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Indigenous secularism and the secular-colonial 土著世俗主义与世俗殖民主义
IF 0.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-19 DOI: 10.1177/20503032221075384
Ryan Carr
Many non-Indigenous people assume that secularism—the belief that religion and politics are and should be different spheres of life—is foreign to Native American experience. This partly explains why the topic of Native conversions in early New England has always been so controversial, since conversion implies the differentiation of religion from politics. Be that as it may, history shows that Indigenous peoples are well acquainted with secularism and have been debating it within their communities for centuries. This essay demonstrates proof of concept for a history of Indigenous secularism via a case study of Samson Occom, whose vision of Indigenous self-determination was informed by secularist ideas about sovereignty and conversion. It also offers a critique of scholarly romanticizations of Indigenous peoples' primordially “holistic” a-secularism. This romanticization is the product of a secular-colonial ideology which presupposes the otherness of Indigenous peoples when it comes to differentiating between religion and politics.
许多非土著人认为世俗主义——认为宗教和政治是并且应该是不同的生活领域——与美国原住民的经历不同。这在一定程度上解释了为什么新英格兰早期的原住民皈依话题一直备受争议,因为皈依意味着宗教与政治的区别。尽管如此,历史表明,土著人民对世俗主义非常熟悉,并在他们的社区内争论了几个世纪。本文通过Samson Occom的案例研究,展示了土著世俗主义历史的概念证明,他的土著自决愿景是由关于主权和皈依的世俗主义思想所决定的。它还批评了学术界对土著人民原始的“整体”基督教的浪漫化。这种浪漫化是世俗殖民意识形态的产物,在区分宗教和政治时,这种意识形态以土著人民的另类性为前提。
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引用次数: 0
Manifestos of White Nationalist Ethno-Soldiers 白人民族主义士兵宣言
IF 0.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1177/20503032211044426
Per-Erik Nilsson
The 2010s was a decade during which self-acclaimed “ethno-soldiers”murdered what they consider as enemies of whiteness and the West in a spectacular mediatized and gamified fashion. Three attacks carried out against Jewish and Muslim places of worship are of particular interest here. October 9, 2019, during the Jewish holiday of Yom Kippur, the twenty-seven-year-old German citizen Stephan Balliet was setting in motion the plan he had been preparing for a long time. According to a manifesto published by Balliet (2019, 9) himself, the time had come to “[k]ill as many anti-Whites as possible, Jews preferred.” Balliet’s attack was to take place at the local synagogue in the German city of Halle. However, the plan did not play out as stipulated in his manifesto published online. Instead of entering the synagogue to slaughter members of the congregation, as the synagogue’s newly reinforced security prevented him, Balliet turned to by-passers, killing two and injuring several (Holmes 2019). Balliet broadcasted his actions on Twitch.tv, Amazon.com Inc’s gaming platform. On April 27th, John Timothy Earnest attacked the Chabad of Poway in California, killing one person and injuring three. Before the attack, Earnest (2019 1) posted a manifesto on the image-board site 8chan proclaiming, among other things, that “[e]very Jew is responsible for the meticulously planned genocide of the European race.”He also called upon “White men” around the world, “the greatest race that our God has created,” to “kill all” Jews (3). March 15, Brenton Tarrant attacked the Masjid Al Noor Mosque and Linwood Islamic Center during Friday prayer in Christchurch, New Zealand. Killing 51 people in a shooting spree, Tarrant (2019, 73) broadcasted his attack live on Facebook.com with the aim of encouraging other white ethno-soldiers to “thrive” and “march ever forward to our place among the stars” to “reach the destiny our people deserve.” Although these shooters acted on different continents, they share the same symbolical universe. In written manifestos, they declare that they are the avant-gardist defenders of the West currently under both external and internal threats. Several scholars, security experts, and journalists have set out to map these shooters’ motivational and ideological underpinnings. For example, Graham Macklin notes that while both Earnest and Tarrant were identically preoccupied with the conspiracy theory of White Genocide, Earnest’s (2019, 25) focus was “saturated with conspirational
2010年代是一个自称“民族士兵”的十年,在这十年里,他们以一种引人注目的媒介化和游戏化的方式谋杀了他们认为是白人和西方敌人的人。针对犹太人和穆斯林礼拜场所的三起袭击事件在这里特别令人感兴趣。2019年10月9日,在犹太节日赎罪日期间,27岁的德国公民Stephan Balliet启动了他准备已久的计划。根据Balliet(2019,9)本人发表的一份宣言,现在是“尽可能多地感染反白人,犹太人更喜欢”的时候了。Balliet的袭击发生在德国城市哈雷的当地犹太教堂。然而,该计划并没有按照他在网上发表的宣言中的规定进行。Balliet没有进入犹太教堂屠杀会众,因为犹太教堂新加强的安保阻止了他,而是转向路人,造成两人死亡,数人受伤(Holmes 2019)。Balliet在亚马逊公司的游戏平台Twitch.tv上直播了他的行为。4月27日,约翰·蒂莫西·欧内斯特袭击了加利福尼亚州波韦的查巴德,造成一人死亡,三人受伤。袭击发生前,欧内斯特(2019年1月)在图片板网站8chan上发布了一份宣言,宣称“每个犹太人都应对精心策划的欧洲种族种族灭绝负责。”他还呼吁世界各地的“白人”,“我们上帝创造的最伟大的种族”,“杀死所有”犹太人(3)。3月15日,布伦顿·塔兰特在新西兰克赖斯特彻奇的周五祈祷中袭击了努尔清真寺和林伍德伊斯兰中心。塔兰特(2019,73)在一场疯狂的枪击中杀死了51人,他在Facebook.com上直播了自己的袭击,目的是鼓励其他白人士兵“茁壮成长”,“永远向我们在星星中的位置前进”,以“实现我们人民应得的命运”。尽管这些枪手在不同的大陆上行动,但他们共享同一个象征性的宇宙。在书面宣言中,他们宣称自己是目前受到外部和内部威胁的西方先锋派捍卫者。几位学者、安全专家和记者已经着手绘制这些枪手的动机和意识形态基础。例如,Graham Macklin指出,虽然Earnest和Tarrant都同样专注于白人种族灭绝的阴谋论,但Earnest(2019,25)的关注点“充满了阴谋
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引用次数: 1
Child marriage and sexularism in Sweden: Constructing the nation racializing migrants 瑞典的童婚与性主义:构建种族化移民的国家
IF 0.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/20503032221075379
Edda Manga
This article investigates the discourse on child marriage as reflected in the entire corpus of official investigations Statens Offentliga Utredningar (SOU) and government bills (Prop.) proposing legislative measures against child marriage in Sweden since the first motions on the issue were drafted in 2001. It analyzes them as instances of sexularism: a form of secularism where the secular is construed in relation to sexual emancipation and gender equality rather than in relation to politics or the public sphere. It then connects the effects of legislation against child marriage on the right to family reunification to the racialization of migrant populations and religious minorities in Sweden.
本文考察了自2001年瑞典首次就童婚问题起草动议以来,瑞典官方调查报告(SOU)和政府法案(Prop)中关于童婚的讨论。它将它们分析为性主义的实例:一种世俗主义的形式,其中世俗被解释为与性解放和性别平等有关,而不是与政治或公共领域有关。然后,它将禁止童婚的立法对家庭团聚权利的影响与瑞典移民人口和宗教少数群体的种族化联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: White Utopias: The Religious Exoticism of Transformational Festivals 书评:《白色乌托邦:转型节日的宗教异国情调》
IF 0.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/20503032211015297
M. D. Placido
and important about the constitution of culture and society in the not so (these days!) UnitedKingdom. But I want to return to Bayart to pursue the postmodern or perhaps Deleuzian dimensions of nonreligion—the fact that non-religion is not a thing or an object but a contingent relation that emerges through specific, situated acts and performances—and what this means for the way societies and religions are understood and studied. Postmodern methodologies such as deconstruction take the instability of structures and objects for their point of departure. Not just Bayart and Deleuze but new materialists such as Jane Bennett, Rosa Braidotti, and Bruno Latour as well as post-Marxists such as Donna Haraway and Ernesto Laclau take the incompleteness of the social as a point of departure, its tendency for transformation as a given. But this point of departure is arguablymarginal to the “critical” tradition of Religious Studies with which Cotter identifies. So, why does this study of non-religion matter? Because it draws into view a range of wider questions about theory and method in Religious Studies which are only hinted at in Cotter’s otherwise excellent study.
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引用次数: 0
How hope becomes concrete 希望如何变得具体
IF 0.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.1177/20503032211044432
David Newheiser
Over the last year, many of us have found our hope to be tested. In this context, I think theorical reflection can clarify the resilience required to acknowledge and address the challenges we face, both personal and political. Because that is the aim of my book, I am grateful for these responses from four readers whose work I admire. Although their comments diverge in important ways, they constellate around a question that I see as central: how does hope become concrete? In her contribution to this symposium Sanchez (2021, 337) writes that, on its own, theological discourse “is an empty cloth without bodies to wear it.” As her own research shows, theoretical texts address real people, and they can be taken up in new ways to inform particular lives (Sanchez 2019). My book focuses on two figures, Jacques Derrida and Dionysius the Areopagite, whose work is famously abstruse. Despite their reputation, I was drawn to both authors because they helped me to better understand my own life and that of the communities I care about. In my experience, disappointment sometimes hits hard, and yet people somehow persist. Through Dionysius and Derrida, I found tools to illuminate this persistence, which holds hopes while acknowledging the possibility of loss. As Sanchez points out, in the time since my book appeared the prevalence of loss has become painfully apparent. The COVID-19 pandemic has caused widespread suffering, and it has shattered established patterns of normalcy. Against this background, Sanchez agrees that hope should take negativity seriously, but she presses me to say more about the rituals through which hope is cultivated. I think Sanchez is right that communal practices are indispensable. Whereas the first half of my book presents hope as an ethical discipline, the later chapters argue that the personal practice of hope is also political. In my view, hope enables the receptivity and resilience through which genuine community is possible, and the bonds established in this way nurture hope in turn. Although relationship with others is always a risk, hope is the discipline that empowers people to pursue desires that are vulnerable to disappointment. For this reason, it is the precondition for mutual care and political mobilization. For me, the reciprocal relation between individual hope and communal action became particularly clear through the isolation imposed by COVID-19. DuringMelbourne’s long lockdowns, my neighbor would walk by the windowofmy homemost afternoons, and his daughters would tell mewhat they did that day at school. Although it was a lonely time, this quiet ritual sustainedmy ability to persist, and that
在过去的一年里,我们中的许多人发现我们的希望受到了考验。在这种背景下,我认为理论反思可以澄清承认和应对我们所面临的挑战所需的韧性,无论是个人的还是政治的。因为这是我写这本书的目的,所以我很感谢四位我欣赏他们作品的读者的这些回应。尽管他们的评论在许多重要方面存在分歧,但他们都围绕着一个我认为很重要的问题:希望如何变得具体?在她对本次研讨会的贡献中,桑切斯(2021,337)写道,就其本身而言,神学话语“是一块没有身体穿的空布”。正如她自己的研究所表明的那样,理论文本针对的是真实的人,它们可以以新的方式被采用,以告知特定的生活(Sanchez 2019)。我的书主要关注两个人物,雅克·德里达和狄奥尼修斯,狄奥尼修斯的作品以深奥著称。尽管他们的名声很好,但我还是被他们吸引了,因为他们帮助我更好地理解了我自己的生活和我所关心的社区。根据我的经验,失望有时会打击很大,但人们还是坚持了下来。通过狄奥尼修斯和德里达,我找到了阐明这种坚持的工具,这种坚持在承认失去的可能性的同时也抱有希望。正如桑切斯所指出的那样,自从我的书出版以来,失去亲人的普遍现象已经变得非常明显。2019冠状病毒病大流行造成了广泛的痛苦,打破了既定的正常模式。在这种背景下,桑切斯同意希望应该认真对待消极情绪,但她敦促我多谈谈培养希望的仪式。我认为桑切斯是对的,公共实践是不可或缺的。虽然我的书的前半部分将希望作为一种道德规范来呈现,但后面的章节认为,希望的个人实践也是政治的。在我看来,希望使接受能力和恢复能力成为可能,通过这种方式建立的纽带反过来又培养了希望。虽然与他人的关系总是有风险,但希望是一种纪律,它使人们能够追求容易失望的愿望。因此,这是相互关心和政治动员的先决条件。对我来说,个人希望和集体行动之间的相互关系在COVID-19造成的孤立中变得尤为明显。在墨尔本长时间的封锁期间,我的邻居会在大多数下午经过我家的窗户,他的女儿们会告诉我他们那天在学校做了什么。虽然这是一段孤独的时光,但这种安静的仪式支撑着我坚持下去的能力
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引用次数: 2
Thinking Europe’s “Muslim Question”: On Trojan Horses and the Problematization of Muslims 思考欧洲的“穆斯林问题”:特洛伊木马与穆斯林问题化
IF 0.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-25 DOI: 10.1177/20503032211044430
S. Bracke, L. M. Hernández Aguilar
Understanding the ways in which Muslims are turned into “a problem” requires an analytic incorporating the insights gained through the concepts of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim racism into a larger frame. The “Muslim Question” can provide such a frame by attending to the systematic character of this form of racism, explored here through biopolitics. This article develops a conceptualization of Europe’s “Muslim Question” along three lines. First, the “Muslim Question” emerges as an accusation of being an “alien body” to the nation, often expressed through the Trojan horse legend. Second, the “Muslim Question” is elaborated through demands of integration and assimilation, in which the production of difference entangles with calls and measures to regulate Muslims. And third, the “Muslim Question” is brought to life upon the terrain of gender and sexuality, as the imaginary of threat at the heart of the “Muslim Question” is a replacement conspiracy centered on birthrates.
要理解穆斯林是如何变成“一个问题”的,需要一个分析,将通过伊斯兰恐惧症和反穆斯林种族主义的概念获得的见解纳入一个更大的框架。“穆斯林问题”可以提供这样一个框架,通过关注这种形式的种族主义的系统特征,在这里通过生物政治学进行探讨。本文沿着三条线对欧洲的“穆斯林问题”进行了概念化。首先,“穆斯林问题”以对国家的“异己体”的指责出现,通常通过特洛伊木马的传说来表达。其次,“穆斯林问题”是通过融合和同化的要求来阐述的,其中差异的产生与规范穆斯林的呼吁和措施纠缠在一起。第三,“穆斯林问题”是在性别和性的领域中被赋予生命的,因为“穆斯林问题”核心的威胁想象是一个以出生率为中心的替代阴谋。
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引用次数: 4
“Light cleaveth unto light”: Intermarriage discourse, LDS women of color, and the new racism “光对光”:异族婚姻话语,摩门教的有色女性,和新的种族主义
IF 0.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-24 DOI: 10.1177/20503032211044437
N. Khan
Fifty years after Loving v. Virginia, oppositional attitudes toward interracial relationships are still advanced by religious institutions in the United States. Extant social science literature characterizes these attitudes as generated largely by Evangelical and Christian nationalist traditions where members harbor negative attitudes toward interracial relationships. Hidden behind this characterization are the significant, but less obvious ways in which non-Evangelical denominations construct and disseminate similar attitudes. Through discourse analysis and digital interviews with LDS women of color, this study uses the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS or Mormon) as an entry point for examining intermarriage discourses in other faith traditions. Findings highlight that LDS messaging about interracial relationships shifted over time, integrating multiple racial frames in ways that expanded the scope of LDS racism with especially harsh implications for LDS women of color. Broader theoretical implications for the study of race, gender, and religion are discussed.
在洛文诉弗吉尼亚案50年后,美国的宗教机构仍然对跨种族关系持反对态度。现存的社会科学文献将这些态度描述为主要由福音派和基督教民族主义传统产生的,在这些传统中,成员对跨种族关系持有负面态度。隐藏在这种定性背后的是非福音派构建和传播类似态度的重要但不太明显的方式。通过话语分析和对LDS有色人种女性的数字采访,本研究以耶稣基督后期圣徒教会(LDS或摩门教)为切入点,考察其他信仰传统中的通婚话语。研究结果强调,LDS关于跨种族关系的信息随着时间的推移而变化,以扩大LDS种族主义范围的方式整合了多个种族框架,对LDS有色人种女性的影响尤其严重。讨论了对种族、性别和宗教研究的更广泛的理论意义。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: American Covenant: A History of Civil Religion from the Puritans to the Present 书评:《美国盟约:从清教徒到现在的公民宗教史》
IF 0.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-23 DOI: 10.1177/20503032211044435
Md. Didarul Islam, A. Siddika, Shafi Md Mostofa
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引用次数: 0
Contesting religious boundaries at school: A case from Norway 学校里的宗教界限之争:来自挪威的案例
IF 0.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-22 DOI: 10.1177/20503032211044431
Elise Margrethe Vike Johannessen
This article examines the experiences of Norwegian high school girls with Muslim backgrounds in learning about Islam in religious education (RE). The empirical material consists of observations from a high school class in Norway and interviews with girls in the class. The findings support previous reports that Islam as a topic may be challenging for students with Muslim backgrounds. They also suggest that the RE classroom is a space where religious boundaries can go from blurred to bright as a result of students’ reactions to educational content and its foci on Islam. As many teachers find the topic of Islam potentially controversial and thus challenging to teach, this article offers insights that may help teachers to understand and deal with students’ reactions in the classroom context.
本文考察了具有穆斯林背景的挪威高中女生在宗教教育中学习伊斯兰教的经历。实证材料包括来自挪威一个高中班的观察和对班上女孩的采访。这些发现支持了之前的报告,即伊斯兰教作为一个话题对穆斯林背景的学生来说可能具有挑战性。他们还认为,由于学生对教育内容的反应及其对伊斯兰教的关注,RE教室是一个宗教界限可能从模糊变为明亮的空间。由于许多教师发现伊斯兰教的话题可能存在争议,因此教学具有挑战性,本文提供的见解可能有助于教师理解和处理学生在课堂环境中的反应。
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引用次数: 1
The heathen, the plague, and the model minority: Perpetual self-assessment of Asian Americans as a panoptic mechanism 异教徒、瘟疫和模范少数民族:作为全景机制的亚裔美国人的永久自我评估
IF 0.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-22 DOI: 10.1177/20503032211044436
Yuen-Yung Sherry Chan
Incidents of racism against Asians have been rising since the COVID-19 pandemic turned global in early 2020. Employing Foucault’s concept of panopticism and Kathryn Lofton’s insights on the function of religion to demarcate group boundaries, this article argues that American religion constructs Asian American stereotypes to limit the discursive space within which Asian Americans may negotiate their identities. These discursive limitations have, in turn, buttressed white supremacy. This article examines how some Asians and Asian Americans respond to anti-Asian sentiments during the pandemic by performing a close reading of an op-ed by prominent Asian American politician Andrew Yang in The Washington Post. This reading reveals that Yang’s colorblind solution upholds whiteness as the American gnosis and limits the discursive space in which Asian Americans may negotiate their identities. This article also discusses how the myth of America as a white Christian country withstands challenges from minority groups contesting its dominance.
自2020年初新冠肺炎疫情在全球蔓延以来,针对亚裔的种族主义事件一直在上升。本文运用福柯的全景主义概念和凯瑟琳·洛夫顿对宗教划分群体边界功能的见解,认为美国宗教构建亚裔美国人的刻板印象是为了限制亚裔美国人协商身份的话语空间。这些话语限制反过来又支持了白人至上主义。这篇文章仔细阅读了著名亚裔政治家安德鲁·杨在《华盛顿邮报》上的一篇专栏文章,探讨了一些亚裔和亚裔美国人在疫情期间如何应对反亚裔情绪。这篇文章揭示了杨的色盲解决方案坚持白人是美国人的灵知,并限制了亚裔美国人协商身份的话语空间。这篇文章还讨论了美国作为一个白人基督教国家的神话是如何经受住少数群体对其统治地位的挑战的。
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引用次数: 0
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Critical Research on Religion
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