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RAC volume 33 issue 1 Cover and Back matter RAC第33卷第1期封面和封底
3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/rac.2023.12
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引用次数: 0
RAC volume 33 issue 1 Cover and Front matter RAC第33卷第1期封面和封面问题
3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/rac.2023.11
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
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引用次数: 0
“Catholicism Is Getting to Be the Style”: White Women and the Making of Catholic Culture at the Catholic Summer School of America, 1892–1914 “天主教正在成为时尚”:1892-1914年,美国天主教暑期学校的白人女性与天主教文化的形成
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-25 DOI: 10.1017/rac.2022.8
Monica L. Mercado
ABSTRACT This article presents a new account of the Catholic Summer School of America (CSSA), founded in 1892 as the “Catholic Chautauqua.” Long relegated to the footnotes of book history and Catholic studies, the Summer School and its reading circle antecedents are here reclaimed for the study of women and American religion. As a Catholic institution, the Summer School was directed by clergy and laymen; men's names fill the published histories of the site as a religious and educational retreat. I argue, however, that it was Summer School women who nurtured a complementary vision of middle-class respectability and intimate association among a white Catholic elite that promoted theirs as the aspirational and ascendant U.S. Catholic “style” at the turn of the new century. Loosened from their parish boundaries, these summer Catholics traveled north to New York's Adirondack region and converged on the lakefront, lecture hall, and ballroom, extending their social networks, and creating an exclusive space of belonging that distinguished themselves from the diverse “immigrant church” at home. With close readings of the traces that Summer School visitors left behind in visual and textual sources—including photographs, postcards, local newspaper reports, and previously overlooked fiction and nonfiction by Catholic women writers—I draw attention to the Summer School during its first decades as a critical site for studying an upwardly mobile white Catholic leisure class concerned with its social and cultural reproduction.
摘要本文对美国天主教夏令营(CSSA)进行了新的描述,该夏令营成立于1892年,名为“天主教夏令营”。长期以来,它一直被放在书籍史和天主教研究的脚注中,在这里,夏令营及其阅读圈的前身被重新用于研究女性和美国宗教。作为一所天主教学校,暑期学校由神职人员和非神职人员指导;这些人的名字充斥着该遗址作为宗教和教育静修所的出版历史。然而,我认为,正是暑期学校的女性培养了中产阶级受人尊敬的互补愿景,以及白人天主教精英之间的亲密联系,才在新世纪之交将她们提升为有抱负且方兴未艾的美国天主教“风格”。这些夏季天主教徒摆脱了教区界限,北上纽约的阿迪朗达克地区,聚集在湖边、演讲厅和舞厅,扩大了他们的社交网络,创造了一个独特的归属空间,使自己与国内多样化的“移民教会”不同。仔细阅读暑期学校游客在视觉和文本来源中留下的痕迹,包括照片、明信片、当地报纸报道,以及天主教女作家以前忽视的小说和非小说——我提请大家注意暑期学校在成立的头几十年,它是研究一个向上流动的白人天主教休闲阶层的关键场所,关注其社会和文化再生产。
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引用次数: 1
“From Ordaining Women to Combating White Supremacy: Oppositional Shifts in Social Attitudes between the Southern Baptist Convention and the Alliance of Baptists” “从奴役妇女到对抗白人至上:南方浸礼会和浸礼会联盟之间社会态度的对立转变”
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-11 DOI: 10.1017/rac.2022.7
A. Gardner, Gerardo Martí
ABSTRACT From its founding in 1987, the Alliance of Baptists’ stance on women in ministry served as the nexus point from which the small denominational body departed from its denominational forebears in the Southern Baptist Convention. As the Alliance adopted more and more progressive theological and social ideas, Southern Baptists adopted more and more conservative counterpoints, at times in response to each other. In 2021, the divergence of these two bodies came to the fore. As members of the Alliance of Baptists adopted a new covenant statement committing the denomination to “act to dismantle systems of white supremacy, patriarchy, and abusive power,” the Southern Baptists had walked away from working through their pro-slavery past and were agitating against critical race theory. Theological moves that began in a debate over women's ordination morphed into larger shifts that redefined what it meant to be a Baptist in the modern United States. How both denominational bodies came to embrace different systems of authority and governance in the late 1980s set both groups on divergent paths, leading to strikingly antithetical positions not only on issues of gender but also on issues surrounding race. The contrast further affirms that questions of gender and religious authority and questions of racism and white supremacy within denominational contexts are not isolated, separate questions but rather are deeply intertwined and related to one another. Overall, this SBC–Alliance history demonstrates how denominational bodies actively consider proximate organizations as they develop their own policies, processes, and public proclamations.
摘要自1987年成立以来,浸信会联盟对牧师中妇女的立场一直是这个小教派团体在南方浸信会大会中与其教派祖先分离的纽带。随着联盟采用越来越进步的神学和社会思想,南方浸礼会教徒采用了越来越保守的对位法,有时相互回应。2021年,这两个机构的分歧凸显出来。当浸信会联盟成员通过一项新的盟约声明,承诺该教派“采取行动废除白人至上、父权制和滥用权力的制度”时,南方浸信会放弃了支持奴隶制的过去,并煽动反对批判性种族理论。始于一场关于女性圣职的辩论的神学运动演变成了更大的转变,重新定义了现代美国浸礼会的意义。20世纪80年代末,这两个教派机构是如何接受不同的权力和治理体系的,这使两个团体走上了不同的道路,不仅在性别问题上,而且在种族问题上,导致了惊人的对立立场。这种对比进一步证实,性别和宗教权威问题以及教派背景下的种族主义和白人至上主义问题并不是孤立的、独立的问题,而是相互交织、相互关联的问题。总的来说,SBC-联盟的历史表明,教派机构在制定自己的政策、流程和公告时,是如何积极考虑邻近组织的。
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引用次数: 2
John Tanner, Colonial Credulity, and Comparative Religions: Theorizing Religion on the Borderlands of U.S. Empire 约翰·坦纳:《殖民轻信与比较宗教:美帝国边缘地区的宗教理论化》
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-23 DOI: 10.1017/rac.2022.4
T. Wenger
ABSTRACT This essay explores the human stakes of theorizing religion in the early nineteenth century, on the borderlands of an expanding U.S. empire. It does so through the lens of a single text, A Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner (U.S. Interpreter at the Saut de Ste. Marie) during Thirty Years Residence among the Indians. Published in 1830, the Narrative offers an entrée into the circulation of knowledge and debates about religion among Native Americans and white settlers in a time and place from which we have little record of such debates. Tanner joined in the Midewiwin of the Ojibwe and cultivated the Anishinaabe practice of medicine hunting; held back his own skepticism, perhaps retrospectively exaggerated, at the messages of those he called “Indian prophets”; and discussed the differences, solidified in the telling, between white and Indigenous religions. His editor, Edwin James, meanwhile, drew on comparative scholarship about mythology and religion around the world to defend his own preferred theories about the religious and racial character of Indigenous peoples. Religion has long been theorized far beyond the academy and the centers of empire. Relatively unfamiliar accounts, like Tanner's, reveal how everyday people have engaged with these theories and the consequences of these theories on the ground. Tanner's Narrative, in short, usefully illuminates the webs of knowledge about religion in early America and its human stakes for people caught in the crosshairs of a transforming imperial world.
摘要本文探讨了19世纪初,在不断扩张的美国帝国的边界地带,宗教理论化的人类利害关系。它是通过一本书的镜头来做到这一点的,这本书是关于约翰·坦纳(美国圣玛丽教堂口译员)在印第安人三十年居住期间的被俘和冒险的叙述。出版于1830年的《叙事》提供了一个切入点,让我们了解美洲原住民和白人定居者之间关于宗教的知识和辩论的传播,而我们对这种辩论几乎没有记录。Tanner加入了Ojibwe的Midewiwin,并培养了Anishinaabe的猎药实践;对那些他称之为“印度先知”的人的信息,他克制住了自己的怀疑,也许是回顾性地夸大了这一点;并讨论了白人和土著宗教之间的差异,这些差异在讲述中得到了巩固。与此同时,他的编辑埃德温·詹姆斯(Edwin James)利用世界各地关于神话和宗教的比较学术,为他自己喜欢的关于土著人民宗教和种族特征的理论辩护。长期以来,宗教理论远远超出了学术界和帝国中心。相对陌生的叙述,比如坦纳的叙述,揭示了日常人们是如何参与这些理论的,以及这些理论在实地的后果。简言之,坦纳的《叙事》有效地阐明了早期美国关于宗教的知识网,以及人们在转型的帝国世界中所面临的人类利害关系。
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引用次数: 0
American Judaism between Religion and Race: Reflections on Mordecai Kaplan and Jewish Whiteness 美国犹太教在宗教与种族之间:对莫迪凯·卡普兰与犹太白人的反思
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-13 DOI: 10.1017/rac.2022.1
Judah Isseroff
ABSTRACT Mordecai Kaplan's Judaism as a Civilization (1934) is most often read as Kaplan's effort at a rapprochement between Judaism and America. In contrast to conventional readings of that work, this article highlights Kaplan's suspicion of America, and liberal modernity more generally, by engaging with his analysis of the categories of religion and race. Kaplan, I argue, is haunted by the prospect that in adopting either of these categories, American Judaism will surrender its particularity and collectivity to the liberal, ultimately Christian, state. Indeed, in his own context, Kaplan considered Reform Judaism to be proof of the perils of Jewish accommodation of either category. The article attends to Kaplan's analysis of religion and race as an unlikely resource for thinking through a number of contemporary issues with respect to religion, race, and Jewishness in American life. I argue that Kaplan's anxieties about Christianity and modern liberalism demonstrate a striking prescience about the denaturing of American Judaism in its being annexed to whiteness. The article puts Kaplan into conversation with James Baldwin, who clearly saw Jewish whiteness as yet another casualty of conquest by that “old, rugged Roman cross.” Finally, Kaplan's comments in Civilization about anti-Black racism are few. Read together with his diary, however, they evince sensitivity to the religious constraints put on Black life in America. This article thus concludes by putting Kaplan in conversation with Sylvester Johnson's work on “Black ethnics” and Judith Weisenfeld's research on “religio-racial movements.” This engagement suggests that Kaplan's analysis is not specific to Judaism only, but is more broadly related to the issue of how the modern logics of religion and race continue to discipline expressions of otherness that do not abide by the boundaries of these categories. Kaplan thus contributes an important Jewish vantage on the continued over-determination of American religious life by white Christianity.
莫迪凯·卡普兰的《作为一种文明的犹太教》(1934)通常被解读为卡普兰在犹太教和美国之间和解的努力。与对该著作的传统解读不同,本文通过对宗教和种族分类的分析,突出了卡普兰对美国的怀疑,以及更普遍的自由主义现代性。我认为,卡普兰被这样一种前景所困扰,即如果采用这两种分类中的任何一种,美国犹太教将把它的特殊性和集体性交给自由主义的、最终是基督教的国家。事实上,在他自己的背景下,卡普兰认为改革犹太教是犹太人适应任何一类的危险的证明。这篇文章关注卡普兰对宗教和种族的分析,作为一种不太可能的资源来思考美国生活中有关宗教、种族和犹太人的一些当代问题。我认为,卡普兰对基督教和现代自由主义的担忧,显示出他对美国犹太教在被白人同化过程中的变性有着惊人的先见之明。在这篇文章中,卡普兰与詹姆斯·鲍德温(James Baldwin)进行了对话,鲍德温清楚地看到,犹太人的白人是“古老、崎岖的罗马十字架”征服的又一个牺牲品。最后,卡普兰在《文明》中关于反黑人种族主义的评论很少。然而,把他的日记放在一起读,就能看出他对美国黑人生活中宗教约束的敏感。因此,本文最后将卡普兰与西尔维斯特·约翰逊(Sylvester Johnson)关于“黑人种族”的研究和朱迪思·魏森菲尔德(Judith Weisenfeld)关于“宗教-种族运动”的研究进行对话。这种接触表明,卡普兰的分析不仅仅针对犹太教,而是更广泛地与宗教和种族的现代逻辑如何继续约束不遵守这些类别边界的他者表达的问题有关。因此,卡普兰为白人基督教对美国宗教生活的持续过度决定提供了重要的犹太人优势。
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引用次数: 0
“The Manifest Distinction Established by Our Holy Religion”: Church, State and the Consecration of Samuel Seabury “我们神圣的宗教所建立的明显的区别”:教会,国家和塞缪尔·西布里的奉献
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-04 DOI: 10.1017/rac.2022.3
Brent S. Sirota
ABSTRACT The consecration of Samuel Seabury as bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Connecticut in November 1784 is typically taken to mark the threshold that divides the magisterial pretensions of the old-world confessional state from the pluralism of the new-world denominational order. In such accounts, a chastened Anglicanism reluctantly sacrificed its royalism and claims to establishment in acquiescence to the pluralistic religious ecology of the republican United States. The Church of England, in this telling, possessed no native conception of the separation of church and state. The Americanization of Anglicanism, therefore, entailed the acceptance of ecclesiological premises foreign and inimical to its tradition—stemming largely from the intellectual world of the enlightenment and Protestant nonconformity. Such a narrative of denominational beginnings, this article demonstrates, fails to grapple seriously with the strain of antiestablishmentarian thought within Anglicanism itself. The separation of church and state necessarily implicated in Seabury's securing of “a free, valid and purely Ecclesiastical Episcopacy” was neither an alien imposition nor a mere epiphenomenon of American religious liberty. The catholic tendency in Anglicanism had long developed its own conception of ecclesiastical independence, which rejected both state superintendence as well as religious voluntarism. The consecration of Samuel Seabury, this article argues, was secured and defended in an Atlantic milieu characterized by this dual-sided antipathy. By setting the events and controversies surrounding the Seabury consecration back into this broader Atlantic milieu, we will glean a clearer sense of the imperative of ecclesial separateness and distinctiveness that characterized American Episcopalianism in the early republic. American Episcopalianism in the nineteenth century, particularly that of the high church tendency, was remarkably free of the establishmentarian and political impulses of other denominations because it was founded in explicit rejection of them.
1784年11月,塞缪尔·西伯里被任命为康涅狄格州新教圣公会主教,这一事件通常被认为标志着将旧世界忏悔国家的权威自负与新世界教派秩序的多元化区分开来的门槛。在这样的描述中,一个经过洗礼的英国国教不情愿地牺牲了它的保皇派,并声称默许了共和美国的多元宗教生态。按照这种说法,英国国教并没有政教分离的固有观念。因此,英国国教的美国化意味着要接受与它的传统格格不入的教会前提,而这些前提主要源于启蒙运动的知识界和新教的不从众。这篇文章表明,这样一种关于教派起源的叙述,并没有认真处理圣公会内部反建制主义思想的压力。教会与国家的分离必然牵涉到西布里确保“一个自由、有效和纯粹的教会主教”,这既不是外来的强加,也不仅仅是美国宗教自由的附带现象。英国国教的天主教倾向长期以来发展了自己的教会独立观念,既拒绝国家监督,也拒绝宗教自愿主义。这篇文章认为,萨缪尔·西布里的神圣化是在以这种双重反感为特征的大西洋环境中得到保障和捍卫的。通过将围绕西布里圣职的事件和争议置于更广阔的大西洋环境中,我们将更清楚地认识到教会分离和独特性的必要性,这是共和初期美国圣公会的特点。19世纪的美国圣公会,特别是高教会倾向的美国圣公会,明显不受其他教派的建制主义和政治冲动的影响,因为它是在明确拒绝其他教派的基础上建立起来的。
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引用次数: 0
“A Definitive but Unsatisfying Answer”: The Evangelical Response to Gay Christians “一个确定但不令人满意的答案”:福音派对同性恋基督徒的回应
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1017/rac.2021.21
David J. Neumann
ABSTRACT As an amorphous, nonhierarchical collection of associations, evangelicalism has always lacked a clear source of authority. Since Christianity Today's beginning in 1956, it has aspired to serve as the mouthpiece of authoritative evangelical views, presenting itself as the voice of moderation while espousing conservative views with a combative, culture-war stance. With the emergence of the gay rights movement, evangelicals launched a culture war against “homosexuals” as the implicitly secular, liberal Other and then were forced to wrestle with how to apply this stance toward their gay Christian brothers and sisters. Evangelicals' self-conception led to a contradictory stance that they managed to maintain with little variation for decades. Committed to biblical inerrancy, they were definitive in condemning gay sexual behavior, but as self-identified postfundamentalists, they also desired to be compassionate toward gay people. They encouraged gay Christians to change their sexual orientation and simultaneously admitted that such change was impossible for most. Though evangelicals were slow to welcome the ex-gay movement, they eventually embraced it fully as the only plausible escape from their contradictory ideology. The collapse of the movement thus came as a major blow. Many evangelicals began to question the premise that sexual orientation was a chosen, changeable identity and began to rethink the theology of inerrancy that undergirded evangelical hermeneutics. Since 2010, a number of evangelical leaders have challenged CT's claim to represent the evangelical consensus on the issue. In the coming years, the progressive views of younger evangelicals will undoubtedly increase acceptance of same-sex relationships.
摘要:作为一个无定形、无等级的社团集合,福音派一直缺乏明确的权威来源。自1956年《今日基督教》成立以来,它一直渴望成为权威福音派观点的代言人,以温和的声音自居,同时以好斗的文化战争立场支持保守派观点。随着同性恋权利运动的出现,福音派发起了一场文化战争,反对“同性恋者”作为隐含的世俗、自由的他者,然后被迫纠结于如何将这一立场应用于他们的基督教同性恋兄弟姐妹。福音派的自我概念导致了他们几十年来几乎没有变化的矛盾立场。他们致力于圣经的无误,明确谴责同性恋性行为,但作为自我认同的后原教旨主义者,他们也希望对同性恋者富有同情心。他们鼓励同性恋基督徒改变他们的性取向,同时承认这种改变对大多数人来说是不可能的。尽管福音派对前同性恋运动的欢迎很慢,但他们最终完全接受了这一运动,认为这是摆脱他们矛盾意识形态的唯一可行途径。因此,这场运动的失败是一个重大打击。许多福音派教徒开始质疑性取向是一种被选择的、可改变的身份的前提,并开始重新思考支撑福音派解释学的无误神学。自2010年以来,许多福音派领袖对CT声称代表福音派在这一问题上的共识提出了质疑。在未来几年,年轻福音派的进步观点无疑将增加对同性关系的接受。
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引用次数: 1
RAC volume 32 issue 3 Cover and Front matter RAC第32卷第3期封面和封面问题
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/rac.2023.4
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引用次数: 0
Sky God: Remaking the Heavens and Divinity in the Nineteenth-Century United States 《天神:重塑19世纪美国的天堂与神性》
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/rac.2022.2
Trent MacNamara
ABSTRACT In the early nineteenth century, the “cosmological revolution” reached Americans with no special education or astronomical expertise. New ideas about the scale and nature of the cosmos, some of which had been gestating among elites for centuries, forced ordinary people to reevaluate traditional associations between higher places, higher beings, and higher meaning. As the old “heavens” became more like the modern “space”—larger, emptier, less morally alive—God and his kingdom became more abstract. This trend often mattered to people in ways that esoteric doctrine did not. It divided Americans. A placeless God and “state of being” afterlife found readier acceptance among educated people accustomed to thinking in abstract, immaterial terms and pursuing abstract, immaterial goods. Among nonintellectuals, the new heavens caused unsettling debates between people, and within them, about the locality and reality of higher things. Well before better-remembered disputes over Darwinism and geology, these cosmological debates opened foundational divisions in popular ideas, as some laypeople reluctantly accommodated the new heavens while others turned to defiant cosmic conservatism. On balance, Americans moved toward reformed conceptions of God and heaven, rebuilding divinity in the image of the new cosmos.
19世纪初,“宇宙学革命”席卷了没有受过特殊教育或天文专业知识的美国人。关于宇宙的规模和本质的新想法,其中一些已经在精英中酝酿了几个世纪,迫使普通人重新评估更高的地方、更高的存在和更高的意义之间的传统联系。当旧的“天堂”变得更像现代的“空间”——更大,更空,更缺乏道德活力——上帝和他的国度变得更加抽象。这种趋势对人们的影响往往是深奥教义所没有的。它分裂了美国人。无所不在的上帝和来世的“存在状态”更容易被那些习惯于用抽象、非物质的术语思考和追求抽象、非物质的东西的受过教育的人所接受。在非知识分子中,新天论引起了人与人之间以及人与人内部关于更高事物的局部性和现实性的令人不安的争论。早在人们记忆更为深刻的达尔文主义和地质学之争之前,这些宇宙论辩论就在流行观念中开启了根本性的分歧,一些外行不情愿地接受了新天论,而另一些人则转向了不服的宇宙保守主义。总的来说,美国人对上帝和天堂的观念进行了改革,以新宇宙的形象重建了神性。
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引用次数: 0
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