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The Construction of Jewish Women in Mahfouz's Novels 马哈福兹小说中犹太女性的建构
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-29 DOI: 10.1111/dome.70014
Ebrahim Mohammed Alwuraafi

Prior to 1948, Arab Jews were an integral part of the Arab world and its traditional and cultural fabric and played a critical role in economic and political life. Though their presence in Arabic literature was remarkably limited, their image was relatively positive. However, this changed following the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. There emerged a large corpus of literary works that deal with Jews, but this time the image was mostly negative. The main objective of this article is to explore Mahfouz's portrayal of Jewish women in three of his novels: Khan al-Khalili, Mirrors, and Midaq Alley. The article focuses on the portrayal of Jewish women in a predominantly Muslim society and the social and Islamic bonds imposed on them. It explores how these Jewish characters function in the three texts to disturb, disrupt, or offset the then-prevailing discourses. Though Mahfouz's Jewish female characters can be viewed as stereotypes, the present study will illustrate how Jewish women in these novels act differently, resist classism, and subvert the traditional gender roles. This is significant because it is the first time that Jewish female characters in Mahfouz's work are explored.

在1948年以前,阿拉伯犹太人是阿拉伯世界及其传统和文化结构的组成部分,并在经济和政治生活中发挥关键作用。虽然他们在阿拉伯文学中的存在非常有限,但他们的形象相对积极。然而,这种情况在1948年以色列国成立后发生了变化。出现了大量与犹太人有关的文学作品,但这一次的形象大多是负面的。本文的主要目的是探讨马哈福兹在他的三部小说中对犹太妇女的描绘:汗·哈利利、镜子和米达克小巷。这篇文章的重点是在一个以穆斯林为主的社会中对犹太妇女的描绘,以及强加给她们的社会和伊斯兰联系。它探讨了这些犹太人物如何在三个文本中干扰,破坏或抵消当时盛行的话语。虽然马哈福兹的犹太女性角色可以被视为刻板印象,但本研究将说明这些小说中的犹太女性如何表现不同,抵制阶级歧视,并颠覆传统的性别角色。这很重要,因为这是马哈福兹作品中第一次探讨犹太女性角色。
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引用次数: 0
Minority Perspective: The Israeli–Arab Leadership Position Over the Israeli Peace Agreements With Arab States 少数民族视角:以色列-阿拉伯国家在以色列与阿拉伯国家和平协定问题上的领导地位
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-29 DOI: 10.1111/dome.70016
Chen Kertcher, Gadi Hitman

Research on conflict resolution typically examines how local leadership shapes social and political responses. However, there is limited exploration of ethnic minority leadership and their attitudes toward agreements with adversarial states. A notable example is Israel, which has established five peace or normalization accords: with Egypt in 1977, Jordan in 1994, and the UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco in 2020. While these agreements have been analyzed from a state-level perspective, the reactions of the Arab minority political leadership in Israel to these accords remain unexamined. This study investigates how Israeli–Arab leaders officially viewed these agreements through their statements in the Knesset, Israel's parliament. The analysis is framed through the lens of identity divisions among Israeli, Palestinian, and Islamist groups, which influence their political motivations. The primary finding reveals that Arab Israeli leaders maintain a consistent position. Despite their ideological differences—spanning socialist-communist, nationalist, and Islamist views—they present a unified front regarding key priorities, particularly the resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. However, they differ on integration issues within Israeli society, utilizing the platform to advocate for both integrative and divisive policies. This finding suggests the need for further research into the role of leadership in majority–minority relations.

冲突解决研究通常考察地方领导如何塑造社会和政治反应。然而,对少数民族领导人及其对与敌对国家达成协议的态度的探索有限。一个显著的例子是以色列,它签订了五项和平或正常化协议:1977年与埃及、1994年与约旦、2020年与阿联酋、巴林和摩洛哥。虽然从国家一级的角度分析了这些协定,但以色列阿拉伯少数民族政治领导人对这些协定的反应仍然没有得到审查。这项研究调查了以色列-阿拉伯领导人是如何通过他们在以色列议会的声明来正式看待这些协议的。分析是通过以色列、巴勒斯坦和伊斯兰组织之间的身份分歧来进行的,这影响了他们的政治动机。初步调查结果显示,阿拉伯裔以色列领导人的立场是一致的。尽管他们在意识形态上存在差异——跨越了社会主义-共产主义、民族主义和伊斯兰主义的观点——但他们在关键的优先事项上,特别是在解决巴以冲突问题上,表现出了统一的立场。然而,他们在以色列社会的融合问题上存在分歧,利用这个平台倡导融合和分裂的政策。这一发现表明,需要进一步研究领导在多数人与少数人关系中的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Resonance of Resistant Narrative Discourse in Fikria Shahra's Shams AwamFikria Shahra所著的《人民的太阳》中的抵抗性叙事话语共鸣 La resonancia del discurso narrativo de resistencia en Shams Awam de Fikria Shahra Resonance of Resistant Narrative Discourse in Fikria Shahra's Shams AwamFikria Shahra所著的《人民的太阳》中的抵抗性叙事话语共鸣 La resonancia del discurso narrativo de resistencia en Shams Awam de Fikria Shahra
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-29 DOI: 10.1111/dome.70015
Abdalwahid Abbas Noman

This study examines the resonance of resistant narrative discourse in Shams Awam (2022), a novel by Fikria Shahra. The novel stands as a prominent example of Yemeni resistance narrative, where Shahra employs language, storytelling, events, and narrative techniques to reflect her people's defiance against the civil war, the Houthi militias. She also expresses solidarity with Yemenis in their struggle for freedom and justice. By thoroughly examining the narrative elements, this study offers deeper insights into Yemeni literature and explores the various ways in which the resistant narrative discourse is expressed. The researcher employs a descriptive-analytical method, examining the novel through the lens of resistance literature. The findings reveal that the novel represents a creative contemporary work, closely aligned with Yemeni literature that resists the Houthi sectarian project. The novelist effectively utilizes resistant discourse to narrate the stories, address the issues, and convey her message. The political context in the novel reflects the nature of political conflicts and the intricate dynamics of the Yemeni crisis. Furthermore, the study highlights the significant role of Yemeni women in resisting injustice and struggling for their rights and values. Moreover, the place and time are present in the resistance narrative and contribute to the development of the characters and their evolving positions.

本研究考察了菲克里亚·沙赫拉的小说《沙姆斯·阿瓦姆》(2022)中反抗叙事话语的共鸣。这部小说是也门抵抗叙事的杰出典范,沙赫拉运用语言、故事、事件和叙事技巧来反映她的人民对内战和胡塞民兵的反抗。她还表示声援也门人民争取自由和正义的斗争。通过对叙事元素的深入研究,本研究为也门文学提供了更深入的见解,并探索了抵抗叙事话语表达的各种方式。研究者采用了描述分析的方法,通过抵抗文学的镜头来审视这部小说。调查结果显示,这部小说代表了一部创造性的当代作品,与抵制胡塞教派计划的也门文学密切相关。小说家有效地利用抵抗话语来叙述故事,解决问题,传达她的信息。小说中的政治背景反映了政治冲突的本质和也门危机的复杂动态。此外,该研究强调了也门妇女在抵制不公正和争取其权利和价值方面的重要作用。此外,地点和时间存在于抵抗叙事中,并有助于人物的发展及其地位的演变。
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引用次数: 0
Economic Crisis and Electoral Turnout in Authoritarian Regimes: Evidence From Iran's Post-COVID19 Pandemic Era 威权政权的经济危机和选举投票率:来自伊朗后covid - 19大流行时代的证据
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-24 DOI: 10.1111/dome.70013
Alireza Raisi

How does an economic crisis affect electoral turnout in authoritarian regimes? The paper examines the impact of economic crisis on political participation by studying Iran's post-Pandemic era. The statistical analysis of the public opinion polls indicates that a crisis of representation intervened between economic hardship and the unprecedented decline in voter turnout in Iran's 2021 presidential election. In this environment, the failure of political factions to address the economic hardship discredited the political establishment in Iran and transformed the pattern of political participation. This setting caused an unprecedented decline in the voters’ turnout and led citizens to resort to street protest as an alternative means of political participation. The paper further demonstrates the role of socioeconomic status in shaping voting behavior. The statistical analysis indicated that middle-income citizens are less likely to vote which aligns with the existing studies about the impact of sanctions on household expenditure in Iran. An overview of electoral mobilization sheds light on the findings of the statistical analysis by illuminating the shift in participation mode. This review demonstrates that electoral mobilization through youth campaigns transformed into street protests and strikes led by youth, teachers, and industrial workers. The findings of the paper suggest a new mechanism in which economic crisis affects political participation in authoritarian regimes.

经济危机如何影响专制政权的投票率?本文通过研究伊朗大流行后时代,考察了经济危机对政治参与的影响。对民意调查的统计分析表明,在伊朗2021年总统选举中,经济困难和选民投票率空前下降之间存在代表权危机。在这种环境下,政治派别未能解决经济困难,使伊朗的政治体制失去了信誉,并改变了政治参与的模式。这种情况导致选民投票率空前下降,并导致公民诉诸街头抗议作为政治参与的另一种手段。本文进一步论证了社会经济地位在塑造投票行为中的作用。统计分析表明,中等收入公民不太可能投票,这与有关制裁对伊朗家庭支出影响的现有研究一致。选举动员概览通过阐明参与模式的转变,阐明了统计分析的结果。这一回顾表明,通过青年运动进行的选举动员转变为由青年、教师和产业工人领导的街头抗议和罢工。本文的研究结果表明,经济危机影响专制政权政治参与的新机制。
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引用次数: 0
Variants of Authoritarian Robustness in the Arab Uprisings: An Institutionalist Rentierism Approach 阿拉伯起义中专制力量的变体:一种制度主义的食利派方法
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-26 DOI: 10.1111/dome.70012
Martin Beck, Simone Hüser

The Arab Uprisings 2010/11 caused the removal of political leaderships in some countries, whereas no deep political change occurred in other cases. A critical discussion of two main competing approaches to explaining the (lack of) robustness of Arab regimes in the Uprisings—the oil rent stabilization thesis and the thesis of monarchical resilience—reveals that the oil rent stabilization thesis is theoretically sound but faces empirical challenges. To address them, we outline different rent concepts, which then serve as the basis for innovatively developing an approach of institutionalist rentierism. This approach pools an expanded, nuanced version of the rent stabilization thesis with insightful aspects of the thesis of monarchical resilience. After identifying Bahrain, Egypt, Kuwait, Libya, Syria, Tunisia, the UAE, and Yemen as critical cases for the present comparative study, we discuss them in more detail, highlighting the relevance of different institutional settings. A major empirical finding is that different experiences with European imperialism often had a significant impact on authoritarian robustness.

2010/11年阿拉伯起义导致一些国家的政治领导人下台,而在其他情况下没有发生深刻的政治变革。对解释阿拉伯政权在起义中(缺乏)稳健性的两种主要竞争方法——石油租金稳定理论和君主弹性理论——的批判性讨论揭示了石油租金稳定理论在理论上是合理的,但面临着经验挑战。为了解决这些问题,我们概述了不同的租金概念,然后作为创新发展制度主义食租主义方法的基础。这种方法将租金稳定理论的扩展、细致入微的版本与君主制弹性理论的深刻见解结合在一起。在确定巴林、埃及、科威特、利比亚、叙利亚、突尼斯、阿联酋和也门作为本比较研究的关键案例后,我们将更详细地讨论它们,强调不同制度设置的相关性。一个主要的实证发现是,与欧洲帝国主义的不同经历往往对威权主义的稳健性产生重大影响。
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引用次数: 0
Re-Presenting Women in the Qur'an Translated: Sociocultural Re-Contextualization From a Feminist Perspective 《古兰经》翻译中的女性再现:女性主义视角下的社会文化再语境化
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-03 DOI: 10.1111/dome.70011
Abdelhamid Elewa

This article analyzes the strategies employed by translators to re-present women in the Qur'an, in light of contemporary feminist translation theory. Examining a range of Qur'anic translations, the study investigates how translators utilize feminist strategies to challenge patriarchal interpretations and align the sacred text with contemporary gender-inclusive discourse. The findings reveal that individual translations, even those produced by men not explicitly subscribing to feminism, can demonstrate a greater degree of egalitarianism than collective translations or those undertaken by women. Moving beyond the analysis of gender-inclusive language, this study focuses on the translation of conceptual constructs related to women's roles, like the subordinate creation narrative and the concept of wives in heaven promised to faithful men. By exploring how feminist translation strategies engage with these complex and culturally sensitive concepts, the article aims to highlight the role for translation in challenging traditional interpretations and mediate established religious and societal norms.

本文结合当代女性主义翻译理论,分析了古兰经中女性形象的翻译策略。本研究考察了一系列古兰经译本,探讨了译者如何利用女权主义策略来挑战父权制的解释,并使神圣的文本与当代性别包容的话语保持一致。研究结果表明,个人翻译,即使是那些没有明确赞同女权主义的男性翻译,也比集体翻译或女性翻译更能体现出平等主义。除了对性别包容性语言的分析之外,本研究还将重点放在与女性角色相关的概念结构的翻译上,如从属的创造叙事和天堂妻子应许给忠诚的男人的概念。通过探讨女权主义翻译策略如何处理这些复杂而具有文化敏感性的概念,本文旨在强调翻译在挑战传统解释和调解既定宗教和社会规范方面的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Liberal Institutionalism in Crisis: Reassessing the Iran-West Nuclear Standoff Amid the 2025 Israel–Iran War 危机中的自由制度主义:在2025年以伊战争中重新评估伊朗与西方的核对峙
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-03 DOI: 10.1111/dome.70010
Hafeez Ullah Khan

The Israel-Iran war of 2025 has changed the geopolitical face of the Middle East, not only bringing up the issue of nuclear proliferation, but also putting international diplomacy to the test. This essay assesses the performance of liberal institutionalism based on the latest conflict, paying special attention to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) as the main institutional mechanism that once carried the promise of peaceful nuclear interaction. The JCPOA was based on the liberal notions of multilateralism and cooperation, reciprocity and institutional oversights; its collapse raises serious doubts regarding the usefulness of these tools in nuclear conflict management. This essay provides background information and assesses how the 2025 conflict will influence the regional and global balance. It then employs the theoretical perspective of liberal institutionalism to observe the direction taken by the Iran-West relationship to gauge whether international institutions continue to have the ability to forestall state level security dilemmas as they have led to an absence of open-war conflicts. This study develops a critical analysis of institutional failure to tame the conflict and offers some ideas for understanding its scope and future direction.

2025年的以伊战争改变了中东的地缘政治面貌,不仅引发了核扩散问题,也对国际外交构成了考验。本文基于最近的冲突评估了自由制度主义的表现,特别关注了《联合全面行动计划》(JCPOA)作为曾经承载和平核互动承诺的主要制度机制。全面协议基于多边主义、合作、互惠和制度监督等自由主义理念;它的崩溃引起了人们对这些工具在核冲突管理中的有用性的严重怀疑。本文提供了背景信息,并评估了2025年的冲突将如何影响地区和全球平衡。然后,它采用自由制度主义的理论视角来观察伊朗-西方关系的发展方向,以衡量国际机构是否继续有能力预防国家层面的安全困境,因为它们导致了公开战争冲突的缺失。本研究对驯服冲突的制度失败进行了批判性分析,并为理解其范围和未来方向提供了一些思路。
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引用次数: 0
Correction to “In Defense of Lebanon: The Special Relationship Between Rashid Karami and Syria (From 1976 Until 1987)” 对“保卫黎巴嫩:拉希德·卡拉米与叙利亚的特殊关系(1976年至1987年)”的更正
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-10-14 DOI: 10.1111/dome.70009

Battat, Z., Cohen, R.A. and Naor, D. (2025), In Defense of Lebanon: The Special Relationship Between Rashid Karami and Syria (From 1976 Until 1987). Digest of Middle East Studies, 34: e70005. https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.70005

The article was published under the ‘Article’ type but has now been corrected to ‘Commentary’.

We apologize for this error.

batat, Z., Cohen, R.A.和Naor, D.(2025),《保卫黎巴嫩:拉希德·卡拉米与叙利亚的特殊关系(1976年至1987年)》。中东问题研究,34(4):70005。https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.70005The文章是在“文章”类型下发布的,但现在已被更正为“评论”。我们为这个错误道歉。
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引用次数: 0
Saudi Arabia's Commitment and Progress in Achieving Key United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 沙特阿拉伯在实现联合国主要可持续发展目标方面的承诺和进展
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-09-24 DOI: 10.1111/dome.70008
Mhamed Biygautane

This article explores Saudi Arabia's commitment and progress over the past twenty years towards achieving United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), specifically focusing on good health and well-being (SDG 3), quality education (SDG 4), and decent work and economic growth (SDG 8). The article highlights significant investments and policy reforms under the Vision 2030 framework that have led to improved healthcare infrastructure, economic diversification efforts and more focus on improving youth literacy rates. It also examines economic indicators such as GDP per employed person growth and employment rates, identifying fluctuations and areas for improvement. While documenting these achievements, the article sheds light on some ongoing challenges such as healthcare infrastructure capacity, ICT skills and capacities, early education proficiency gaps and economic volatility. By providing a balanced analysis, this article offers valuable insights for academics studying sustainable development, and policymakers assessing Saudi Arabia's progress in this context.

本文探讨了沙特阿拉伯在过去二十年中为实现联合国可持续发展目标(SDG)所做的承诺和取得的进展,特别是关注良好的健康和福祉(SDG 3)、优质教育(SDG 4)以及体面的工作和经济增长(SDG 8)。本文重点介绍了在《2030年愿景》框架下的重大投资和政策改革,这些投资和改革改善了医疗基础设施,促进了经济多样化,并更加注重提高青年识字率。它还审查经济指标,如就业人均国内生产总值增长和就业率,确定波动和需要改进的领域。在记录这些成就的同时,本文也揭示了一些持续存在的挑战,如医疗基础设施能力、ICT技能和能力、早期教育熟练程度差距和经济波动。通过提供平衡的分析,本文为研究可持续发展的学者和评估沙特阿拉伯在这一背景下取得的进展的政策制定者提供了有价值的见解。
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引用次数: 0
Crossing Borders and Connecting Feminists: “Global Iran” and Solidarity Protests in Latin America 跨越国界和连接女权主义者:“全球伊朗”和拉丁美洲的团结抗议
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-09-24 DOI: 10.1111/dome.70006
Elmira Louie

The death of Jina Mahsa Amini on September 16, 2022, at the hands of Iran's Morality Police sparked months of protests, both domestically and internationally. This movement established “global Iran,” an interconnected network of people from diverse ethnic, linguistic, and cultural backgrounds who mobilize across identity-based and geographic fault lines. In this paper, I examine the ways Latin American feminist groups blended with the Jina protests and joined global Iran. From a decolonial and transnational feminist theoretical lens, I argue that this blend connected people in its recognition of a collective struggle that acknowledges intersectional difference. My South–South approach focuses specifically on Mexico and Chile due to their histories of Iranian immigration and gender activism. I analyze the protests in these countries and demonstrate how they generated spaces of plurality. Moreover, I claim that Spanish, Persian, and Kurdish-language songs and chants established a decolonial and transnational feminist praxis of solidarity between diverse communities. While most scholarly discourse on the 2022 protests has analyzed the movement's effects on Iran or on the diaspora, I consider the transnational implications. In doing so, I emphasize the communal, rather than national or individual, element of the movement. Through transnational solidarity may we strive towards a life of freedom.

吉娜·马哈萨·阿米尼于2022年9月16日死于伊朗道德警察之手,引发了数月的国内和国际抗议活动。这场运动建立了“全球伊朗”,这是一个由来自不同种族、语言和文化背景的人们组成的相互联系的网络,他们跨越了身份认同和地理断层线。在本文中,我研究了拉丁美洲女权主义团体与中国抗议活动融合并加入全球伊朗的方式。从非殖民主义和跨国女权主义的理论角度来看,我认为这种融合将人们联系在一起,因为它认识到集体斗争承认交叉差异。我的南南方法特别关注墨西哥和智利,因为它们有伊朗移民和性别激进主义的历史。我分析了这些国家的抗议活动,并展示了它们如何产生多元化的空间。此外,我认为西班牙语、波斯语和库尔德语的歌曲和圣歌在不同社区之间建立了一种非殖民化的、跨国的女权主义团结实践。虽然大多数关于2022年抗议活动的学术论述都分析了该运动对伊朗或海外侨民的影响,但我考虑的是其跨国影响。在这样做的时候,我强调的是这场运动的集体因素,而不是民族或个人因素。通过跨国团结,我们可以为自由的生活而奋斗。
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引用次数: 0
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Digest of Middle East Studies
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