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Restrictive ISDS clauses under Chinese BITs: interpretations and implications for China 中国双边投资协定下的限制性ISDS条款:解释及其对中国的影响
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.1080/10192557.2022.2085411
Juan Du
ABSTRACT The majority of investment arbitration cases based on Chinese BITs have involved restrictive ISDS clauses, the interpretation of such clauses diverged in arbitration practice. Given the large presence of the restrictive ISDS clauses in Chinese BITs, it will certainly impede Chinese investors to seek jurisdiction of international investment arbitration. In the meantime, the interpretation of such clauses by tribunals will continue to occur frequently, which is an uncertain factor for both the Chinese government and its overseas investors. As China’s dual role in two-way investment, China needs to consider the protection of both the host state and its investors. To deal with the challenges from the predominance of the restrictive ISDS clauses in Chinese BITs, China seems to be updating its restrictive BITs from a multilateral level, and the Chinese investors may circumvent the restrictive BITs by relying on investment contracts or host state’s national laws to seek international arbitration.
基于中国双边投资协定的投资仲裁案件大多涉及限制性的ISDS条款,在仲裁实践中对此类条款的解释存在分歧。鉴于中国双边投资协定中存在大量限制性ISDS条款,这肯定会阻碍中国投资者寻求国际投资仲裁管辖权。与此同时,法院对此类条款的解释将继续频繁发生,这对中国政府和海外投资者来说都是一个不确定因素。中国在双向投资中扮演双重角色,既要考虑对东道国的保护,也要考虑对投资者的保护。为应对中国双边投资协定中ISDS限制性条款占主导地位的挑战,中国似乎正在从多边层面更新其限制性双边投资协定,中国投资者可能会依靠投资合同或东道国国内法来规避限制性双边投资协定,寻求国际仲裁。
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引用次数: 0
Avoid opening up the Pandora’s box: treaty parallelism, termination and survival in the reform of the China–EU investment regime 避免打开潘多拉盒子:中欧投资体制改革中的条约并行、终止与生存
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.1080/10192557.2022.2085415
Keer Huang, Tong Qi
ABSTRACT The Draft CAI leaves issues pertaining to investment protection and Investor-State Dispute Settlement under future discussion, while acknowledging the effectiveness of previous BITs between China and 26 EU Member States for at least two years after the CAI has been ratified. It is of great significance to clarify the treaty relationships within the China–EU investment regime, which will heavily affect the efforts on investment treaty modernization, and profoundly impact the international investment policy landscape. In the context of treaty parallelism, the Pandora’s box, with multiple issues including but not limited to normative overlaps and contradictions, jurisdiction overlaps and contradictions, might be opened up. Moreover, survival clauses in the previous BITs and the transitional clause in the CAI need to be taken into account to ensure an effective and smooth transition from the previous BITs to the modernized CAI. By examining relevant options for addressing problems regarding treaty parallelism, treaty termination and treaty survival, this paper offers potential choices for the reform of the China–EU investment regime.
《投资协定》草案将投资保护和投资者-国家争端解决问题留作未来讨论,同时承认中国与26个欧盟成员国之间之前的双边投资协定在投资协定批准后至少两年内有效。澄清中欧投资体制内的条约关系具有重要意义,将对投资条约现代化的努力产生重大影响,也将深刻影响国际投资政策格局。在条约平行的背景下,可能会打开包括但不限于规范重叠和矛盾、管辖权重叠和矛盾等多重问题的潘多拉盒子。此外,为了确保从以前的双边投资协定到现代化的双边投资协定的有效和顺利过渡,需要考虑到以前双边投资协定中的生存条款和CAI中的过渡条款。本文通过考察解决条约平行、条约终止和条约存续问题的相关选项,为中欧投资体制改革提供了可能的选择。
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引用次数: 0
Digital currencies and great power rivalry: China as a disseminator in the digital age 数字货币与大国竞争:中国作为数字时代的传播者
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.1080/10192557.2022.2085412
J. Slawotsky
ABSTRACT The United States reign as global hegemon has been empowered by massive structural power over key international economic, technological and ideological networks. As chief disseminator during the era of emerging computer technology and communications, the U.S. became a rules-maker, empowered to shape international governance in its favour. However, a new era of digitalized assets, transactions and networks will provide an opportunity for Central Bank Digital Currencies (‘CBDCs’) to constitute the technological-financial-business bones of the developing digitalized global economy. CBDCs will exert massive influence on the international economic, technological and ideological orders. Moreover, all of these impacts are inextricably connected to the hegemonic rivalry between the United States and China. Astutely, China has been developing the digital Yuan and is the first major economy to distribute a CBDC. If China's CBDC successfully migrates to external usage, and depending upon the degree of crucial Chinese domestic reforms, the digital Yuan may offer an opportunity for China to be a disseminator in the digital age. Chinese influence over global networks and governance frameworks would vest China with advantageous structural power in the economic, technological and ideological spheres – the fulcrums of the U.S.-China hegemonic rivalry.
摘要美国作为全球霸主的统治,得益于对关键国际经济、技术和意识形态网络的巨大结构性权力。作为新兴计算机技术和通信时代的主要传播者,美国成为了一个规则制定者,有权塑造有利于自己的国际治理。然而,数字化资产、交易和网络的新时代将为中央银行数字货币(“BDCs”)提供一个机会,使其成为发展中的数字化全球经济的技术金融业务支柱。CBDC将对国际经济、技术和意识形态秩序产生巨大影响。此外,所有这些影响都与美国和中国之间的霸权竞争密不可分。令人惊讶的是,中国一直在发展数字人民币,是第一个发行CBDC的主要经济体。如果中国的CBDC成功地转移到外部使用,并且取决于中国国内关键改革的程度,数字人民币可能会为中国在数字时代成为传播者提供机会。中国对全球网络和治理框架的影响力将使中国在经济、技术和意识形态领域拥有有利的结构性力量,而这正是美中霸权竞争的支点。
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引用次数: 1
New Asian regionalism in international economic law 国际经济法中的新亚洲区域主义
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-05-26 DOI: 10.1080/10192557.2022.2073928
Fang Meng Mandy
The economic dynamics of Asian countries have undergone a remarkable transformation over recent decades, culminating in unprecedented levels of growth and development. More recently, Asia has also become more connected and economically integrated through the formation of stronger trade and investment linkages. At a time when multilateralism is subject to stalemate or even backlash, Asian regionalism remains on an upwards trajectory. Asia’s rapid growth and integration make it an intriguing region to study, and it is globally important to focus on the legal regimes based on which the region’s trade and investment ties are proliferating. Some of the most pertinent questions are: Is Asian regionalism qualitatively different from previous waves of regionalism? What are the endogenous and exogenous influences that have shaped Asian regionalism? Will Asian countries take the lead in devising a new approach to economic integration for the Global South? How do we assess the significance of Asian regionalism and its impact on the multilateral trading system? In his detailed and ambitious book, Professor Pasha L. Hsieh, Associate Professor at the Singapore Management University, provides sharp observations and rich interdisciplinary analysis to answer the questions raised above. In doing so, Hsieh reveals his deft understanding of the region and its relationship with international economic law through the depth of his insightful ideas, thought-provoking arguments, and astute and pragmatic proposals. At the outset, Hsieh introduces Asian regionalism as a paradigm shift in international economic law, which he describes as representing a new form of regionalism that he calls ‘Third Regionalism’ and the ‘New Regional Economic Order’ (NREO). Here, through detailed research, Hsieh points to the increasing number of countries in the region using their rising economic weight to generate normative changes in new trade dynamics. Given the changing status of Asian countries and regionalism in the twenty-first century, Hsieh argues that a new framework to comprehend these dynamics and their nuances is needed if not overdue. Revisiting existing scholarship on regionalism and international relations theories, Hsieh establishes the NREO as a new normative framework better equipped to take fundamental economic and geopolitical changes into consideration. Having set out the book’s theoretical scope, Hsieh moves on to provide a vivid portrait of the legalization process of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) framework. The transformation of ASEAN from an apolitically oriented regime to a legal one, imposing both soft-law and hard-law obligations, has rendered it an indispensable pillar of new Asian regionalism. Hsieh’s argument that pragmatic incrementalism as embodied in ASEAN could serve as an(admittedly imperfect) model for developing countries is persuasive, as is his reasoning for why ASEAN does not, cannot, and does not want to simply replicate what has
近几十年来,亚洲国家的经济动态发生了显著变化,达到了前所未有的增长和发展水平。近年来,亚洲通过建立更紧密的贸易和投资联系,联系更加紧密,经济一体化程度更高。在多边主义陷入僵局甚至遭到抵制的背景下,亚洲地区主义仍呈上升趋势。亚洲的快速增长和一体化使其成为一个值得研究的有趣地区。从全球来看,关注该地区贸易和投资关系赖以发展的法律制度具有重要意义。一些最相关的问题是:亚洲地区主义与之前的地区主义浪潮有质的不同吗?形成亚洲地区主义的内生和外生影响是什么?亚洲国家是否会带头为全球南方设计经济一体化的新方法?我们如何评价亚洲区域主义的重要性及其对多边贸易体制的影响?新加坡管理大学(Singapore Management University)副教授谢家华(Pasha L. Hsieh)教授在其详尽而雄心勃勃的著作中,提供了敏锐的观察和丰富的跨学科分析来回答上述问题。在此过程中,谢家华通过其深刻的见解、发人深省的论点和精明务实的建议,揭示了他对该地区及其与国际经济法关系的敏锐理解。首先,谢长华将亚洲地区主义作为国际经济法范式的转变进行了介绍,他将其描述为一种新的地区主义形式,他称之为“第三地区主义”和“新区域经济秩序”(NREO)。在这里,通过详细的研究,谢长廷指出,该地区越来越多的国家利用其日益增长的经济实力,在新的贸易动态中产生规范的变化。鉴于亚洲国家和地区主义在21世纪不断变化的地位,谢长廷认为,一个新的框架来理解这些动态和它们的细微差别是必要的,如果不是迟来的话。在回顾现有的区域主义和国际关系理论的基础上,谢德华建立了一个新的规范框架,以更好地考虑经济和地缘政治的根本变化。在阐述了本书的理论范围之后,谢家华继续生动地描绘了东南亚国家联盟(ASEAN)框架的合法化过程。东盟从一个非政治导向的政权转变为一个法律政权,同时施加软法和硬法义务,使其成为新亚洲地区主义不可或缺的支柱。谢家华认为,东盟所体现的实用主义渐进主义可以作为发展中国家的一个(诚然不完美的)模式,这一观点很有说服力,正如他对东盟不能、不能、也不想简单地复制欧洲所做的事情的理由一样。谢长廷接着关注了区域全面经济伙伴关系协定(RCEP),他认为这是亚洲地区主义的一个里程碑,标志着背离了北方主导的华盛顿共识。虽然关键的法律和政治
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引用次数: 6
The reform of deposit insurance in China: how China evolves from implicit deposit insurance to explicit deposit insurance 中国存款保险改革:中国如何从隐性存款保险向显性存款保险演变
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-05-26 DOI: 10.1080/10192557.2022.2073909
Ningyao Ye
ABSTRACT Since the global financial crisis (GFC), deposit insurance, as an essential part of the financial safety net, has been significantly developed to be an effective mechanism to contain bank runs and market fears. Unlike many advanced markets having deposit insurance for years, China has just launched its first explicit deposit insurance scheme, effective from 1st May 2015, remarking that the Chinese financial safety net has been primarily completed. This article not only provides a retrospective analysis of the development of deposit insurance in China, but also comprehensively examines the features of the first Chinese deposit insurance scheme with reference to international principles and standards. Through the analysis, this research tries to explore the features of the first Chinese deposit insurance scheme and argues that the Chinese deposit insurance scheme has to be well designed in consideration of the country specifics.
自全球金融危机以来,存款保险作为金融安全网的重要组成部分,已显著发展成为遏制银行挤兑和市场恐慌的有效机制。与许多发达市场多年来都有存款保险不同,中国刚刚推出了首个明确的存款保险计划,从2015年5月1日起生效,这表明中国的金融安全网已经基本建成。本文不仅对存款保险在中国的发展进行了回溯性的分析,而且在参考国际原则和标准的基础上,全面考察了中国第一个存款保险制度的特点。通过分析,本研究试图探索中国第一个存款保险制度的特点,并认为中国的存款保险制度必须考虑到国家的具体情况来设计。
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引用次数: 0
The Chinese-style securities class action mechanism for investor protection: context, content, comparison and consequence 中国式证券投资者保护集体诉讼机制:背景、内容、比较与后果
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-05-26 DOI: 10.1080/10192557.2022.2073907
Fa Chen
ABSTRACT In December 2019, the modification of the Securities Law of China created a Chinese-style securities class action mechanism, namely the special securities representative action (SSRA) mechanism, which provided investors with a new route to private enforcement by enabling them to launch claims against wrongdoers in a single lawsuit. On 12 November 2021, the court ruled the spotlight-catching first SSRA, i.e. the Kangmei case, opening the chapter of the use of the SSRA mechanism in practice. This article conducts a close examination of the SSRA mechanism, discussing the context of introducing this mechanism and its functioning, comparing it with the US securities class action mechanism as a global counterpart and looking into the effectiveness of the SSRA mechanism for investor protection in practice. This article finds that the SSRA mechanism is carefully designed to solve the problem that most Chinese investors lack the incentive and capacity of litigation engagement, which has been proven effective for investor protection in the Kangmei case.
摘要2019年12月,我国《证券法》的修改建立了一种中国式的证券集体诉讼机制,即证券特别代表人诉讼机制,使投资者能够在一次诉讼中对不法分子提起诉讼,从而为私人执行提供了一条新途径。2021年11月12日,法院裁定了引人注目的第一个SSRA,即康美案,开启了SSRA机制在实践中的使用篇章。本文对SSRA机制进行了仔细的研究,讨论了引入该机制的背景及其运作,将其与作为全球对应机制的美国证券集体诉讼机制进行了比较,并探讨了SSRA机制在实践中对投资者保护的有效性。本文发现,SSRA机制是为解决大多数中国投资者缺乏诉讼参与动机和能力的问题而精心设计的,在康美案中已被证明对投资者保护是有效的。
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引用次数: 1
Divorce in China: institutional constraints and gendered outcomes 中国的离婚:制度约束和性别结果
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-05-26 DOI: 10.1080/10192557.2022.2073930
Jue Jiang
research: divorce litigation. Drawing upon extensive empirical data, Prof. He presents a lively and detailed picture of how divorce cases are handled by Chinese courts amidst the latest legal and political reforms on protecting women ’ s rights, as he carefully analyzes how institutional constraints have had an impact on the practice of judges, leading to gendered outcomes in divorce cases. The analytical framework for understanding divorce litigation carefully articulated by Prof. He o ff ers an important lens for making sense of the relationships between law, gender and power in China. 2
研究:离婚诉讼。根据大量的实证数据,何教授生动而详细地展示了在保护妇女权利的最新法律和政治改革中,中国法院是如何处理离婚案件的,他仔细分析了制度约束如何影响法官的实践,导致离婚案件的性别结果。何教授详细阐述的理解离婚诉讼的分析框架,为理解中国法律、性别和权力之间的关系提供了一个重要视角
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引用次数: 10
Sustainability and corporate mechanisms in Asia 亚洲的可持续性和企业机制
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.1080/10192557.2022.2073926
W. Wan
member of the Shanghai-based New Development Bank (NDB) (established in 2014) and the Beijing-based Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) (established in 2014). In 2016, India created a new think tank, the Center for Research in International Trade (CRIT), which supports India’s WTO, regional, and bilateral trade work; that work includes deepening regional ties on trade policy. India’s ‘Act East’ policy, which was announced in 2014, similarly seeks to advance regional connectivity. For China, several institutions supporting China’s Belt and Road Initiative have been established over the past several years, including, in the area of commercial dispute resolution, the International Commercial Dispute Prevention and Settlement Organization (located in Beijing) and the China International Commercial Court (tribunals located in Shenzhen and Xi’an). China also has ratified the ASEAN-led Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement, which creates ‘the largest free trade bloc in the world, covering around 30 percent of global GDP’ (p. 244); the RCEP also advances institution building by establishing an RCEP Secretariat. The world trading system is being reshaped in significant part by emerging powers like Brazil, India and China, with that work primarily occurring in the global South. With respect to emerging powers and the world trading system, the road to Geneva has been significant, but the road from Geneva is equally noteworthy. Shaffer observes that for ‘trade liberals, this book has the arc of a tragedy... As [emerging powers] rose in economic importance and built legal capacity to wield WTO law to defend and advance their positions, the United States became disenchanted with the legal order it had created’ (p. 316). But such an arc also can be considered from a different perspective: a more dispersed world trading system can allow for reconsideration of core policy priorities and respond more effectively to regional norms, practices and expectations. Shaffer’s book is a remarkable achievement: more than two decades of work and more than a few hundred interviews supporting rigorous analysis of how emerging powers have developed trade law capacity to engage with the WTO and are now redirecting that capacity in many new contexts and locations, with such dispersion of trade-related rulemaking and institution building being further accelerated by the US retreat from the WTO. The contribution of Emerging Powers and the World Trading System to our understanding of global trade in the twenty-first century will be enduring and valuable.
总部位于上海的新开发银行(NDB)(成立于2014年)和总部位于北京的亚洲基础设施投资银行(AIIB)的成员。2016年,印度成立了一个新的智库,国际贸易研究中心(CRIT),支持印度的世贸组织、地区和双边贸易工作;这项工作包括深化贸易政策方面的区域联系。印度于2014年宣布的“向东行动”政策同样寻求促进地区互联互通。在过去几年里,中国成立了几个支持中国“一带一路”倡议倡议的机构,包括在商事纠纷解决领域,国际商事纠纷预防与解决组织(位于北京)和中国国际商事法院(位于深圳和西安的法庭)。中国还批准了东盟领导的区域全面经济伙伴关系协定,该协定创建了“世界上最大的自由贸易集团,约占全球GDP的30%”(第244页);RCEP还通过设立RCEP秘书处来推进机构建设。巴西、印度和中国等新兴大国正在很大程度上重塑世界贸易体系,而这项工作主要发生在全球南方。关于新兴大国和世界贸易体系,通往日内瓦的道路意义重大,但从日内瓦出发的道路同样值得注意。Shaffer观察到,对于“贸易自由主义者”来说,这本书有着悲剧的弧线。。。随着[新兴大国]的经济重要性上升,并建立了运用世贸组织法律捍卫和推进其立场的法律能力,美国对其建立的法律秩序不再抱有幻想”(第316页)。但也可以从不同的角度来考虑这样一个弧线:一个更加分散的世界贸易体系可以重新考虑核心政策优先事项,并更有效地回应区域规范、做法和期望。Shaffer的书是一项了不起的成就:二十多年的工作和几百次采访支持了对新兴大国如何发展贸易法能力以与世贸组织接触的严格分析,并且现在正在将这种能力转移到许多新的背景和地点,美国退出世贸组织进一步加速了与贸易有关的规则制定和制度建设的分散。新兴大国和世界贸易体系对我们理解21世纪全球贸易的贡献将是持久和宝贵的。
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引用次数: 0
Emerging powers and the world trading system: The past and future of international economic law 新兴大国与世界贸易体系:国际经济法的过去与未来
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.1080/10192557.2022.2073924
M. Feldman
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引用次数: 0
The relevance of purpose in constitutional equal protection challenges to executive action 宪法平等保护中目的的相关性对行政行为提出了挑战
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.1080/10192557.2022.2073708
Kenny Chng
ABSTRACT Written constitutions often include generalized guarantees of equal protection which imply a proscription on unconstitutional differential treatment. This paper will examine what the analytical focus ought to be when evaluating challenges to executive action based on such rights, a particularly relevant issue given recent developments in Hong Kong’s and Singapore’s equal protection jurisprudence. These developments suggest that there are three possible analytical focal points, each of which takes a different perspective on the relevance of the executive’s purpose in utilizing differential treatment: (1) the connection between the chosen differentiation and the specific purpose of the challenged executive action; (2) the connection between the differentiation and the broad purpose for which power was conferred upon the authority to perform the challenged action; and (3) a generalized assessment of the action’s rationality independent of purpose. This paper will critically evaluate each of these possibilities. It will argue that a specific purpose approach (namely (1)) is to be preferred, and that such an approach should be substantiated through a structured proportionality framework.
成文宪法通常包括对平等保护的广义保障,这意味着禁止违宪的差别待遇。本文将探讨在评估基于这些权利对行政行为的挑战时,分析重点应该是什么,鉴于香港和新加坡平等保护法理学的最新发展,这是一个特别相关的问题。这些发展表明,有三个可能的分析焦点,每一个都从不同的角度看待行政人员使用差别待遇的目的的相关性:(1)所选择的差别与被质疑的行政行为的具体目的之间的联系;(2)这种区别与授予当局执行被质疑行为的权力的广泛目的之间的联系;(3)独立于目的的行为合理性的广义评价。本文将批判性地评估每一种可能性。它将认为,一个特定的目的方法(即(1))是优选的,这种方法应该通过一个结构化的比例框架来证实。
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引用次数: 0
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Asia Pacific Law Review
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