Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1177/20503032221075378
Rady Roldán-Figueroa
This article focuses on the career of the Jesuit priest, Constantino Bayle, as a historian of Spanish Catholic missions and promoter of state-sponsored arrangements that institutionalized nationalist religious historiography. He encoded religious nationalism and racist categories in academic discourse and terminology, elevating in this way racist assumptions and renewed imperialist aspirations to the level of official historiography. The article traces Bayle’s early career as an Americanista at the Spanish Catholic periodical, Razón y Fe. Bayle was an ardent supporter of Francisco Franco’s military uprising of 1936. He was an apologist for Falange Española who defended its Catholic character. Alongside other Jesuits, he was responsible for forging a Spanish school of missiology that was predicated upon the tenets of Spanish national Catholicism and that was meant to rival analogous Protestant and Roman Catholic historiographic projects. Central to this culturalist endeavor were the notions of Hispanidad and Raza Hispanica.
本文聚焦于耶稣会牧师康斯坦丁诺·贝勒的职业生涯，他是西班牙天主教使团的历史学家，也是国家资助的将民族主义宗教史学制度化的安排的推动者。他在学术话语和术语中编码了宗教民族主义和种族主义类别，以这种方式将种族主义假设和帝国主义愿望提升到官方史学的水平。这篇文章追溯了贝勒早期在西班牙天主教期刊《Razón y Fe》担任美国主义者的职业生涯。贝勒是1936年弗朗西斯科·佛朗哥军事起义的热心支持者。他是法兰热·埃斯帕尼奥拉的辩护人，为其天主教性质辩护。与其他耶稣会士一起，他负责建立一个以西班牙民族天主教教义为基础的西班牙教会学校，旨在与类似的新教和罗马天主教史学项目相抗衡。这种文化主义努力的核心是伊斯帕尼达德和拉扎·伊斯帕尼加的概念。
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Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1177/20503032221081837
W. Goldstein
One of the most pressing questions of our age is the relationship between established and disestablished religions and the state. It underlies many of the conflicts across the globe including the treatment of the Rohingya by the Buddhist majority in Myanmar, Muslims under Modi’s Hindu nationalism in India, and Palestinians under the Jewish State of Israel. Many of the world’s conflicts are often driven by conflict between ethnic/religious groups over state control: Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland; Christians and Muslims in Nigeria; and Shiites and Sunnis in Yemen, Syria, and Iraq. The many wars of religion have been driven by states controlled by ethnic/religious majorities. The English Civil War (1640–1660), for instance, was triggered by the attempt to impose the Anglican Church of England over the Presbyterian Church in Scotland. Conflicts between states are often exacerbated by those states being aligned with a religious majority which is at odds with an opposing state-religion alliance (e.g., Iran and Saudi Arabia; India and Pakistan). The state is the vehicle through which an ethno/religious majority can impose its religious values over a society as a whole including minorities. Ethno-religious groups fight over control of the state and if not, over influence on state policy. German-Jewish political philosopher Hannah Arendt ([1943] 2007, 336), who herself was a refugee from Nazi Germany and found a home at the New School’s university in exile in New York, identified this as the problem of the nation-state, which assumes a homogenous ethnic/religious population when there is not. Nation-states, as understood by Arendt ([1944] 2007, 371), cannot exist when there are mixed populations. No country is able to achieve this type of purity and attempts to obtain it have resulted in ethnic cleansing and proven to be catastrophic. The alignment between what we now conventionally categorize as the state on the one hand and religion on the other has existed since the very origins of the state (that is, of monarchies): in the ancient river valley civilizations of Egypt, Mesopotamia, India (Hinduism), and China (Confucianism). In the Judeo-Christian tradition, the paradigmatic alignment of state and religion is the Davidic kingdom. With Constantine, Christianity became the religion of the Roman state. In Islam, the alignment between state and religion has its origins with the prophet Mohammad, who was both a religious and political leader. The Great Schism between Eastern (Byzantine) and Western Empires was a split between the Roman Catholic Church and the Orthodox Church in
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Pub Date : 2022-03-25DOI: 10.1177/20503032221075377
Kevin Schilbrack
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Pub Date : 2022-03-24DOI: 10.1177/20503032221075386
T. Vasko
Critics of climate collapse and colonization in the Americas rightly identify the origin of these twin crises in early modern political theologies. They seek to combat these crises with new political theologies of nature that pay greater reverence to “native” peoples’ ecological knowledge. But in doing so, these critics subtly, perhaps unwittingly, recall elements of the colonial power they criticize. I explain why this is the case, examining Bartolomé de Las Casas’s use of naturales in his critiques of Spanish Conquest, and Thomas Harriot’s use of naturall inhabitants in his writing on English colonization to describe “native” Americans. Both authors aimed to promote politico-theological reverence for “native” peoples and their relationships with “nature.” This set into motion a productive form of power operating in modern political theologies. This power works by legitimizing the European-Christian presence in the Americas through their ability to recognize, respect, and protect “native” relationships with “nature.”
气候崩溃和美洲殖民化的批评者在早期现代政治神学中正确地确定了这两次危机的起源。他们试图用新的自然政治神学来应对这些危机，这些神学更加尊重“本土”人民的生态知识。但在这样做的过程中，这些批评者微妙地，也许是无意中，回忆起了他们所批评的殖民权力的元素。我解释了为什么会出现这种情况，考察了Bartoloméde Las Casas在批评西班牙征服时对自然人的使用，以及Thomas Harriot在关于英国殖民的文章中对自然居民的使用来描述“本土”美国人。两位作者都致力于促进对“本土”民族及其与“自然”关系的政治神学崇敬。这开启了现代政治神学中一种富有成效的权力形式。这种力量通过承认、尊重和保护与“自然”的“本土”关系，使欧洲基督徒在美洲的存在合法化
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Pub Date : 2022-03-24DOI: 10.1177/20503032221075381
A. Nour
antagonistic dichotomies such as legal/illegal. Can aims to reveal that the conventional and Eurocentric understandings cannot map the Ottoman experience’s entangled dynamics. That leads to another well-accomplished aim of this book, which broadens one’s categories of understanding about “the genealogy of Ottoman subjecthood” (179) by adding the local experiences, circumstances, and stories of hajjis, which could be one of the representatives of the whole entangled picture of Ottoman sovereignty. Finally, it would not be an exaggeration to claim that Can makes neat and thought-provoking contributions to both the literature of Ottoman history and religion, which also puts her theoretical discussions beyond the field of Ottoman studies. Considering all the discussions mentioned above and thanks to the book’s firm and comprehensive language, I highly recommend it for academic circles and non-academics interested in Ottoman history and the sociology of religion.
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Pub Date : 2022-03-23DOI: 10.1177/20503032221075385
Mehdi S Shariati
what Rüpke means by the term “critical” in his subtitle. He does not explain how he understands the term, but it is clear that Rüpke holds that the modernist sense of the term “religion,”widely taken for granted today, distorts our understanding of behavior in the past and obscures how present societies became the way they are. One should therefore reflect on the concept, identify its limits, and think alternatively. If “genealogy” names a method of tracing something’s current state back through a series of formative stages in a way that motivates a novel evaluative judgment, then this book is not a genealogy of religion, but it is genealogy-adjacent. If deconstruction names a method of destabilizing a system of concepts so that one comes to see that the meaning previously taken as secured by a transcendental signified is actually the product of the differential relations within the system itself, then this book is not a deconstruction of “religion,” but it is also deconstruction–adjacent. Given Rüpke’s critique of the term, “religion” names cultural repertoires that have existed in many cultures throughout history, and “a religion” names a social structure built from with those elements. Given this critical approach, “religion” here names something that can exist in a society, even when its members do not have a concept for it. This is a realist approach to religion in history. It follows that “critical” research on religion can lead to a debunking project, that is, a critical nonrealism, or it can lead, as it does here, to a constructive revisioning of the concept, that is, a critical realism.
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Pub Date : 2022-03-20DOI: 10.1177/20503032221075383
V. Altglas
This piece is a response to Jean-Pierre Reed’s review of Bringing Back the Social into the Sociology of Religion published in Critical Research on Religion. Aside from his appreciation for the contributions of this volume, Jean-Pierre Reed’s critique concentrates on three fundamental issues in relation to the agenda for a critical sociology of religion we advance: scientificism, interdisciplinarity, and politics. This response focuses on scientificism and politics in particular, since they are intimately related and at the core of this book’s evaluation of the subfield.
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Pub Date : 2022-03-19DOI: 10.1177/20503032221075384
Ryan Carr
Many non-Indigenous people assume that secularism—the belief that religion and politics are and should be different spheres of life—is foreign to Native American experience. This partly explains why the topic of Native conversions in early New England has always been so controversial, since conversion implies the differentiation of religion from politics. Be that as it may, history shows that Indigenous peoples are well acquainted with secularism and have been debating it within their communities for centuries. This essay demonstrates proof of concept for a history of Indigenous secularism via a case study of Samson Occom, whose vision of Indigenous self-determination was informed by secularist ideas about sovereignty and conversion. It also offers a critique of scholarly romanticizations of Indigenous peoples' primordially “holistic” a-secularism. This romanticization is the product of a secular-colonial ideology which presupposes the otherness of Indigenous peoples when it comes to differentiating between religion and politics.
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Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1177/20503032211044426
Per-Erik Nilsson
The 2010s was a decade during which self-acclaimed “ethno-soldiers”murdered what they consider as enemies of whiteness and the West in a spectacular mediatized and gamified fashion. Three attacks carried out against Jewish and Muslim places of worship are of particular interest here. October 9, 2019, during the Jewish holiday of Yom Kippur, the twenty-seven-year-old German citizen Stephan Balliet was setting in motion the plan he had been preparing for a long time. According to a manifesto published by Balliet (2019, 9) himself, the time had come to “[k]ill as many anti-Whites as possible, Jews preferred.” Balliet’s attack was to take place at the local synagogue in the German city of Halle. However, the plan did not play out as stipulated in his manifesto published online. Instead of entering the synagogue to slaughter members of the congregation, as the synagogue’s newly reinforced security prevented him, Balliet turned to by-passers, killing two and injuring several (Holmes 2019). Balliet broadcasted his actions on Twitch.tv, Amazon.com Inc’s gaming platform. On April 27th, John Timothy Earnest attacked the Chabad of Poway in California, killing one person and injuring three. Before the attack, Earnest (2019 1) posted a manifesto on the image-board site 8chan proclaiming, among other things, that “[e]very Jew is responsible for the meticulously planned genocide of the European race.”He also called upon “White men” around the world, “the greatest race that our God has created,” to “kill all” Jews (3). March 15, Brenton Tarrant attacked the Masjid Al Noor Mosque and Linwood Islamic Center during Friday prayer in Christchurch, New Zealand. Killing 51 people in a shooting spree, Tarrant (2019, 73) broadcasted his attack live on Facebook.com with the aim of encouraging other white ethno-soldiers to “thrive” and “march ever forward to our place among the stars” to “reach the destiny our people deserve.” Although these shooters acted on different continents, they share the same symbolical universe. In written manifestos, they declare that they are the avant-gardist defenders of the West currently under both external and internal threats. Several scholars, security experts, and journalists have set out to map these shooters’ motivational and ideological underpinnings. For example, Graham Macklin notes that while both Earnest and Tarrant were identically preoccupied with the conspiracy theory of White Genocide, Earnest’s (2019, 25) focus was “saturated with conspirational
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Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1177/20503032221075379
Edda Manga
This article investigates the discourse on child marriage as reflected in the entire corpus of official investigations Statens Offentliga Utredningar (SOU) and government bills (Prop.) proposing legislative measures against child marriage in Sweden since the first motions on the issue were drafted in 2001. It analyzes them as instances of sexularism: a form of secularism where the secular is construed in relation to sexual emancipation and gender equality rather than in relation to politics or the public sphere. It then connects the effects of legislation against child marriage on the right to family reunification to the racialization of migrant populations and religious minorities in Sweden.
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