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An analysis of the epistemic link between the Catholic religion and violence in Uganda's history 对乌干达历史上天主教与暴力之间的认识联系的分析
IF 0.1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N1A2
Kizito Kiyimba
Uganda’s recent history of violence has had an interesting characteristic: it has arguably been mainly within the Christian and more specifically Catholic religious space. I examine four cases of religious-related violence in order to cipher the epistemic roots of such violence. The four cases are: the Uganda Martyrs; Ms Alice Lakwena and the Holy Spirit Movement; Mr Joseph Kony and the Lord’s Resistance Army; and Ms Ceredonia Mwerinde and the Movement for the Restoration of the Ten Commandments of God. I examine the literature critically in order to test the plausibility of various positions on the possible link between the Catholic religion and violence in Uganda. My analysis looks at the links both from the point of view of the perpetrators of violence and the adherent/victims of the violence. In the end, I find that the epistemic links are more justificatory/explanatory than they are causal.
乌干达最近的暴力历史有一个有趣的特点:它可以说主要发生在基督教和更具体的天主教宗教范围内。我研究了四个与宗教有关的暴力案件,以破解这种暴力的认知根源。这四个案例是:乌干达烈士;Alice Lakwena女士与圣灵运动;约瑟夫•科尼和圣主抵抗军;以及Ceredonia Mwerinde女士和恢复上帝十诫运动。我对文献进行了批判性的研究,以检验关于天主教与乌干达暴力之间可能联系的各种立场的合理性。我的分析从暴力的施暴者和暴力的追随者/受害者的角度来看待这些联系。最后,我发现认知联系更多的是证明/解释,而不是因果关系。
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引用次数: 0
Invisibilising the victimised: churches in Manicaland and women's experiences of political violence in national healing and reconciliation in Zimbabwe 看不见受害者:马尼兰的教会和妇女在津巴布韦民族愈合与和解中的政治暴力经历
IF 0.1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N1A5
M. Manyonganise
Zimbabwe’s political history from 2000 to the present epoch has been characterized by violence. This violence reached its peak in 2008 when ZANU PF was defeated at the polls by the opposition party, MDC-T. The violence resulted in hundreds of people losing their lives while many more were maimed, displaced and/or sexually abused. In this context of political violence, various church groups emerged as the church in Zimbabwe broke its culture of silence and sought to condemn the deployment of divisive politics and the use of political violence as a means to political gain. One such group that emerged in 2000 is a forum of churches in the province of Manicaland called Churches in Manicaland (CiM). From the onset, CiM sought to bring healing to victims of political violence as well as reconciliation of communities in Manicaland through a number of activities. The 2008 political violence resulted in the signing of the Global Political Agreement in which the issue of national healing and reconciliation became officialised and critical national institutions (the church included) were implored to play their roles meaningfully. However, scholars on national healing and reconciliation have noted how gender is often not part of reconstruction processes in post-conflict nations. What this paper seeks to do is to evaluate CiM’s approach to gender in its participation in the national healing and reconciliation process in Zimbabwe, both at an unofficial level from 2000 and at the official level from 2008. Drawing on original empirical research (focus groups and interviews), the paper shows how CiM has adopted a general approach to the national healing and reconciliation Churches in Manicaland and Women’s Experiences of Political Violence 111 process, which has made women’s experiences of political violence invisible. It is envisaged that this is one way of informing the church to bring to the ‘centre’ women’s experiences of political violence.
从2000年到现在,津巴布韦的政治历史一直以暴力为特征。2008年,当非洲民族联盟-爱国阵线在选举中被反对党民主变革运动击败时,这种暴力达到了顶峰。暴力导致数百人丧生,更多人致残、流离失所和/或遭受性虐待。在这种政治暴力的背景下,随着津巴布韦教会打破其沉默的文化,出现了各种教会团体,并试图谴责使用分裂政治和利用政治暴力作为政治利益的手段。2000年出现的一个这样的组织是马尼托巴省的一个教会论坛,名为马尼托巴省教会(CiM)。从一开始,国际监测组织就力求通过一系列活动治愈政治暴力的受害者,并实现马尼加莱各社区的和解。2008年的政治暴力导致了《全球政治协议》的签署,在该协议中,国家愈合与和解的问题被正式确定,关键的国家机构(包括教会)被恳求发挥其有意义的作用。然而,研究民族愈合与和解的学者注意到,在冲突后的国家,性别往往不是重建过程的一部分。本文试图做的是评估中国在参与津巴布韦国家愈合和和解进程中的性别方法,包括2000年以来的非官方层面和2008年以来的官方层面。根据原始的实证研究(焦点小组和访谈),本文展示了CiM如何采用一种一般方法来处理马尼兰的民族治愈与和解教会和妇女政治暴力经历111过程,这使得妇女的政治暴力经历变得不可见。据设想,这是告知教会将妇女的政治暴力经历带入“中心”的一种方式。
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引用次数: 1
Holy Toledo: Muslim-Christian Relations and Catholic Nationalism in Vicente Blasco Ibánez's The Shadow of the Cathedral 圣托莱多:维森特·布拉斯科Ibánez《大教堂的阴影》中的穆斯林-基督教关系和天主教民族主义
IF 0.1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N2A12
F. Hale
Although the eminent Spanish novelist and anticlericalist Vicente Blasco Ibáñez (1867-1928) received little scholarly attention outside his homeland for several decades, he gained significantly greater international notice in the latter half of the twentieth century. His novel of 1903, La Catedral, published in both the United Kingdom and the United States of America six years later as The Shadow of the Cathedral, is a scathing indictment of the conservative Roman Catholic religious establishment in Spain. Blasco Ibáñez faulted its intolerant monopoly on national spiritual life for much of the country’s cultural, political, and economic backwardness. Relying heavily on the subsequently discredited nineteenth-century belief that Andalusian Spain had been a model of religious toleration under Islamic hegemony for many generations following the Moorish invasion in the eight century and that this had fostered a golden era of cultural flourishing, he argued for the dismantling of Catholic privilege in favour of secularism, toleration, and pluralistic religious freedom to spur the country out of its stagnancy. This article explores both the construction and recent dismantling of the myth of religious harmony in Moorish Spain and how that perception of the Middle Ages is used rhetorically in The Shadow of the Cathedral.
虽然著名的西班牙小说家和反教权主义者维森特·布拉斯科Ibáñez(1867-1928)几十年来在国外很少受到学术关注,但他在20世纪下半叶获得了更大的国际关注。他1903年的小说《大教堂》(La Catedral),六年后以《大教堂的阴影》(the Shadow of the Cathedral)的名字在英国和美国同时出版,是对西班牙保守的罗马天主教宗教机构的严厉控诉。布拉斯科Ibáñez将国家文化、政治和经济的落后归咎于它对国民精神生活的偏执垄断。19世纪,人们认为安达卢西亚的西班牙在8世纪摩尔人入侵后,是伊斯兰教统治下几代人宗教宽容的典范,这造就了一个文化繁荣的黄金时代。他主张废除天主教特权,支持世俗主义、宽容和多元化的宗教自由,以刺激这个国家走出停滞。本文探讨了摩尔人西班牙宗教和谐神话的构建和最近的瓦解,以及中世纪的看法如何在大教堂的阴影中被修辞地使用。
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引用次数: 0
Symbolic Dimensions of 19th Century Dutch Colonial Settlement at the Cape of Good Hope 19世纪荷兰殖民者在好望角的象征维度
IF 0.1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N2A13
F. Frescura
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引用次数: 0
Migration and Muslim Identities: Malawians and Senegalese Muslims in Durban, South Africa 移民和穆斯林身份:南非德班的马拉维和塞内加尔穆斯林
IF 0.1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N2A2
S. Vawda
This paper is about foreign African Muslims, particularly Malawian and Senegalese Muslim migrants in Durban, South Africa. Modern 21 century migration processes are a global phenomenon deeply embedded in a complex interaction of social, economic and political patterns and processes, often leading to concentrations and enclaves people in large urban centres, such as Durban, along lines of religious, ethnic or national origins. Durban itself is also a major urban area in Southern Africa with a significant Muslim population and a centre of Islamic influence reaching out across the sub-continent, and may serve as a point of attraction for African Muslim migrants. Religious identity is an important factor that is imbricated in Malawian and Senegalese Muslims attempts to search for new solutions to their problems of adaptation, integration and assimilation into a new place. A key issue addressed in this paper is whether their identities, particularly religious, ethnic and national identities, rather than the normative values, provide a set of resources to accommodate themselves and pursue their aims of being gainfully employed as entrepreneurs and workers in a different country. De Certeau’s conceptual distinction between strategy and tactics is used as a framework to evaluate the way in which Malawian and Senegalese migrants use religion and associated values towards making a life for themselves in Durban.
这篇文章是关于外来的非洲穆斯林,特别是在南非德班的马拉维和塞内加尔穆斯林移民。21世纪的现代移徙进程是一种全球现象,深深植根于社会、经济和政治模式和进程的复杂相互作用中,往往导致人们按照宗教、种族或民族血统在德班等大城市中心集中和飞地。德班本身也是南部非洲的一个主要城市地区,拥有大量的穆斯林人口,是伊斯兰教影响的中心,遍及整个次大陆,可能会成为非洲穆斯林移民的一个吸引点。宗教特性是马拉维和塞内加尔穆斯林试图寻求新的解决办法以适应、融入和同化新地方问题的一个重要因素。本文讨论的一个关键问题是,他们的身份,特别是宗教、种族和国家身份,而不是规范的价值观,是否提供了一套资源,以适应他们自己,并追求他们在另一个国家作为企业家和工人获得报酬的目标。De Certeau在战略和战术之间的概念区分被用作评估马拉维和塞内加尔移民在德班利用宗教和相关价值观为自己创造生活的方式的框架。
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引用次数: 9
A Historical and Critical Overview of Religion and Public Broadcasting in South Africa 南非宗教与公共广播的历史与批判概述
IF 0.1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N2A11
Lee-Shae S. Scharnick-Udemans
Given the eruption of religion and media studies in the last two decades and following the predictions of leading scholars that the study of religion and media would come to represent a pivotal moment in the study of religion, the current dearth of studies about religion and media, from the Southern African region in general and South Africa in particular, suggest that this area of inquiry is in need of serious critical attention. This article investigates the role of religion in the history and development of the South African mediascape by analysing the role of religion in the banning and introduction of television under apartheid and the place of religion in the formulation of new media policy in the democratic era. This article argues that throughout the history of broadcasting in South Africa, religion has been mobilised in strategies and resources for nation building, and that there exists an unexpected continuity based on regulatory measures between the apartheid and post-apartheid contexts.
考虑到宗教和媒体研究在过去二十年的爆发,以及一些著名学者预测宗教和媒体研究将成为宗教研究的关键时刻,目前关于宗教和媒体研究的匮乏,特别是来自南部非洲地区,特别是南非,表明这一领域的研究需要得到严肃的批判性关注。本文通过分析宗教在种族隔离时期禁止和引进电视中的作用,以及宗教在民主时代制定新媒体政策中的地位,来调查宗教在南非媒体格局的历史和发展中的作用。本文认为,在南非广播的整个历史中,宗教一直被动员到国家建设的战略和资源中,并且在种族隔离和后种族隔离背景之间存在着基于监管措施的意想不到的连续性。
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引用次数: 4
Moral Responsibility and Environmental Conservation in Karamoja Mining Area: Towards a Religious Engagement 卡拉莫贾矿区的道德责任与环境保护:走向宗教参与
IF 0.1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N2A4
Margaret Ssebunya, B. Okyere-Manu
The consequences of the mining industry in Karamoja region have resulted into a serious environmental hazard to all forms of life in the area. For some reasons, efforts by the Ugandan government to respond to the environmental crisis seem inadequate. Investors in the mining sector and other stakeholders, particularly those who are directly affected, also seem not to be concerned with the dangers associated with the crisis. This situation raises a number of critical moral questions, for example, who is responsible for the degradation of the area? Why are the efforts of the government not yielding any results? Why are the locals who are bearing the brunt of the environmental crisis not showing any concerns? These and many more are the questions the article seeks to answer. Through the lens of the ethical theory of stewardship, the article challenges faith communities – particularly the two major religious groups in the area – Karamajong indigenous religion and Christianity – of the need to respond not only to humanity but also to the natural environment on which their existence depends. The article argues that responding to the environmental crisis should not be solely left to the government but rather is part of the moral and social responsibility of every individual including religious groups, in the area.
卡拉莫贾地区采矿业的后果对该地区所有形式的生命造成了严重的环境危害。出于某些原因,乌干达政府应对环境危机的努力似乎不足。矿业部门的投资者和其他利益相关者,特别是那些直接受到影响的人,似乎也不关心与危机有关的危险。这种情况提出了一些关键的道德问题,例如,谁应对该地区的退化负责?为什么政府的努力没有取得任何成果?为什么在环境危机中首当其冲的当地人没有表现出任何担忧?这些以及更多的问题是本文试图回答的。通过管理伦理理论的视角,文章向信仰团体提出挑战,特别是该地区的两大宗教团体——卡拉玛琼土著宗教和基督教——他们不仅需要对人性作出反应,也需要对他们赖以生存的自然环境作出反应。文章认为,应对环境危机不应仅仅是政府的责任,而是该地区包括宗教团体在内的每个人的道德和社会责任的一部分。
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引用次数: 3
Attachment theory and religious violence: theorizing adult religious psychopathology 依恋理论与宗教暴力:成人宗教精神病理学的理论化
IF 0.1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N1A4
V. Counted
CITATION: Counted, V. 2017. Attachment theory and religious violence : theorizing adult religious psychopathology. Journal for the study of religion, 30(1):78-109, doi:10.17159/2413-3027/2017/v30n1a4.
引文来源:count, V. 2017。依恋理论与宗教暴力:成人宗教精神病理学的理论化。宗教研究,30(1):78-109,doi:10.17159/2413-3027/2017/v30n1a4。
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引用次数: 4
The African Independent Apostolic Church's Doctrine under Threat: The Emerging Power of Faith-based Organisations' Interventions and the Johanne Marange Apostolic Church in Zimbabwe 非洲独立使徒教会的教义受到威胁:信仰组织干预的新兴力量和津巴布韦的约翰娜·马兰吉使徒教会
IF 0.1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N2A8
Julius Musevenzi
This article analyses the changing and declining influence of the Johanne Marange Apostolic Church’s doctrine and belief system over its members’ behaviour and conduct. It appears, that this is as a result of the impact of the systematic roll-out of the broad-based biomedical health system, and sexual and reproductive health and rights conscientisation and interventions, by both civil society faith-based organisations and government agencies. Despite the dominance of the more than 70 year old church doctrine (since 1912), its hegemony over its church members has been increasingly challenged over the last two to three decades. Furthermore, this social pressure on the church’s beliefs and doctrines, has resulted in what, for the purposes of this article, I call, the emergence of a ‘dual doctrine system’. The church beliefs and doctrine were once regarded as impenetrable by outside beliefs, and highly fortified against rival doctrines and their related practices. Yet, it now appears that broad-based health conscientisation and health awareness programmes are systematically eroding the church’s doctrine and belief system. They also impact individual members, in so far as some have even been leaving the church. However, the challenge of the hegemony of the church’s doctrine and belief system has also seen some, who defend, uphold, and hold fast to their church traditions.
本文分析了约翰·马兰吉使徒教会的教义和信仰体系对其成员的行为和行为的变化和下降的影响。这似乎是由于有系统地推出基础广泛的生物医学卫生系统,以及民间社会信仰组织和政府机构对性健康和生殖健康及权利的重视和干预所产生的影响。尽管已有70多年历史的教会教义(自1912年以来)占据主导地位,但在过去的二三十年里,它对教会成员的霸权受到了越来越多的挑战。此外,这种对教会信仰和教义的社会压力,导致了我称之为“双重教义体系”的出现。教会的信仰和教义一度被认为是外界信仰所无法理解的,并且对敌对的教义及其相关实践有着高度的防御。然而,现在看来,广泛的健康意识和健康意识计划正在系统地侵蚀教会的教义和信仰体系。他们也影响到个人成员,到目前为止,一些人甚至离开了教会。然而,在挑战教会教义和信仰体系霸权的同时,也有一些人捍卫、维护和坚持自己的教会传统。
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引用次数: 5
'Make the Circle Bigger': Alternate Discourses of Identity Construction in Black Theologies “使圈子更大”:黑人神学中身份建构的替代话语
IF 0.1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N2A9
Johnathan Jodamus
The role and place of South African Black theology in post-apartheid South Africa has been questioned since the advent of democracy in 1994. Recognising that South African Black theology was essentially ‘protest theology’ against an unjust White government, its utility in a post-apartheid context with a Black government in place, has been questioned. Predominant within this questioning is the political usefulness of Black Theology. What has remained largely un-examined in the literature is a focus on the prefix ‘Black’ in ‘black theology’. It is this that forms the focus of this article. Scrutiny of the prefix ‘black’ requires a scrutiny of the complexity of racial identity in South Africa. Notwithstanding the ways in which scholars reach for the ‘inclusive Biko notion of Black’ as a means to almost ‘get on’ with the political task of black theology, as opposed to debating identity, in this article I argue that critical race and identity theory are central to discussions on resurrecting Black Theologies. I offer a disclaimer that I will not be focusing so much on the matter of theology in this paper, but my focus will be on how identity is racially constructed and I offer suggestions as to how we may begin to think more critically regarding this category within a subject such as black theology. I bring my experiences of being ‘Coloured’ in South Africa into dialogue with critical identity theorists and argue that we need to ‘make the circle bigger,’ to include diverse perspectives on identity and that while Spivak’s notion of 1 Mofokeng (May 1988: 34 42); Molthabi November 1994: 113 141); Maluleke (November 1996: 3 19); Tutu 1986: 256 64); Maimela (1991: 141 59); Mosala (1986); Mosala (1989).
南非黑人神学在后种族隔离时代的南非所扮演的角色和所处的地位,自1994年实行民主制度以来一直受到质疑。认识到南非黑人神学本质上是反对不公正的白人政府的“抗议神学”,它在黑人政府掌权的后种族隔离背景下的效用受到了质疑。在这个问题中占主导地位的是黑人神学的政治效用。在文学中大部分未被研究的是对“黑人神学”中的前缀“黑人”的关注。正是这一点构成了本文的重点。仔细研究“黑人”这个前缀,就需要仔细研究南非种族身份的复杂性。尽管学者们将“黑人的包容性Biko概念”作为一种几乎“继续”黑人神学政治任务的手段,而不是辩论身份,但在这篇文章中,我认为批判性种族和身份理论是讨论复兴黑人神学的核心。我要声明,我不会在这篇论文中过多地关注神学问题,但我的重点是种族身份是如何构建的,我提出了一些建议,关于我们如何开始更批判性地思考这个类别,在一个主题中,比如黑人神学。我把我在南非“有色人种”的经历与批判性身份理论家进行了对话,并认为我们需要“扩大圈子”,包括对身份的不同观点,而斯皮瓦克的1 Mofokeng概念(1988年5月:34 42);莫尔塔比1994年11月:113 141);马鲁莱克(1996年11月:319);图图1986:256 64);Maimela (1991: 141 59);Mosala (1986);Mosala(1989)。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Journal for the Study of Religion
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