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Reflection in practice as source of values: The cross-cultural creation of a health-care ethic in post-apartheid South Africa 作为价值源泉的实践反思:种族隔离后南非保健伦理的跨文化创造
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2018/V31N1A10
Augustine Shutte
As a starting-point, in his well-known definition of a ‘practice’, Alasdair MacIntyre argues that the ‘reflection’ involved in ‘practice’, is best understood as a dialogue between different partners, whether individuals or groups. Such reflection, aimed as it is at the achievement of excellence in the practice concerned, can (if pursued with rigour and commitment), uncover values embedded in the practice which, however limited the practice (rugby, gardening), have a wider, even universal, scope. When the partners in dialogue have general recognition of one another (religions, countries, professional bodies, political parties), these values can provide materials for a Global Ethic (Parliament of the World’s Religions), that is constructed from the bottom up (the Oregon Plan), rather than by some public authority (the United Nations). This article provides grounds for this view by examining the practice of health-care in post-apartheid South Africa, and the co-reflection of scientific health-care professionals and traditional healers, that are part of constructing a new model for health-care that better serves the needs of all South Africans. This dialogue may uncover values whose scope is wider than that of health-care and which could provide a really humane foundation for a society containing different cultures. Keywords: practice, Alisdair MacIntyre, reflection, values, culture/s, ethic, health-care professionals, traditional healers
阿拉斯代尔·麦金泰尔(Alasdair MacIntyre)在其著名的“实践”定义中认为,“实践”中的“反思”最好理解为不同伙伴(无论是个人还是团体)之间的对话。这样的反思,其目的在于在相关的实践中取得卓越的成就,可以(如果追求严谨和承诺)揭示实践中嵌入的价值,无论实践如何有限(橄榄球,园艺),都具有更广泛,甚至普遍的范围。当对话伙伴对彼此(宗教、国家、专业团体、政党)有普遍的认可时,这些价值观可以为全球伦理(世界宗教议会)提供材料,这是自下而上(俄勒冈计划)构建的,而不是由某些公共权威(联合国)构建的。本文通过审查后种族隔离时期南非的保健实践,以及科学保健专业人员和传统治疗师的共同反映,为这一观点提供了依据,这是构建更好地满足所有南非人需求的保健新模式的一部分。这种对话可以揭示比保健范围更广的价值观,可以为包含不同文化的社会提供真正人道的基础。关键词:实践,阿利斯代尔·麦金太尔,反思,价值观,文化,伦理,卫生保健专业人员,传统治疗师
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引用次数: 1
Ironies of Christian Presence in Southern Africa 非洲南部基督徒存在的讽刺
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2018/V31N2A10
S. Masondo
Christianity was meant to be one of the most potent weapons in the armory of European Imperialism. John Philip characterized mission stations as the cheapest and the best military posts any wise government can employ to defend its frontiers against the predatory incursions of savage tribes (Villa-Vicencio 1988:44). Christianity was meant to colonize the conscience and consciousness of the colonized in ways that would make them lose their indigenousness. It was meant to ‘make’ or ‘create’ the colonized in the image of the colonizer. The irony of this situation is that, among other things, it created conditions for the desire among the colonized to be free; it contributed to the emergence of African Nationalism through notions like ‘brotherhood’ and ‘oneness in Christ’. It became a serious problem for the Christianized and educated natives to find themselves excluded from the Christian family on the basis of their ethnicity. David Chidester’s work on the history of religion in Southern Africa provides a very useful background for exploring the ironies of Christian presence in Southern Africa. Lamin Sanneh’s observation about the role played by indigenous religions to enable both Islam and Christianity to take root is invoked in this context. Christianity became part of the complex that laid the foundations for African nationalism and the pan-Africanist ideology. It provided a platform in mission stations and mission schools for the forging of a unified African identity. Education, given to Africans to become ‘civilized’ and alienated from their African compatriots, instead, helped in creating a consciousness for liberation among the oppressed Africans.Keywords: missionaries, Christianity, African Traditional Religion
基督教本应成为欧洲帝国主义军械库中最有力的武器之一。约翰·菲利普将传教站描述为任何明智的政府都可以使用的最便宜和最好的军事哨所,以保护其边境免受野蛮部落的掠夺入侵(Villa-Vicencio 1988:44)。基督教的目的是殖民被殖民者的良心和意识,使他们失去自己的土著。它的意思是按照殖民者的形象“制造”或“创造”被殖民者。这种情况的讽刺之处在于,除其他外,它为被殖民者渴望自由创造了条件;它通过“兄弟情谊”和“基督一体”等概念促进了非洲民族主义的出现。对于基督教化和受过教育的当地人来说,发现自己因种族而被排除在基督教家庭之外是一个严重的问题。David Chidester关于南部非洲宗教历史的著作为探究基督教在南部非洲存在的讽刺提供了非常有用的背景。Lamin Sanneh关于本土宗教在使伊斯兰教和基督教扎根中所起作用的观察,在此背景下被引用。基督教成为为非洲民族主义和泛非主义意识形态奠定基础的情结的一部分。它为在传教站和教会学校建立统一的非洲特性提供了一个平台。教育是为了让非洲人变得“文明化”,远离非洲同胞,反而帮助受压迫的非洲人产生了解放的意识。关键词:传教士,基督教,非洲传统宗教
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引用次数: 6
Sexual Surveillance and Student Sexual Agency: Catholic Moral Teaching and HIV Prevention in a Higher Education Context 性监督与学生性代理:高等教育背景下的天主教道德教育与艾滋病预防
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N2A5
Albert Billy Bangirana, Sarojini Nadar, S. Reddy
Studies on HIV infection and prevalence at South African University Campuses reveal high levels of HIV infection and prevalence among students. Statistics reveal higher infection rates for female students. It is postulated that these statistics may be attributed to sustained high risk behaviour[s] at university campuses. However, these largely quantitative studies lack a qualitative analysis of the factors associated with high-risk behaviour. Within studies on HIV, there is a significant body of literature that makes linkages to religion, gender and sexuality. What appears to be missing is a focus on Higher education, in particular on how university students might experience HIV prevention models. In discussions on HIV prevention, religion is often seen as providing a moral compass for sexual behaviour. Using surveillance theory and Foucault’s theory of power or forces in relation to sexuality, this article critiques the notion of a moral compass by interrogating the foundational teachings of the Catholic Church’s HIV prevention model. The article suggests that Albert Bandura’s ‘self-reactive selfhood reasoning’ provides a more adequate moral reasoning framework for students’ sexual agency than the Church’s framework which is hegemonic and hierarchical.
对南非大学校园艾滋病毒感染和流行情况的研究表明,学生中艾滋病毒感染和流行程度很高。统计数据显示,女学生的感染率更高。据推测,这些统计数据可能归因于大学校园中持续的高风险行为。然而,这些主要是定量的研究缺乏对高危行为相关因素的定性分析。在对艾滋病毒的研究中,有大量文献将其与宗教、性别和性行为联系起来。似乎缺少的是对高等教育的关注,特别是对大学生如何体验艾滋病预防模式的关注。在关于艾滋病预防的讨论中,宗教常常被视为为性行为提供道德指南针。本文运用监视理论和福柯关于性的权力或力量的理论,通过质疑天主教会艾滋病预防模式的基本教义,批判了道德指南针的概念。本文认为,Albert Bandura的“自我反应性自我推理”为学生的性行为提供了一个比教会的霸权和等级框架更充分的道德推理框架。
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引用次数: 2
Equally able, differently looking: discrimination and physical violence against persons with albinism in Ghana 同样能干,长相不同:加纳对白化病患者的歧视和身体暴力
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N1A7
F. Benyah
Albinism, an inherited condition from birth as a result of the lack of melanin pigment which usually changes the colour of the skin, hair and eyes, is usually greeted with resentment in most African communities. In Ghana, some communities and families consider it a misfortune to give birth to Albinos and hence, attempts are made to either kill them at birth or banish them from the community. They are constantly abused and ridiculed by the public with derogatory names and social tags that serve as a form of stigmatization. Evidently, it is clear that the discrimination against albinos in Ghana are underlain by religious and cultural beliefs. This article takes into perspective how religious beliefs and cultural values contribute to the plight of albinos in Ghana and further, discusses how the inculturation of human rights can help mitigate the violence that is perpetrated against persons with albinism.
白化病是一种与生俱来的遗传病,其原因是缺乏黑色素,而黑色素通常会改变皮肤、头发和眼睛的颜色。在大多数非洲社区,白化病通常会招致怨恨。在加纳,一些社区和家庭认为生下白化病患者是一种不幸,因此,试图在他们出生时杀死他们或将他们驱逐出社区。他们经常受到公众的辱骂和嘲笑,被冠以贬义的名字和社会标签,这是一种耻辱。显然,加纳对白化病人的歧视显然是由宗教和文化信仰造成的。本文从宗教信仰和文化价值观如何导致加纳白化病患者的困境的角度出发,进一步讨论了人权的本土化如何有助于减轻针对白化病患者的暴力行为。
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引用次数: 12
The Ambivalence of Freedom of Religion, and Unearthing the Unlearnt Lessons of Religious Freedom from the Jonestown Incident: A Decoloniality Approach 宗教自由的矛盾心理,从琼斯镇事件中发掘宗教自由的未被吸取的教训:一种非殖民化的方法
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N2A14
B. Dube, M. Nkoane, D. Hlalele
The article interrogates and problematises the concept of freedom of religion in South Africa by drawing on unlearnt lessons from the Jonestown incident. The South African constitution provides for the right to freedom of religion; unfortunately, the implementation of this right has evoked various unforeseen trajectories, such as abuse, commercialisation of religion and violation of human rights. The article argues that freedom of religion is being misinterpreted and misunderstood; as a result, religion, as it is practiced, has caused it to become a social pathology. To problematise religious freedom, we earth this article in decoloniality, of which one agenda is to challenge all forms of coloniality as manifested through religious discourses. The main argument of the article is that freedom of religion in South Africa needs to be redefined, reconceptualised and reconstructed, not only through the lens of theological orientation, but also sociologically, constitutionally and with respect to human rights.
这篇文章从琼斯敦事件中吸取教训,对南非的宗教自由概念提出质疑。南非宪法规定宗教自由的权利;不幸的是,这项权利的执行引发了各种无法预见的轨迹,例如滥用、宗教商业化和侵犯人权。文章认为,宗教自由正被误读和误解;结果,宗教,因为它的实践,导致它成为一种社会病理。为了对宗教自由提出问题,我们将这篇文章放在非殖民化的主题中,其中一个议程是挑战通过宗教话语表现出来的所有形式的殖民主义。这篇文章的主要论点是,南非的宗教自由需要重新界定、重新构想和重建,不仅要从神学的角度,而且要从社会学、宪法和人权的角度。宗教自由的矛盾心理
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引用次数: 7
Reconstructing the Distorted Image of Women as Reproductive Labour on the Copperbelt Mines in Zambia (1920-1954) 赞比亚铜带矿区女性生殖劳动扭曲形象的重构(1920-1954)
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N2A3
L. Siwila
The article addresses the conceptualising of the presence of women in the Copperbelt mine compound in Zambia during the period 1920 -1954. Like many other mining companies across Southern Africa, The British South African Company which owned the mining rights on the Copperbelt imposed certain restrictions on women who came to the Copperbelt province. Initially mine owners did not favour the idea of allowing women to live in the mine compound for the fact that women were seen as a distraction to production in the mines. The outcome of this decision was that as time went by, most of the men left their jobs to return to the villages to be with their spouses. Those who were single took advantage of the neighbouring villages during weekends and stayed on with their girlfriends and sometimes only returned back for work later in the week. This affected production in the mines and made the mine bosses to propose rules on how to incorporate women in the mine compounds. The aim of this study is to demonstrate how patriarchy played an important role in excluding women from participating in the economic development that took place on the Copperbelt during that period. The article further highlights ways in which the colonial government displayed some ambiguities in the exclusion and inclusion of women in the economic development of the Copperbelt mines. It will also show how labour markets exploited women’s rights to participate in the economic development in the Copperbelt and how, when access was granted, women’s productive and reproductive labour was used as part of an economic drive strategy. It also further argues that when it comes to women’s bodies, throughout history, religion has played an important role in defiling women’s bodies. It is this negative perception that was also perceived in the mining company in the Copperbelt during the period under study. While women were seen as a threat to economic development, their presence in the Copperbelt also played a significant role in the economic Lilian Cheelo Siwila 76 development of the Copperbelt mining companies. Therefore, women’s contribution during the foundation of modern African life in Zambia needs to be acknowledged in our intellectualising of the development of the Copperbelt mines.
这篇文章讨论了在1920 -1954年期间赞比亚铜带矿区妇女存在的概念。像非洲南部的许多其他矿业公司一样,拥有铜带采矿权的英国南非公司对来到铜带省的妇女施加了一定的限制。最初,矿主不赞成让妇女住在矿区的想法,因为他们认为妇女会干扰矿区的生产。这个决定的结果是,随着时间的推移,大多数男人离开工作岗位,回到村庄与他们的配偶在一起。那些单身的人在周末的时候会去邻近的村庄,和他们的女朋友呆在一起,有时只是在一周的晚些时候回来工作。这影响了矿山的生产,并迫使矿主提出有关如何将妇女纳入矿山的规定。本研究的目的是证明父权制如何在排除妇女参与经济发展中发挥重要作用,这一时期发生在铜带。这篇文章进一步强调了殖民政府在铜带矿区的经济发展中排斥和包容妇女方面表现出一些模棱两可的方式。它还将展示劳动力市场如何剥削妇女参与铜带经济发展的权利,以及在允许妇女参与经济发展的情况下,妇女的生产和生殖劳动如何被用作经济驱动战略的一部分。它还进一步认为,当涉及到女性的身体时,纵观历史,宗教在玷污女性身体方面发挥了重要作用。在本研究期间,铜带的采矿公司也有这种消极看法。虽然妇女被视为对经济发展的威胁,但她们在铜带矿业公司的经济发展中也发挥了重要作用。因此,在我们对铜带矿区开发的理性认识中,需要承认妇女在赞比亚现代非洲生活基础中的贡献。
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引用次数: 4
An analysis of the epistemic link between the Catholic religion and violence in Uganda's history 对乌干达历史上天主教与暴力之间的认识联系的分析
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N1A2
Kizito Kiyimba
Uganda’s recent history of violence has had an interesting characteristic: it has arguably been mainly within the Christian and more specifically Catholic religious space. I examine four cases of religious-related violence in order to cipher the epistemic roots of such violence. The four cases are: the Uganda Martyrs; Ms Alice Lakwena and the Holy Spirit Movement; Mr Joseph Kony and the Lord’s Resistance Army; and Ms Ceredonia Mwerinde and the Movement for the Restoration of the Ten Commandments of God. I examine the literature critically in order to test the plausibility of various positions on the possible link between the Catholic religion and violence in Uganda. My analysis looks at the links both from the point of view of the perpetrators of violence and the adherent/victims of the violence. In the end, I find that the epistemic links are more justificatory/explanatory than they are causal.
乌干达最近的暴力历史有一个有趣的特点:它可以说主要发生在基督教和更具体的天主教宗教范围内。我研究了四个与宗教有关的暴力案件,以破解这种暴力的认知根源。这四个案例是:乌干达烈士;Alice Lakwena女士与圣灵运动;约瑟夫•科尼和圣主抵抗军;以及Ceredonia Mwerinde女士和恢复上帝十诫运动。我对文献进行了批判性的研究,以检验关于天主教与乌干达暴力之间可能联系的各种立场的合理性。我的分析从暴力的施暴者和暴力的追随者/受害者的角度来看待这些联系。最后,我发现认知联系更多的是证明/解释,而不是因果关系。
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引用次数: 0
Invisibilising the victimised: churches in Manicaland and women's experiences of political violence in national healing and reconciliation in Zimbabwe 看不见受害者:马尼兰的教会和妇女在津巴布韦民族愈合与和解中的政治暴力经历
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N1A5
M. Manyonganise
Zimbabwe’s political history from 2000 to the present epoch has been characterized by violence. This violence reached its peak in 2008 when ZANU PF was defeated at the polls by the opposition party, MDC-T. The violence resulted in hundreds of people losing their lives while many more were maimed, displaced and/or sexually abused. In this context of political violence, various church groups emerged as the church in Zimbabwe broke its culture of silence and sought to condemn the deployment of divisive politics and the use of political violence as a means to political gain. One such group that emerged in 2000 is a forum of churches in the province of Manicaland called Churches in Manicaland (CiM). From the onset, CiM sought to bring healing to victims of political violence as well as reconciliation of communities in Manicaland through a number of activities. The 2008 political violence resulted in the signing of the Global Political Agreement in which the issue of national healing and reconciliation became officialised and critical national institutions (the church included) were implored to play their roles meaningfully. However, scholars on national healing and reconciliation have noted how gender is often not part of reconstruction processes in post-conflict nations. What this paper seeks to do is to evaluate CiM’s approach to gender in its participation in the national healing and reconciliation process in Zimbabwe, both at an unofficial level from 2000 and at the official level from 2008. Drawing on original empirical research (focus groups and interviews), the paper shows how CiM has adopted a general approach to the national healing and reconciliation Churches in Manicaland and Women’s Experiences of Political Violence 111 process, which has made women’s experiences of political violence invisible. It is envisaged that this is one way of informing the church to bring to the ‘centre’ women’s experiences of political violence.
从2000年到现在,津巴布韦的政治历史一直以暴力为特征。2008年,当非洲民族联盟-爱国阵线在选举中被反对党民主变革运动击败时,这种暴力达到了顶峰。暴力导致数百人丧生,更多人致残、流离失所和/或遭受性虐待。在这种政治暴力的背景下,随着津巴布韦教会打破其沉默的文化,出现了各种教会团体,并试图谴责使用分裂政治和利用政治暴力作为政治利益的手段。2000年出现的一个这样的组织是马尼托巴省的一个教会论坛,名为马尼托巴省教会(CiM)。从一开始,国际监测组织就力求通过一系列活动治愈政治暴力的受害者,并实现马尼加莱各社区的和解。2008年的政治暴力导致了《全球政治协议》的签署,在该协议中,国家愈合与和解的问题被正式确定,关键的国家机构(包括教会)被恳求发挥其有意义的作用。然而,研究民族愈合与和解的学者注意到,在冲突后的国家,性别往往不是重建过程的一部分。本文试图做的是评估中国在参与津巴布韦国家愈合和和解进程中的性别方法,包括2000年以来的非官方层面和2008年以来的官方层面。根据原始的实证研究(焦点小组和访谈),本文展示了CiM如何采用一种一般方法来处理马尼兰的民族治愈与和解教会和妇女政治暴力经历111过程,这使得妇女的政治暴力经历变得不可见。据设想,这是告知教会将妇女的政治暴力经历带入“中心”的一种方式。
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引用次数: 1
Holy Toledo: Muslim-Christian Relations and Catholic Nationalism in Vicente Blasco Ibánez's The Shadow of the Cathedral 圣托莱多:维森特·布拉斯科Ibánez《大教堂的阴影》中的穆斯林-基督教关系和天主教民族主义
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N2A12
F. Hale
Although the eminent Spanish novelist and anticlericalist Vicente Blasco Ibáñez (1867-1928) received little scholarly attention outside his homeland for several decades, he gained significantly greater international notice in the latter half of the twentieth century. His novel of 1903, La Catedral, published in both the United Kingdom and the United States of America six years later as The Shadow of the Cathedral, is a scathing indictment of the conservative Roman Catholic religious establishment in Spain. Blasco Ibáñez faulted its intolerant monopoly on national spiritual life for much of the country’s cultural, political, and economic backwardness. Relying heavily on the subsequently discredited nineteenth-century belief that Andalusian Spain had been a model of religious toleration under Islamic hegemony for many generations following the Moorish invasion in the eight century and that this had fostered a golden era of cultural flourishing, he argued for the dismantling of Catholic privilege in favour of secularism, toleration, and pluralistic religious freedom to spur the country out of its stagnancy. This article explores both the construction and recent dismantling of the myth of religious harmony in Moorish Spain and how that perception of the Middle Ages is used rhetorically in The Shadow of the Cathedral.
虽然著名的西班牙小说家和反教权主义者维森特·布拉斯科Ibáñez(1867-1928)几十年来在国外很少受到学术关注,但他在20世纪下半叶获得了更大的国际关注。他1903年的小说《大教堂》(La Catedral),六年后以《大教堂的阴影》(the Shadow of the Cathedral)的名字在英国和美国同时出版,是对西班牙保守的罗马天主教宗教机构的严厉控诉。布拉斯科Ibáñez将国家文化、政治和经济的落后归咎于它对国民精神生活的偏执垄断。19世纪,人们认为安达卢西亚的西班牙在8世纪摩尔人入侵后,是伊斯兰教统治下几代人宗教宽容的典范,这造就了一个文化繁荣的黄金时代。他主张废除天主教特权,支持世俗主义、宽容和多元化的宗教自由,以刺激这个国家走出停滞。本文探讨了摩尔人西班牙宗教和谐神话的构建和最近的瓦解,以及中世纪的看法如何在大教堂的阴影中被修辞地使用。
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引用次数: 0
Symbolic Dimensions of 19th Century Dutch Colonial Settlement at the Cape of Good Hope 19世纪荷兰殖民者在好望角的象征维度
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3027/2017/V30N2A13
F. Frescura
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引用次数: 0
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Journal for the Study of Religion
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