共和国(ROT)分离主义民兵及其 1997 年 4 月在戴维斯堡附近的戴维斯山度假村(DMR)劫持人质的事件。米勒将她的 25 个章节分为三个部分:ROT 战争之前、ROT 战争和 ROT 战争之后。第一部分为戴维斯山区发生的事件奠定了基础。这一部分的大部分内容依赖于米勒在 2017 年至 2019 年期间对参与者进行的采访。理查德-麦克拉伦(Richard McLaren)是 ROT 自封的 "大使",他坚信得克萨斯州于 1845 年被非法吞并,并对州政府的合法性提出质疑。为了实现自己的野心,麦克拉伦利用法律制度发动了一场 "纸上战争",对德意志民主共和国的土地所有权提出质疑。他还开始滥用逆权占有法,对银行、教堂、企业、政客甚至邻居申请留置权。米勒将各种线索巧妙地交织在一起,解释了随后发生的事件,她在第一部分中主要讲述了乔-安妮-卡纳迪-特纳的故事,她是一位妻子、母亲和女商人,经济拮据,急于摆脱止赎的威胁。她的绝望让她做出了帮助 ROT 的决定。虽然对峙期间特纳并不在戴维斯山区,但她却是米勒叙述的核心人物。第二部分记录了在戴维斯山区发生的为期七天的对峙,当时几名 ROT 成员将乔和玛格丽特-安-罗囚禁在自己家中。三百名执法人员赶赴现场,德克萨斯州游骑兵队长巴里-卡弗(Barry Caver)担任现场指挥官。他、游骑兵大卫-邓肯(David Duncan)和乔-马龙(Joe Malone)以及联邦调查局人质谈判专家加里-诺斯纳(Gary Noesner,他为本书撰写了前言)在营救罗氏夫妇的过程中发挥了重要作用。在这起事件之前,爱达荷州的鲁比岭和韦科附近的大卫教分部大院也发生过与极端分子的冲突,结果都以失败告终,因此卡弗和他的同事们特别希望能在不流血的情况下解决危机。最终,除了一名选择暴力抵抗并被执法人员开枪打死的成员外,其他 ROT 成员都被和平拘留。第三部分讲述了麦克拉伦和其他 ROT 成员在州法院和联邦法院受审的经过。特纳和她的家人 [完 第 364 页] 也面临着令人心碎的挑战,米勒用大量篇幅讲述了他们的故事。最后,她以一篇感人至深的后记结束了这本书,讲述了特纳如何与上帝和她自己和平相处。如前所述,对当事人的采访是这部作品的核心,米勒将内幕消息与档案研究相结合,展现了一个关于狂热、欺骗、恐惧和责任的引人入胜的故事。Darren L. Ivey 巴顿社区学院,堪萨斯州大本德市 Copyright © 2022 德州历史协会 ...
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引用次数: 0
The Dallas Story: The North American Aviation Plant and Industrial Mobilization During World War II by Terrance Furgerson (review) 达拉斯的故事:第二次世界大战期间北美航空工厂和工业动员》,作者 Terrance Furgerson(评论)
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a918131
Richard Selcer
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • The Dallas Story: The North American Aviation Plant and Industrial Mobilization During World War II by Terrance Furgerson
  • Richard Selcer
The Dallas Story: The North American Aviation Plant and Industrial Mobilization During World War II. By Terrance Furgerson. ( Denton: University of North Texas Press, 2023. Pp. 403. Illustrations, notes, appendix, index).

The title says it all: This is a book about the North American Aviation (NAA) plant set up in Dallas (actually Grand Prairie) at the beginning of World War II to manufacture a bomber, a fighter, and a trainer for the Army Air Corps. If you are looking for a book on air combat or the capabilities of various World War II aircraft, this is not it. Instead, this is economic and social history with a wealth of statistics gleaned from government records leavened with reporting from Dallas newspapers of the time. The author is an instructor at Collin County College. This is his debut book, which began as a graduate research project at the University of North Texas. It is a worthy first book.

For Fort Worth residents who thought all bombers built in North Texas during World War II came from Consolidated-Vultee Aircraft (Convair), this book is an eye-opener. The Convair plant was larger and built only bombers (the B-24 Liberator and B-32 Dominator). NAA built B-24s, but also the magnificent P-52 Mustang and the AT-6 Texan trainer by the thousands. Furgerson's book thus makes a nice companion work to J'Nell Pate's Arsenal of Defense: Fort Worth's Military Legacy (2011), which has three chapters on Convair.

Furgerson's story begins in 1938 with Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt's push for American mobilization for what he recognized as the coming war against Germany. Air power was going to be crucial. The plan for expanding was to build manufacturing plants with government money and turn them over to private enterprises like NAA and Consolidated Aircraft (the forerunner of Consolidated-Vultee). Plants were placed in Fort Worth and Grand Prairie for strategic reasons; they would be harder to attack and/or sabotage than plants on either coast. The rapid buildup that followed did not just create a muscular American air force but also supplied friendly countries in Europe with aircraft to counter the Luftwaffe. Foreign contracts drove production for the first two years. After [End Page 372] the fall of France in 1940, Washington wanted to ramp up production to 50,000 airplanes per year, an incredible number considering the few hundred aircraft then being built. That level of production demanded an unprecedented mobilization of resources and manpower that expanded upon the programs of the New Deal.

Furgerson's is a two-part story driven by decisions in

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 达拉斯的故事:达拉斯的故事:二战期间北美航空工厂和工业动员》,作者:Terrance Furgerson Richard Selcer 《达拉斯的故事:二战期间北美航空工厂和工业动员》:第二次世界大战期间北美航空工厂和工业动员。作者:特伦斯-弗格森。(丹顿:北德克萨斯大学出版社,2023 年。第 403 页。403.插图、注释、附录、索引)。书名说明了一切:本书介绍了二战初期在达拉斯(实际上是大草原)建立的北美航空(NAA)工厂,该工厂为陆军航空兵制造轰炸机、战斗机和教练机。如果您正在寻找一本关于空战或二战中各种飞机性能的书,那么这本书并不适合您。相反,这是一本经济史和社会史,其中有大量从政府记录中收集的统计数据,以及当时达拉斯报纸的报道。作者是科林县学院的一名教师。这是他的处女作,起初是北德克萨斯大学的一个研究生研究项目。这是一本值得一读的处女作。对于认为二战期间北德克萨斯州制造的所有轰炸机都来自联合-沃尔提飞机公司(Consolidated-Vultee Aircraft,简称 Convair)的沃斯堡居民来说,这本书让他们大开眼界。康维尔工厂规模更大,只制造轰炸机(B-24 "解放者 "和 B-32 "主宰者")。NAA 除了制造 B-24 型飞机外,还制造了数以千计的 P-52 型 "野马 "飞机和 AT-6 型 "德克萨斯 "教练机。因此,Furgerson 的这本书是 J'Nell Pate 的《Arsenal of Defense》一书的很好的姐妹篇:沃斯堡的军事遗产》(2011 年),其中有三章介绍了康维尔公司。弗格森的故事始于 1938 年,当时富兰克林-D-罗斯福总统推动美国为即将到来的对德战争进行动员。空中力量至关重要。当时的扩张计划是用政府资金建立制造工厂,然后将其转交给 NAA 和 Consolidated Aircraft(Consolidated-Vultee 的前身)等私营企业。出于战略考虑,工厂被安置在沃斯堡和大草原;与位于两岸的工厂相比,它们更难受到攻击和/或破坏。随后的快速集结不仅打造了一支强大的美国空军,还为欧洲的友好国家提供了对抗德国空军的飞机。外国合同推动了头两年的生产。1940年法国沦陷后,华盛顿希望将年产量提高到5万架飞机,考虑到当时正在制造的飞机只有几百架,这是一个令人难以置信的数字。这样的生产水平需要前所未有的资源和人力动员,这也是新政计划的扩展。福格森的故事由两部分组成,分别由华盛顿和达拉斯的决策所推动。故事的大部分内容是寻找数千名工人,并对他们进行飞机制造复杂工艺的培训。当地居民在战前只有很小的工业基础,因此数以万计的工人涌入该地区从事新的工作。达拉斯-大草原成为繁荣城市后,必须解决住房和公共交通问题。美国社会还必须适应大量妇女加入工业劳动大军。此外,还有劳动力的工会化。战时生产无法承受停工或罢工。战争第三年,国会杜鲁门委员会对腐败和效率低下的指控进行了调查,这使得工业生活变得更加复杂。制造飞机并不是简单的爱国主义和 "铆工萝西 "的问题。新政的进步政策必须以许多意想不到的方式与军事需求相结合。战后,NAA 关闭了其在大草原的业务,并将其庞大的厂房分为两部分出售,一部分卖给了德克萨斯工程制造公司(TEMCO),另一部分卖给了沃特飞机公司(Vought Aircraft)。后者于 1948 年开始为海军制造战斗机,而 TEMCO 则为外国政府和美国空军检修现有飞机。这有助于解决寻找新租户和保持训练有素的劳动力就业的问题。相比之下,Fort...
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引用次数: 0
The Strikers of Coachella: A Rank-and-File History of the UFW Movement by Christian O. Paiz (review) 《科切拉的罢工者:UFW运动的普通历史》克里斯蒂安·o·派兹著(书评)
3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2023.a907805
Terrell Orr
Reviewed by: The Strikers of Coachella: A Rank-and-File History of the UFW Movement by Christian O. Paiz Terrell Orr The Strikers of Coachella: A Rank-and-File History of the UFW Movement. By Christian O. Paiz. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. Pp. 412. Illustrations, appendix, notes, index.) While he was growing up in the Coachella Valley of California in the 1990s, Christian O. Paiz saw few traces remaining of the efforts made by farmworkers and activists just two decades earlier to make the Valley into a place of social and racial justice, one "dominated by farm workers and not by [ranchers]" (255). In The Strikers of Coachella, Paiz returns to his home county to recover the "freedom dreams" and "utopian futures" of those [End Page 237] who worked and struggled to remake the Valley and to understand why, ultimately, their visions went unrealized (255, 265). Paiz's The Strikers of Coachella is a rank-and-file history of the farmworker movement in the Coachella Valley. Paiz draws from a "field of stories" painstakingly gathered and beautifully retold from oral history interviews with sixty-eight participants. Paiz's central claim is that the successes, difficulties, and failures of the Valley's farmworker movement—from the strikes of the mid- and late 1960s, to the contract battles of 1970, the strike of 1973, and the 1975 passage of the Agricultural Labor Relations Act (ALRA)—are better understood when seen as the result of countless "contingent meetings" of its members' often conflicting desires, expectations, and actions (10). This account is counterposed to histories of the farmworker movement that portray an undifferentiated, or passive, membership that lived or died by leadership decisions. Paiz minutely examines the fissures both within the United Farm Workers, between Mexican, Mexican American, and Filipino workers, between women and men, between younger and older members, and without, between union and nonunion members of the community, and between the union and the larger Chicana/o movement. The book's subtitle barely does it justice. In the first section, Paiz roots the field of stories in a social history of the hostile "Rancher Nation," Paiz's name for the world of strict hierarchy cultivated by the Coachella Valley's white farmers. These farmers ruled as "kings" atop a non-White "peasantry," which was itself divided hierarchically between contractors and workers, between women and men, and between workers of different legal statuses (35). In subsequent sections, Paiz looks at the challenges to the Rancher Nation, alternating between chapters on farmworker organizing and the efforts of the Coachella Valley's Chicana/o movement in education, police reform, community outreach, and local electoral politics. Paiz draws an insightful parallel between the UFW's fight for labor contracts and the Chicana/o movement's fight for citizenship rights, both of which offered radical new visions for life in the valley that str
《科切拉罢工者:UFW运动的普通历史》作者:Christian O. Paiz Terrell Orr《科切拉罢工者:UFW运动的普通历史》作者:Christian O. Paiz。教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2023。412页。插图、附录、注释、索引。)20世纪90年代,克里斯蒂安·o·派兹在加州的科切拉山谷长大。20年前,农场工人和活动人士曾努力将山谷打造成一个社会和种族公正的地方,一个“由农场工人而不是[牧场主]主导”的地方,但他在那里几乎看不到这种努力留下的痕迹。在《科切拉的罢工者》(The Strikers of Coachella)一书中,派兹回到家乡,重现了那些为重建硅谷而努力奋斗的人的“自由梦想”和“乌托邦未来”,并理解了他们的愿景最终未能实现的原因(255,265)。派兹的《科切拉的罢工者》是一部科切拉山谷农场工人运动的普通历史。Paiz从对68名参与者的口述历史采访中精心收集并精美地复述了一个“故事领域”。Paiz的核心主张是,山谷农场工人运动的成功、困难和失败——从20世纪60年代中后期的罢工,到1970年的合同斗争,1973年的罢工,以及1975年通过的《农业劳动关系法》(ALRA)——如果被视为其成员经常相互冲突的愿望、期望和行动的无数“偶然会议”的结果,就能更好地理解(10)。这种描述与农场工人运动的历史相反,后者描绘了一种无差别的,或被动的,由领导决定生死的成员。Paiz细致地考察了联合农场工人内部的裂痕,墨西哥、墨西哥裔美国人和菲律宾工人之间的裂痕,女性和男性之间的裂痕,年轻和年长成员之间的裂痕,以及社区中工会和非工会成员之间的裂痕,以及工会和更大的墨西哥裔/非墨西哥裔运动之间的裂痕。这本书的副标题几乎没有充分说明问题。在第一部分中,派兹将故事领域植根于充满敌意的“牧场主之国”(Rancher Nation)的社会历史。派兹用“牧场主之国”这个名字来指代科切拉山谷(Coachella Valley)白人农民培育的严格等级制度世界。这些农民以“国王”的身份统治着非白人“农民”,而“农民”本身在等级上分为承包者和工人、女性和男性,以及具有不同法律地位的工人(35)。在接下来的章节中,Paiz着眼于牧场主国家面临的挑战,在农场工人组织和科切拉山谷的奇卡纳/奥运动在教育、警察改革、社区外展和地方选举政治方面的努力之间交替进行。Paiz将UFW争取劳动合同的斗争与Chicana/o运动争取公民权利的斗争进行了深刻的比较,两者都为山谷中的生活提供了激进的新愿景,打击了根深蒂固的种族和性别等级制度的核心。尽管Paiz声称对UFW文学只有有限的评论,但这本书对大部分文学都提出了持续的批评。第三部分尤其如此,它涵盖了1973年“失败”的罢工和1976年修改《劳工法》的尝试。在这两种情况下,史学都将失败归咎于被误导的、傲慢的、甚至是疯狂的领导决策。派兹坚持从普通民众的角度和20世纪70年代劳工镇压和保守政治反弹的更广泛背景来看待这两件事。尽管1973年的罢工对成员的资源和耐心造成了压力,但派兹发现,科切拉谷有整整一半的农场工人参加了罢工。借鉴莱恩·温德姆(Lane Windham)关于20世纪70年代反对劳工组织的著作,派兹认为,罢工和修正案的失败并没有反映出组织上的渎职行为,而是一个大胆的牧场主国家利用公众对社会运动的不满而发挥的政治力量。本书的局限性在于学术专著作为一种表达形式的局限性。派兹充满激情的散文和个人投入往往在这种形式下显得紧张。最后一章是一段感人的自传,讲述了派兹是如何想到这个话题的,这将使一个更强大、更……
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引用次数: 0
From Boston Elite to Tragic Texas Filibuster: Augustus Magee and his Republican Army of the North 从波士顿精英到悲惨的德克萨斯阻挠议事:奥古斯都·马吉和他的北方共和军
3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2023.a907796
James Aalan Bernsen
From Boston Elite to Tragic Texas Filibuster:Augustus Magee and his Republican Army of the North James Aalan Bernsen (bio) Click for larger view View full resolution Augustus Magee's grave marker, La Bahía, Texas. Courtesy of Presidio La Bahía. [End Page 172] In June 1812, with war on the horizon between the United States and England, Augustus William Magee, a young U.S. Army lieutenant on the Louisiana frontier, threw away a promising military career and cast his lot with a Mexican revolutionary, José Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara, in a bold attempt to liberate Texas from the Spanish Empire. The Gutiérrez-Magee Expedition, which resulted from this partnership, has long been neglected by historians, and no aspect more so than the background of its first commander. Onto this blank canvas, historians have painted assumptions, illusions, and fantasies that have led to far more generalized—and equally incorrect—dogmas about the origins and motivations of the largest and most successful filibuster in early Texas history. Stripping away these inventions and provable errors, and considering newly discovered family and army records among other sources, we can piece together Magee's route to Texas and throw important light on the broader question of what motivated Americans to fight in a war of choice on the side of Mexican revolutionaries. Augustus Magee has long been mired in obscurity. Previous histories have uncovered scant biographical information; they have noted that he was from Boston and had graduated from West Point, but not much more. [End Page 173] The one attempt at a biography of the officer reduces his entire pre-expedition background to a mere sentence. Furthermore, these accounts are riddled with errors. Magee is variously described as second or third in his class at West Point despite the fact that class rankings were not implemented until seven years after his graduation (his "rank," therefore, was a mere coincidence of the calendar). Various accounts state emphatically that he was stationed at Fort Jessup on the Louisiana frontier, even though this fort was not established until 1822—nine years after Magee had died.1 These inaccuracies are compounded by the paltry historical footprint of a man who left few letters, has no known likeness, and died young. What has previously been known about him came from the pen of American special envoy William Shaler, who described Magee as "very tall, very robust, of a handsome person, and countenance, a very commanding appearance as an officer, and of prepossessing manners." Shaler also said Magee was "one of the best-informed officers of his age in the American army, and as far as I have been able to judge of his acquirements he is qualified to add lustre to the American name in the cause he has chosen." Newly discovered family and army records, among other sources, can expand on this otherwise paltry account of a man so crucial to the history of early Texas.2 Augustus Magee was born in Boston in 1789
从波士顿精英到悲惨的德克萨斯阻挠:奥古斯都·马吉和他的北共和军詹姆斯·艾伦·伯恩森(传记)点击查看大图查看全分辨率奥古斯都·马吉的墓碑,La Bahía,德克萨斯州。pressidio La Bahía提供。1812年6月,美国和英国之间的战争即将爆发,在路易斯安那州边境,年轻的美国陆军中尉奥古斯都·威廉·马吉(Augustus William Magee)放弃了前途无量的军事生涯,与墨西哥革命者约瑟·贝尔纳多·古蒂姆·德·拉拉(jossbernardo guti rerez de Lara)一起,大胆尝试将德克萨斯州从西班牙帝国手中解放出来。这一伙伴关系所产生的古提萨雷兹-马吉远征,长期以来一直被历史学家所忽视,最被忽视的是其首任指挥官的背景。在这张空白的画布上,历史学家们描绘了假设、幻想和幻想,这些假设、幻想和幻想导致了对德克萨斯州早期历史上规模最大、最成功的阻挠议事的起源和动机的更笼统、同样不正确的教条。撇开这些发明和可证明的错误,再考虑到新发现的家庭和军队记录以及其他来源,我们可以拼凑出马吉前往德克萨斯的路线,并为更广泛的问题提供重要的启示,即是什么促使美国人在一场选择站在墨西哥革命者一边的战争中作战。奥古斯都·马吉一直默默无闻。以前的历史揭示了很少的传记信息;他们注意到他来自波士顿,毕业于西点军校,但仅此而已。[结束页173]一个军官传记的尝试将他整个远征前的背景简化为一句话。此外,这些账目错误百出。在西点军校,尽管班级排名直到他毕业七年后才开始实施(因此,他的“排名”仅仅是日历上的巧合),但马吉在班上的排名却是第二或第三。各种说法都强调他驻扎在路易斯安那州边境的杰塞普堡,尽管这个堡垒直到1822年才建立起来,也就是在马吉死后9年这个人的历史足迹微不足道,几乎没有留下什么信件,没有人知道他的相似之处,而且很早就去世了,这使这些不准确之处更加复杂。此前对他的了解来自美国特使威廉·谢勒(William Shaler)的笔下,他形容马吉“非常高大,非常健壮,英俊的人,和面容,一个非常威严的军官的外表,和迷人的举止。”谢勒还说,马吉是“美国军队中同年龄最见多识广的军官之一,就我所能判断的他的学识而言,他有资格在他所选择的事业中为美国增添光彩。”新发现的家庭和军队记录,以及其他资料,可以扩展这个对早期德克萨斯历史如此重要的人的微不足道的叙述。奥古斯都·马吉于1789年出生在波士顿,父母是詹姆斯和玛格丽特·马吉。老马吉于1750年出生在爱尔兰的唐郡,移民到北美,在他20多岁的时候就成为了一名船长。在美国独立战争期间,他曾是一名私掠船船长,直到1781年被捕。战争结束后,他成为了一名成功的商人,并娶了玛格丽特·艾略特(Margaret Elliot)为妻,她是一位成功的烟草商人的女儿,来自波士顿。他们有九个孩子。奥古斯都是老三,也是最小的儿子詹姆斯·马吉的生活在他妻子的侄女嫁给了托马斯·汉德赛德·帕金斯(Thomas Handasyd Perkins)之后迎来了一个繁荣的新转折,帕金斯是该市一个伟大商业家族的儿子。马吉和珀金斯结成了伙伴关系,很快就成为不断增长的中国贸易中的主要美国商人。小奥古斯都出生前不久,他的父亲前往太平洋西北部和东方进行了为期四年的旅行,期间詹姆斯·马吉成为第一个访问夏威夷的美国人。这次探险获得了巨大的利润,马吉回来时是个富有的人。奥古斯都九岁时,他的父亲买下了马萨诸塞州皇家总督威廉·雪莉的豪宅,占地33英亩。
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引用次数: 0
Seeing Things: Technologies of Vision and the Making of Mormonism by Mason Kamana Allred (review) 《看见事物:视觉技术与摩门教的形成》作者:Mason Kamana Allred
3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2023.a907801
Benjamin E. Park
Reviewed by: Seeing Things: Technologies of Vision and the Making of Mormonism by Mason Kamana Allred Benjamin E. Park Seeing Things: Technologies of Vision and the Making of Mormonism. By Mason Kamana Allred. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. Pp. 254. Notes, bibliography, index.) Mormonism has been, as summarized in Mason Allred's useful conclusion, "fashioned by looking at stuff to see things" (185). Starting with [End Page 231] Joseph Smith, the faith's founder, believers in this diverse and evolving tradition have adapted to new media, which in turn has shaped the religion and its sense of the divine. Steeped in theoretical literature but often grounded in digestible case studies, Seeing Things is a remarkable contribution to the histories of media, post-secular religion, and Mormon studies. Allred begins his analysis with Smith's use of seer stones and the resulting revelatory texts. The Book of Mormon, which the book provocatively places within the gothic genre, commenced a tradition of creating works that both utilized print resources while also prompting supernatural repetition. Members embraced this collapse between material and spirit in order to utilize a series of media meant to connect the mundane and divine. But such modalities had the potential to produce chaos. Allred's second chapter examines how two sets of panoramic paintings, one by Philo Dibble in Nauvoo and another by C. C. A. Christensen in Utah, promoted unity and centralization. This shared imagery was necessary to correlate authority in a quickly growing faith. Then, by the late-nineteenth century, Mormons turned to developing media like typewriters and photography to explore the boundaries of their faith's patriarchy and gender roles, the subject of the third chapter. The second half of the book centers on themes of cultural assimilation as the Mormon faith moved from the margins of American society to the mainstream. Faced with the threat of anti-Mormon films becoming embedded within the new genre of cinema—what Allred calls "Mormonsploitation" films—Latter-day Saints were forced to use the new medium to present a narrative rooted in their past while still appealing to the world at large. This included playing with innovative tools like double exposure in order to incorporate angels and ghosts. Then, in the fifth chapter, the book turns to the advent of microphotography as the mechanism through which Saints could preserve their cherished, and sacred, records. These new methods were especially crucial in their newfound obsession: genealogy work. And finally, the book closes with a chapter on the rise of television, and particularly the notion of "standards": for consumer appetite, for cultural morality, and, importantly, for White patriotism. Television enabled the church to present a wholesome, if whitewashed, image designed to unify an increasingly global church. Portions of Allred's analysis are more convincing than others. In chapter 3, for ins
梅森·卡马纳·奥尔雷德·本杰明·e·帕克的《看见事物:视觉技术与摩门教的形成》。梅森·卡马纳·奥尔雷德著。教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2023。254页。注释、参考书目、索引。)正如梅森·奥尔雷德(Mason Allred)的有用结论所概括的那样,摩门教是“通过观察事物而形成的”(185)。从信仰的创始人约瑟夫·史密斯开始,信仰这种多样化和不断发展的传统的信徒已经适应了新媒体,这反过来又塑造了宗教和它的神性。沉浸在理论文献中,但往往以易于理解的案例研究为基础,《看见事物》是对媒体、后世俗宗教和摩门教研究历史的杰出贡献。奥尔雷德从史密斯使用先知之石和由此产生的启示性文本开始他的分析。《摩门经》(Book of Mormon),这本书颇具争议地将其归入哥特风格,开创了一种创作传统,既利用了印刷资源,又促进了超自然的重复。成员们接受了这种物质与精神之间的崩溃,以便利用一系列旨在连接世俗与神圣的媒介。但这种模式有可能产生混乱。奥尔雷德的第二章考察了两组全景画是如何促进统一和集中的,一组是由菲洛·迪布尔在纳府创作的,另一组是由c·c·a·克里斯滕森在犹他州创作的。在一个快速成长的信仰中,这种共同的意象对于将权威联系起来是必要的。然后,到了19世纪末,摩门教徒转向打字机和摄影等新兴媒体,探索他们信仰的父权制和性别角色的界限,这是第三章的主题。这本书的后半部分以摩门教信仰从美国社会边缘走向主流的文化同化为主题。面对反摩门教电影被嵌入新的电影类型的威胁——奥尔雷德称之为“摩门教剥削”电影——后期圣徒被迫使用新的媒介来呈现根植于他们过去的叙事,同时仍然吸引整个世界。这包括使用创新的工具,如双重曝光,以融合天使和鬼魂。然后,在第五章,这本书转向微缩摄影的出现,通过这种机制,圣徒可以保存他们珍爱的、神圣的记录。这些新方法在他们新发现的痴迷——家谱研究中尤为重要。最后,这本书用一章来结束电视的兴起,特别是“标准”的概念:消费者的胃口,文化道德,重要的是,白人爱国主义。电视使教会呈现出一种健康的形象,尽管被粉饰了,目的是统一一个日益全球化的教会。奥尔雷德的部分分析比其他分析更有说服力。例如,在第三章中,他对“女性”形象的摄影的参与,比他对苏萨·杨·盖茨使用打字机的创新解读更根植于活生生的宗教,打字机是一种机制,Allred将其比作通灵者的降神会,作为一种神圣的媒介,如果合作的话,传递。此外,当考察媒介的物理联系时,《看见事物》总是更有说服力,比如全景画如何描绘一个特定的信息,而不是进入下一步:这些新技术所带来的隐喻塑造了后期圣徒对神圣的观念。有时候隐喻就是隐喻。历史学家们会发现《看见事物》有很多值得喜爱的地方,即使它经常离题到媒体理论,有时会让那些不熟悉文学的人感到疏远。梅森·奥尔雷德(Mason Allred)以令人印象深刻的方式展示了宗教、文化和媒体如何在美国最重要的社会力量之一的演变过程中以动态和揭示的方式相互交织。本杰明·e·帕克萨姆·休斯顿州立大学版权©2022德克萨斯州历史协会
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引用次数: 0
Capitalism's Terrorists: Klansmen, Lawmen, and Employers in the Long Nineteenth Century by Chad E. Pearson (review) 《资本主义的恐怖分子:漫长19世纪的三k党、执法者和雇主》作者:查德·e·皮尔森
3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/swh.2023.a907803
Michael Botson
Reviewed by: Capitalism's Terrorists: Klansmen, Lawmen, and Employers in the Long Nineteenth Century by Chad E. Pearson Michael Botson Capitalism's Terrorists: Klansmen, Lawmen, and Employers in the Long Nineteenth Century. By Chad E. Pearson. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. Pp. 324. Notes, bibliography, index, illustrations.) Chad Pearson's latest book, Capitalism's Terrorists: Klansmen, Lawmen, and Employers in the Long Nineteenth Century, is the third book in his trilogy that critically examines the interaction of employers and capitalism with the study of workers' movements. In this third volume he expands his focus of capital's oppression of working-class movements in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-centuries. This study's major strength is Pearson's identification of three specific groups with overlapping interests that collaborated in crushing workers' efforts to organize unions, establish the closed shop, and create a humane workplace. After identifying them, he fiercely takes them to task. Much like in his other books, Pearson's enthusiasm for his subject here nearly jumps off every page. The first part of his triumvirate is made up of "the terrorists," organized [End Page 234] businessmen and industrialists. "The Enablers," those in governmental positions who routinely used the full force of government to suppress working-class activism, come second. The third group consists of "the narrative creators," newspaper editors and novelists who molded public opinion to oppose working-class reforms. Pearson acknowledges that some readers might take exception with his use of the word "terrorists" when referring to businessmen, but he reminds us that Jay Gould was a thuggish "railroad investor responsible for the firing and blacklisting [of] thousands of workers" (9). An important underlying theme throughout the book is the bitter disagreement between employers and workers over the definition of free labor. As defined by employers, the free labor system allowed workers dissatisfied with a company's working conditions and pay to freely quit and find suitable employment elsewhere. On the other hand, workers defined free labor as a basic human right. That included the right to organize unions and use their collective strength to agitate for improved working conditions, and pay without having to quit and seek employment elsewhere. Pearson describes the fallacy of employers' definition of free labor. He points out that, in regions where one industry dominated the economy, workers could not go to a different mine or railroad and expect to find better wages and working conditions. Employers often banded together in establishing uniform wage rates and working conditions that prevented workers from escaping totalitarian control. Pearson offers as an example the mine owners in Coeur d'Alene, Idaho. There, mine owners banded together and established the Mine Owners Protective Association (MOPA). Members colluded together in
《资本主义的恐怖分子:漫长的19世纪的三k党、执法官和雇主》作者:查德·皮尔森迈克尔·博特森《资本主义的恐怖分子:漫长的19世纪的三k党、执法官和雇主》查德·e·皮尔森著。(教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2022。324页。注释、参考书目、索引、插图。)查德·皮尔森的最新著作《资本主义的恐怖分子:漫长的19世纪的三k党、执法官和雇主》是他三部曲中的第三部,通过对工人运动的研究,批判性地审视了雇主和资本主义之间的相互作用。在这第三卷,他扩大了他的焦点资本的工人阶级运动的压迫在十九世纪末和二十世纪初。这项研究的主要优势在于皮尔森确定了三个利益重叠的特定群体,这些群体合作摧毁了工人组织工会的努力,建立了封闭的商店,并创造了一个人性化的工作场所。认出他们后,他严厉地指责他们。就像在他的其他书中一样,皮尔森对他的主题的热情几乎每一页都跃然纸上。他的三头同盟的第一部分是由“恐怖分子”、有组织的商人和实业家组成的。“推动者”,那些在政府职位上经常使用政府的全部力量来压制工人阶级的激进主义的人,排在第二位。第三个群体由“叙事创造者”、报纸编辑和小说家组成,他们塑造了反对工人阶级改革的公众舆论。皮尔逊承认,有些读者可能会对他在提到商人时使用“恐怖分子”一词感到不满,但他提醒我们,杰伊·古尔德是一个残暴的“铁路投资者,他解雇了数千名工人,并将其列入黑名单”(9)。贯穿全书的一个重要的潜在主题是雇主和工人之间在自由劳动的定义上的激烈分歧。根据雇主的定义,自由劳动制度允许对公司工作条件和薪酬不满的工人自由辞职,并在其他地方找到合适的工作。另一方面,工人们把自由劳动定义为一项基本人权。这包括组织工会和利用集体力量争取改善工作条件的权利,以及不必辞职另谋出路而获得报酬的权利。皮尔森描述了雇主对自由劳动定义的谬误。他指出,在一个行业主导经济的地区,工人们不可能去另一个矿山或铁路,期望找到更好的工资和工作条件。雇主经常联合起来制定统一的工资率和工作条件,防止工人逃离极权主义的控制。皮尔森以爱达荷州科达伦的矿主为例。在那里,矿主们联合起来成立了矿主保护协会(MOPA)。成员们串通一气压低工资,要求长时间工作,并施加危险的工作条件。因此,矿工们在他们工作的任何矿井都面临着类似的条件。如果一个MOPA成员敢于与他的同事决裂,并给予矿工特许权,他们将面临同事的谴责、排斥和黑名单。《资本主义的恐怖分子》是一部全面而广泛的研究。皮尔逊的论点被巧妙地用丰富的支持文件呈现出来。他对1886年反对密苏里太平洋铁路系统的西南大罢工的研究,将德克萨斯州置于那个时期劳工激进主义和雇主反击的更广泛背景中。总的来说,《资本主义的恐怖分子》是一本强有力的研究。它清楚地展示了雇主恐怖分子、政府推动者和叙事创造者的交集,并令人信服地揭穿了他们自称是法律、秩序和社区利益的正义维护者的说法。这是一本及时而发人深省的书。如今,卷入全球经济的雇主们再次为其严苛的劳工政策辩解,称其理由是正当的,这些政策将所有工人都降低到了可驯服的地位。[End Page 235] Michael Botson独立学者版权©2022德克萨斯州历史协会
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