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Hope in Turbulent Times: Derrida on Messianism and Rupture 动荡时代的希望:德里达谈弥赛主义与断裂
IF 0.7 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/20503032221124550
David Newheiser
For many of us, I suspect, the last two years have called hope into question. Millions have died from COVID-19, millions have lost someone they cared about, and millions more have fallen ill themselves. In addition to these direct effects, the virus has disrupted normal patterns of life. Some of us have endured exhausting lockdowns, while others were exposed to infection by virtue of their employment. In typical fashion, the neoliberal systems that govern our lives have placed the heaviest burdens on those who were already vulnerable, but even those of us who are insulated from the worst effects of the pandemic have had moments in which our hope was challenged by suffering and uncertainty. In a strange coincidence, my first book—Hope in a Secular Age—appeared at exactly the moment that COVID began to spread around the world. I had no idea what was coming, of course, but the book sought to address a situation like the one we are experiencing. Even before the challenges of pandemic life, I was convinced that the only hope worth keeping has to be honest rather than easy. As we have found, hope has a certain fragility, but I believe that this is the source of its power. In my view, hope is premised upon the possibility of disappointment, pressing forward without guarantees. At some level, although we invent a thousand ways to forget it, we all know that we are vulnerable. We cannot be sure that our loves will endure, that our projects will succeed, or that we stand on the side of justice and truth. It does no good to pretend that things are more certain than they are; as we have repeatedly seen over the last two years, such bluster is prone to shatter upon the complexity of lived experience. This is the context in which I hear the question that frames this symposium: “Is hope reasonable or necessary?” My answer on both counts will be “no,” but that does not mean hope must be abandoned. Instead, I aim to suggest that hope is an extra-rational discipline that is contingent but indispensable.
我怀疑,对我们中的许多人来说,过去两年让希望受到质疑。数百万人死于新冠肺炎,数百万人失去了他们关心的人,还有数百万人自己生病。除了这些直接影响外,病毒还扰乱了正常的生活模式。我们中的一些人经历了令人疲惫的封锁,而另一些人则因工作而受到感染。以典型的方式,管理我们生活的新自由主义制度给那些本已脆弱的人带来了最沉重的负担,但即使是我们这些没有受到疫情最严重影响的人,也曾有过我们的希望受到痛苦和不确定性挑战的时刻。奇怪的巧合是,我的第一本书《世俗时代的希望》出现在新冠病毒开始在世界各地传播的那一刻。当然,我不知道会发生什么,但这本书试图解决我们正在经历的这种情况。甚至在疫情生活面临挑战之前,我就确信,唯一值得保持的希望是诚实,而不是轻松。正如我们所发现的,希望有一定的脆弱性,但我相信这是它力量的源泉。在我看来,希望是以失望的可能性为前提的,在没有保证的情况下继续前进。在某种程度上,尽管我们发明了一千种方法来忘记它,但我们都知道自己很脆弱。我们不能确定我们的爱会持续下去,我们的项目会成功,或者我们站在正义和真理一边。假装事情比实际情况更确定是没有好处的;正如我们在过去两年中反复看到的那样,这种虚张声势很容易破坏生活经历的复杂性。这就是我听到这个问题的背景:“希望是合理的还是必要的?”我对这两方面的回答都是“不”,但这并不意味着必须放弃希望。相反,我的目的是表明,希望是一种额外的理性纪律,它是偶然但不可或缺的。
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引用次数: 1
Islamic Fundamentalism and Gender: The Portrayal of Women in Iranian Movies 伊斯兰原教旨主义与性别:伊朗电影中的女性形象
IF 0.7 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-09-21 DOI: 10.1177/20503032221124551
Ehsan Aqababaee, M. Razaghi
Various political groups were involved in the 1979 Islamic Revolution of Iran, which led to the downfall of the Pahlavi regime. However, Islamic Fundamentalists gradually seized power and eliminated rival ideologies in the 1980s. In the late 1990s, Iranian Reformers won the elections and oversaw the management of the film industry for two four-year administrations until 2005. As liberals and religious democrats, the Reformers supported a modern portrayal of Iranian women in movies. The findings of this research challenge the previous studies that voiced optimism about the new individualistic portrayal of women in Iranian movies. The research methodology is based on Theresa de Lauretis's technologies of gender involving a narrative analysis of sixty-eight Iranian movies produced from 2001 to 2005. Given the political defeat of the Reformers in 2005, the main research question is to what extent has the portrayal of Iranian women gone beyond (or remained under) the ideological domination of Islamic Fundamentalism.
各种政治团体参与了1979年伊朗伊斯兰革命,导致巴列维政权垮台。然而,伊斯兰原教旨主义者在20世纪80年代逐渐夺取了政权,并消除了对立的意识形态。20世纪90年代末,伊朗改革者赢得了选举,并在2005年之前的两届四年任期内监督电影业的管理。作为自由主义者和宗教民主主义者,改革派支持电影中对伊朗女性的现代刻画。这项研究的发现挑战了之前对伊朗电影中女性新的个人主义形象表示乐观的研究。该研究方法基于Theresa de Lauretis的性别技术,对2001年至2005年制作的68部伊朗电影进行了叙事分析。鉴于改革派在2005年的政治失败,主要的研究问题是对伊朗妇女的描绘在多大程度上超越了(或仍然处于)伊斯兰原教旨主义的意识形态统治之下。
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引用次数: 3
Book Review: Lived Religion in Latin America. An Enchanted Modernity 书评:拉丁美洲的生活宗教。迷人的现代性
IF 0.7 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-09-16 DOI: 10.1177/20503032221124547
Matteo Di Placido
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引用次数: 5
Intersectional Stratification: Race, Religion, and Status Attainment 交叉分层:种族、宗教和地位获得
IF 0.7 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-09-16 DOI: 10.1177/20503032221124544
H. Evans, Jerry Z. Park
Research repeatedly shows that stratification occurs through racial classification and systemic racism. Scholars have also shown that stratification in wealth, education, and occupational attainment for Americans varies by religious affiliation. In this article, we incorporate theories of intersectionality and complex religion to study the ways that religion stratifies status attainment within racial groups in the United States. We hypothesize that relational proximity to predominantly white denominations increases status attainment for racial minorities in the United States. Using data from the 2000-2016 waves of the General Social Survey, we find that Black Evangelicals have higher levels of occupational prestige than Black non-Evangelicals. We argue that this is because of networks of social capital via multiracial churches that allow Black Evangelicals access to increasing levels of occupational prestige.
研究一再表明,分层是通过种族分类和系统性种族主义发生的。学者们还表明,美国人在财富、教育和职业成就方面的分层因宗教信仰而异。在这篇文章中,我们结合了交叉性和复杂宗教的理论,研究了宗教在美国种族群体中对地位实现的分层方式。我们假设,与以白人为主的教派的关系接近会增加美国少数种族的地位。使用2000-2016年的综合社会调查数据,我们发现黑人福音派的职业声望高于非福音派。我们认为,这是因为通过多种族教会建立的社会资本网络,使黑人福音派获得了越来越高的职业声望。
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引用次数: 0
Child Adoption among Igbo Christians in Nigeria: A “Paradox”? 尼日利亚伊博基督徒的儿童收养:一个“悖论”?
IF 0.7 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-09-15 DOI: 10.1177/20503032221124542
Fabian U Nnadi, K. I. Uwaegbute
This article argues that the practice of child adoption among Igbo Christians of Nigeria is some kind of “paradox.” This is because, Igbo Christians reject and practice child adoption at the same time. This applies to Igbo Christians irrespective of denominations. Igbo cultural practices like the quest for children to partake in inheritance, the denial of participation in some traditional roles, the individualized nature of Igbo contemporary society, and Christian teaching on love contribute to this. The findings in this article challenge previous scholarship which claims that Igbo Christians do not practice Child adoption although they are sympathetic to it.
这篇文章认为,尼日利亚伊博基督徒收养儿童的做法是某种“悖论”。这是因为,伊博基督徒拒绝并同时实施收养儿童的行为。这适用于伊博基督徒,不分教派。伊博人的文化实践,如寻求儿童参与继承,拒绝参与一些传统角色,伊博人当代社会的个性化性质,以及基督教关于爱的教导,都是造成这种情况的原因。这篇文章中的发现对之前的学术提出了质疑,该学术声称伊博基督徒并不实行收养儿童的做法,尽管他们对此表示同情。
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引用次数: 0
Bloch’s Münzer and the Horizons of History 布洛赫的慕尼黑与历史的视野
IF 0.7 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-09-14 DOI: 10.1177/20503032221124554
Christina Petterson
This essay springs from my current project, namely an introduction to and translation of Ernst Bloch ’ s Thomas Münzer: Theologian of the Revolution funded by CenSAMM, the Centre for the Critical Study of Apocalyptic and Millenarian Movements. The essay here will focus mainly on history and community, after a bit of background. Importantly, the issues raised here are only addressed within a small Western context. Christianity in its various forms plays very different roles in non-Anglo/European countries, and class struggle as it is thought of in this essay is also very limited to small centers of former empires and is not meant in its global anti-imperialist context. This is primarily due to the material itself. My own overarching interest in various texts from different periods of the past, is the sense of history and what governs our understanding of it. This is something I have been working with in different ways over the past years, looking at both Francis Fukuyama ’ s essay on 1989 as the end of history, New Testament understandings of class struggle as history, and also the meaning of history and the questions we are urged to ask, and which ones we are urged to avoid.
这篇文章源于我目前的一个项目,即对恩斯特·布洛赫的《托马斯·梅泽尔:革命的神学家》的介绍和翻译,该项目由CenSAMM(世界末日和千禧年运动批判研究中心)资助。在介绍了一些背景之后,本文将主要关注历史和社区。重要的是,这里提出的问题只在西方的小背景下得到解决。各种形式的基督教在非盎格鲁/欧洲国家扮演着非常不同的角色,而本文所认为的阶级斗争也非常局限于前帝国的小中心,并不意味着在全球反帝国主义的背景下。这主要是由于材料本身。对于过去不同时期的各种文本,我最感兴趣的是历史感,以及是什么支配着我们对历史的理解。在过去的几年里,我一直在用不同的方式研究这个问题,我研究了弗朗西斯·福山关于1989年历史终结的文章,新约对阶级斗争历史的理解,以及历史的意义,以及我们迫切需要问的问题,以及我们迫切需要避免的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Politics, Religion, Hope: Contemporary Theoretical Perspectives 政治、宗教、希望:当代理论视角
IF 0.7 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-09-14 DOI: 10.1177/20503032221124548
M. Sharpe, M. King
In this period of pandemics, the environmental crisis, and fraying of political consensus, the question of hope is especially pressing. Is hope reasonable or is it necessary, and for what and for whom? Is it only the property now of right-wing populists, using the rolling economic, immigration, and pandemic crises, and the new affordances of social media, in the cause of reactionary revolt against the social and cultural gains of the last centuries, such as the inclusion of women and other minorities, as well as awareness of ecological depredation? Dowe find ourselves in a Yeatsian time, wherein proverbially, “The best lack all conviction, while the worst / are full of passionate intensity” (Yeats 2016, 33), or does the stretching and failing of contemporary paradigms announce new, more affirmative possibilities? What resources for hope can we find in the great religious and political traditions, whether Islamic, Jewish, Christian, or other? Does the instrumental and ideological use of these traditions disqualify them as sources of renewal and reorientation? Likewise, are there existing resources within the political paradigms of liberalism, democracy, republicanism, or socialism which can be looked to resolve the present symptoms of despair, alienation, and incivility, or must entirely new political models be imagined or looked to? Are more two-sided theoretical assessments of these traditions, as sources of both corruption and catharsis, dominion and liberation, needed if we are to build new coalitions capable of addressing the crises, or is hope necessarily open or blind, committed to holding open the possibility that something absolutely Other must occur? Critical theorising in the last decades has been engaged in a significant process or processes of rethinking, as Marxist-Leninism’s credibility as the alternative to regnant capitalism declined, and then failed after 1989. At the same time, the absence of any serious systematic opposition has enabled parties of business globally to prosecute their neoliberal ambitions, of universal commodification and marketisation, with unprecedented success. Societies have become increasingly economically unequal, wealth has become more concentrated, organisational structures have become more corporatized, and as the pandemic has shown in countries like the US, the state has been divested of its democratic capacities to better the lives of citizens. The resulting alienation has produced pools of discontent from which right-wing populists draw, promising a simple solution to these widespread problems by scapegoating minorities, targeting the remnants of the social democratic “elites” in the educational, governmental, and community sectors, conducting vitriolic
在这个流行病、环境危机和政治共识破裂的时期,希望的问题尤其紧迫。希望是合理的还是必要的,为了什么,为了谁?它现在只是右翼民粹主义者的财产吗?他们利用滚动的经济、移民和疫情危机,以及社交媒体的新启示,对过去几个世纪的社会和文化成果进行反动反抗,比如包容妇女和其他少数群体,以及对生态掠夺的认识?我们发现自己处于一个叶芝时代,众所周知,“最好的人缺乏所有的信念,而最坏的人充满激情”(叶芝2016,33),或者当代范式的延伸和失败是否预示着新的、更肯定的可能性?我们能在伟大的宗教和政治传统中找到什么样的希望资源,无论是伊斯兰的、犹太的、基督教的还是其他的?这些传统在工具和意识形态上的使用是否使它们失去了更新和重新定位的来源的资格?同样,在自由主义、民主、共和主义或社会主义的政治范式中,是否有现有的资源可以用来解决目前绝望、疏远和不文明的症状,或者必须想象或期待全新的政治模式?如果我们要建立能够应对危机的新联盟,是否需要对这些传统进行更多的双边理论评估,这些传统既是腐败和宣泄的来源,又是统治和解放的来源,还是希望必然是开放的或盲目的,致力于保持绝对其他事情必须发生的可能性?在过去的几十年里,批判理论一直在进行一个或多个重要的反思过程,因为马克思列宁主义作为统治资本主义的替代品的可信度下降,然后在1989年后失败。与此同时,由于没有任何严重的系统性反对,全球商业党派得以实现其新自由主义野心,即普遍商品化和市场化,并取得了前所未有的成功。社会在经济上变得越来越不平等,财富变得更加集中,组织结构变得更加公司化,正如疫情在美国等国所表明的那样,国家被剥夺了改善公民生活的民主能力。由此产生的异化产生了右翼民粹主义者的不满情绪,他们承诺通过将少数群体作为替罪羊,针对教育、政府和社区部门的社会民主“精英”残余,进行尖酸刻薄的抨击,来简单解决这些普遍存在的问题
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引用次数: 0
Between Hope and The Overman: Ernst Bloch and The Anti-Christ 在希望与超人之间:恩斯特·布洛赫与反基督者
IF 0.7 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-09-08 DOI: 10.1177/20503032221124560
M. King
Every philosophy ’ s content and method are determined by the class struggles of its age. Although philosophers — like scholars, artists and other ideologists — may more or less fail to recognize it and sometimes remain totally unaware of it, this conditioning of their attitude to so-called “ ultimate questions ” takes effect notwithstanding. ― Gy¨orgy Luk´acs (2021, 313), The Destruction of Reason
每一种哲学的内容和方法都是由其时代的阶级斗争所决定的。尽管哲学家——比如学者、艺术家和其他思想家——可能或多或少没有意识到这一点,有时甚至完全没有意识到,但他们对所谓“终极问题”态度的这种制约作用仍然有效。―卢卡奇(2021,313),理性的毁灭
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引用次数: 0
Giving the Angel the Benefit of Law: Natural Law and Human Dignity in Franz Neumann and Ernst Bloch 赋予天使法律的利益:弗朗茨·诺伊曼和恩斯特·布洛赫的自然法与人的尊严
IF 0.7 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-09-08 DOI: 10.1177/20503032221124559
M. Sharpe
the truth of these doctrines] we must avoid the pitfalls of both dogmatism and relativism … The truth of a doctrine does not depend solely upon its utility. Many propositions of Natural Law are progressive, though they may appear futile in certain historical sit-uations. Others may serve in one historical stage and may be worthless in another one. The truth of a doctrine will depend upon the extent to which it embodies concrete liberty and human dignity, upon its ability to provide for the fullest development of all human potentialities . (Neumann 1942, 72; my italics)
这些学说的真理]我们必须避免教条主义和相对主义的陷阱……学说的真理不仅仅取决于它的效用。自然法的许多主张是进步的,尽管在某些历史情境中可能显得徒劳。其他人可能在一个历史阶段服役,在另一个历史舞台上可能毫无价值。一种学说的真实性将取决于它在多大程度上体现了具体的自由和人的尊严,取决于它提供人类所有潜力的最充分发展的能力。(诺依曼1942,72;我的斜体字)
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引用次数: 0
“The Exodus into the Utterly-New”: Between Hope and Despair 《向全新世界的大迁徙》:在希望与绝望之间
IF 0.7 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-09-08 DOI: 10.1177/20503032221124557
A. Bielik-Robson
In my essay, I want to ponder on the psychotheology of hope: the messianic affects which attach themselves to the promise of Exodus—of yetziat, a liberating getting-out from the world imagined as a “house of bondage” or an “iron cage” without exits. In my juxtaposition of Bloch’s philosophy of Exodus with Adorno’s and Horkheimer’s critique of Western modernity as an Exodus gone wrong, I would like to focus on the intricate relation between hope (represented at its purest by the former) and despair (represented at its purest by the latter). I would like to prove that, contrary to appearances, the one cannot be thought without the other: hope can only come to the fore at the background of the darkest despair and vice versa—the despair can only be understood as a loss of hope. By correcting Bloch’s metaphysical optimism with the Frankfurt duo’s plunge into the abyss of hopelessness (recall Lukacs’s malicious joke about Adorno as an inhabitant of the “Grand Hotel Abyss”), I wish to reclaim the idea of despair for the messianic idiom which too often feels uneasy about it, wrongly convinced that it cannot let in a sense of the loss of hope.
在我的文章中,我想要思考关于希望的心理神学:与出埃及的承诺相关联的弥赛亚情感——yetziat,一种从被想象成“奴役之家”或没有出口的“铁笼子”的世界中解放出来的情感。在我将布洛赫的出埃及哲学与阿多诺和霍克海默对西方现代性的批判并列为出埃及的错误时,我想把重点放在希望(以前者为最纯粹的代表)和绝望(以后者为最纯粹的代表)之间的复杂关系上。我想证明的是,与表象相反,两者是不能分开的:希望只能在最黑暗的绝望的背景下出现,反之亦然——绝望只能被理解为希望的丧失。通过用法兰克福二人组陷入绝望的深渊来纠正布洛赫的形而上学乐观主义(回想一下卢卡奇关于阿多诺是“深渊大酒店”的居民的恶意玩笑),我希望为弥赛亚习语重新提出绝望的概念,这种习语经常感到不安,错误地相信它不能让人感到失去希望。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Critical Research on Religion
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