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Praying Soldiers: How Continental Soldiers Experienced Religion during the Revolutionary War, 1775–1783 祈祷的士兵:1775-1783年独立战争期间大陆士兵如何体验宗教
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0013
R. F. de Apodaca
abstract:While enduring the hardships of battle, many Revolutionary War soldiers recorded more about their personal religious lives than perhaps any other single topic. New and extreme circumstances tested the religious preconceptions of those who enlisted in ways that they had rarely encountered in civilian life. Their religion took on new importance for them as soldiers relied on it both as an interpretive lens and as a source of stability amid a chaotic war. This article examines how the exigencies of the Revolutionary War affected the religious lives of Whig soldiers across denominations and colonies. It will argue that ordinary soldiers' religious worldview caused them to interpret the war in ways distinct from that of their ministers and commanding officers, who have often overshadowed them in analyses of the Revolutionary movement. Neither wholly political nor militaristic, the war, for many soldiers, was a formative religious experience.
在忍受战争的艰辛的同时,许多独立战争的士兵对他们个人宗教生活的记录可能比其他任何单一话题都要多。新的和极端的情况以他们在平民生活中很少遇到的方式考验了那些入伍者的宗教先入之见。他们的宗教对他们来说有了新的重要性,因为士兵们在混乱的战争中既依靠它作为解释的镜头,也依靠它作为稳定的源泉。本文研究了独立战争的紧急情况如何影响辉格党士兵的宗教生活,不分教派和殖民地。书中认为,普通士兵的宗教世界观导致他们以不同于他们的部长和指挥官的方式来解释战争,而这些人在分析革命运动时往往使他们黯然失色。这场战争既不完全是政治的,也不完全是军国主义的,对许多士兵来说,这场战争是一种形成性的宗教经历。
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引用次数: 0
Diabolical Duos: Witch Spouses in Early New England 恶魔二人组:新英格兰早期的女巫配偶
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0016
P. Moyer
abstract:A significant proportion of witchcraft prosecutions in early New England targeted married couples. Although these cases have not received much attention, they open up a window onto witch-hunting in the region and how it compares to that in other parts of the English-speaking world. An examination of New England's witch spouses reveals how witchcraft intersected with demographic change as well as the social and religious outlook of its Puritan inhabitants. During the opening decades of settlement when colonists were few in number and couples' childbearing capabilities were essential to the survival of the New England colonies, spouses who fell short in this regard sometimes fell victim to suspicions of witchcraft. However, as the century advanced and the population expanded, the pressure on couples to produce children shrank while anxieties over family governance grew. Thus, New Englanders increasingly envisioned witch couples as bad parents rather than failed child-bearers. Moreover, the high frequency of accusations against spouses in New England was a product of the important place marriage held in the Puritans' worldview. They viewed it as the foundation of a godly society and, as a result, commonly envisioned witchcraft as a dark alter ego of nuptial relations.
在新英格兰早期,巫术起诉的很大一部分是针对已婚夫妇的。尽管这些案件并没有受到太多关注,但它们打开了一扇窗,让人们了解该地区的女巫狩猎,以及它与其他英语世界地区的比较。对新英格兰女巫配偶的研究揭示了巫术是如何与人口变化以及清教徒居民的社会和宗教观点交织在一起的。在移民开始的几十年里,殖民者数量很少,夫妻的生育能力对新英格兰殖民地的生存至关重要,在这方面做得不好的配偶有时会成为巫术怀疑的受害者。然而,随着本世纪的发展和人口的增长,夫妇生育孩子的压力减少了,而对家庭治理的焦虑却增加了。因此,新英格兰人越来越多地认为女巫夫妇是糟糕的父母,而不是失败的生育者。此外,新英格兰对配偶的高频率指控是婚姻在清教徒世界观中占有重要地位的产物。他们认为这是一个虔诚社会的基础,因此,通常将巫术视为婚姻关系的黑暗另一面。
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引用次数: 0
A Royal in Revolutionary America: Prince William Henry and the Fall of the British Empire in Colonial America 革命美国的皇室:威廉·亨利王子和殖民美国的大英帝国的衰落
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0011
Vaughn Scribner
abstract:Although historians have generally framed Prince William Henry’s time in occupied New York City—September 26, 1781, to November 4, 1782—as an interesting side note to the American Revolution or a brief blip in the future king’s adolescence, the royal’s tenure in the New World has more to reveal. As the first member of the British royal family to visit colonial America, the sixteen-year-old prince rested at the confluence of a muddled-but-important dyad: for Loyalists, the prince defined how dreams of monarchical aid clashed with the reality of declining royal influence in colonial America, while Patriots also used him to assert their fantasies of republican liberty while lambasting the shortcomings of British Hanoverian monarchy. Ultimately, Prince William’s presence in colonial America confused as much as clarified, forcing all parties involved to confront the messiness of revolution as monarchical rule in the thirteen colonies was steadily replaced by equally muddled notions of American republicanism.
虽然历史学家通常把威廉·亨利王子在被占领的纽约市(1781年9月26日至1782年11月4日)的生活描述为美国独立战争的一个有趣的插曲,或者是这位未来国王青春期的一个短暂插曲,但这位王室成员在新大陆的生活却有更多值得揭示的地方。作为第一个访问殖民地美洲的英国王室成员,这位16岁的王子处在一个混乱但重要的两分体的交汇处:对于保皇派来说,王子定义了君主制援助的梦想如何与殖民地美洲王室影响力下降的现实发生冲突,而爱国者也利用他来维护他们对共和自由的幻想,同时痛斥英国汉诺威君主制的缺点。最终,威廉王子在殖民地美洲的出现既让人困惑,也让人明白,当13个殖民地的君主统治逐渐被同样混乱的美国共和主义观念所取代时,迫使所有相关各方面对革命的混乱。
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引用次数: 0
“France takes Possession of the West”: The Council at Sault Ste-Marie, 1671 “法国占领西部”:苏圣玛丽会议,1671年
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0008
A. Greer
abstract:By a ceremony of prise de possession held at Sault Ste-Marie in June 1671, a subdelegate of the intendant named Daumont de St-Lusson formally laid claim to the North American interior for France. This incident is frequently cited in early American literature and consistently misunderstood. Though he purported to act in the name of Louis XIV, St-Lusson was actually engaged in a somewhat shady fur trading operation, in defiance of the governor of New France and against the wishes of imperial authorities. The general impulse to expand into the west came from Canadian traders, missionaries, and colonial officials; and the specific origins of St-Lusson’s expedition lay in a competition for spoils pitting the governor against the intendant. “France” as embodied by the king and his naval minister, Jean-Baptiste Colbert, sought to consolidate its hold on the St. Lawrence Valley, avoiding any spatial dispersal of efforts. This article demonstrates that “the French” did not form a monolith with a unified, centrally directed approach to colonialism. Instead, the Sault Ste-Marie case illustrates the complex dynamics of imperial expansion, which typically involves metropolitan governments, colonists on the periphery, and Indigenous peoples, all pursuing divergent interests in fluid circumstances.
1671年6月,在苏圣玛丽举行了一场所有权授予仪式,一位名叫多蒙·德·圣·吕松的副代表正式宣布法国对北美内陆地区拥有主权。这一事件在早期美国文学中经常被引用,却一直被误解。虽然他声称以路易十四的名义行事,但实际上,圣吕松不顾新法兰西总督和帝国当局的意愿,从事了一项多少有些阴暗的毛皮贸易活动。向西部扩张的普遍动力来自加拿大商人、传教士和殖民地官员;圣吕松远征的具体起源在于总督和总督争夺战利品。以国王和海军大臣让-巴蒂斯特·科尔伯特(Jean-Baptiste Colbert)为代表的“法国”试图巩固其对圣劳伦斯山谷的控制,避免在空间上分散力量。这篇文章表明,“法国人”并没有形成一个统一的、中央指导的殖民主义方法。相反,苏圣玛丽的案例说明了帝国扩张的复杂动态,这通常涉及到大都市政府、边缘的殖民者和土著人民,他们都在不断变化的环境中追求不同的利益。
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引用次数: 0
“The Fishes Life”: Social and Physical Liminality in Mather’s The Fisher-mans Calling “鱼的生活”:马瑟的《渔夫的呼唤》中的社会和身体的阈限
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0009
Daniel K. S. Walden
abstract:The majority of early English settlements in America were by definition coastal, but critical attention on Puritans and the environment has largely focused on the terrestrial landscape. While recent interventions have argued for an oceanic focus, such a reorientation remains blind to the unique influences of coastal environments and the cultural conflicts that happened there. Drawing largely on Cotton Mather’s maritime sermons written between 1704 and 1726, with particular emphasis on The Fisher-mans Calling (1711), this essay argues that early New England Puritan communities had a nuanced and difficult relationship to the liminal coastal, environmental, and sociocultural worlds around them. The cultural conflict, in particular, is best represented by fishermen as a distinct subset of the local population. Unlike merchant mariners and deepwater sailors, fishermen were often local citizens who consistently bridged the gap between maritime and terrestrial worlds. They were themselves liminal figures who presented unique problems around community inclusion for civic and ecclesiastic leaders. Understanding the problems fishermen posed for Puritan community leaders offers new insights into the ways environment and culture interacted in early America.
根据定义,早期英国人在美洲的大部分定居点都位于沿海地区,但对清教徒和环境的批判性关注主要集中在陆地景观上。虽然最近的干预措施主张以海洋为重点,但这种重新定位仍然忽视了沿海环境的独特影响和发生在那里的文化冲突。本文主要借鉴了科顿·马瑟(Cotton Mather)在1704年至1726年间撰写的海上布道,特别强调了《渔夫的呼唤》(The Fisher-mans Calling, 1711),认为早期新英格兰清教徒社区与周围的沿海、环境和社会文化世界有着微妙而艰难的关系。作为当地人口的一个独特子集,渔民最能代表这种文化冲突。与商船水手和深水水手不同,渔民往往是当地公民,他们始终如一地弥合了海洋和陆地世界之间的鸿沟。他们本身就是有限的人物,他们在社区包容方面为公民和教会领袖提出了独特的问题。了解渔民给清教徒社区领袖带来的问题,可以让我们对早期美国环境和文化的互动方式有新的认识。
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引用次数: 0
Sintsincks to Sing Sing: Empire, the War of 1812, and the Transformation of U.S. Prisons 从辛辛监狱到新新监狱:帝国、1812年战争和美国监狱的改造
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0012
Lee Bernstein
abstract:In the 1820s, incarcerated workers constructed Sing Sing Prison between the Hudson River and a limestone quarry. The prison’s name evoked the site’s legacy of conquest and colonization, while the War of 1812 served as a catalyst for large prisons like Sing Sing where confinement would be shaped by labor, violence, and coercion. During the war, both the British and the United States held captives in large prison complexes in North America and England. Initially envisioned as humane alternatives to earlier prison ships, British and U.S. military prisons soon became sites of intimidation and violence. Soon after, the cultural memory of the war helped reshape the meaning and experience of incarceration at Sing Sing. This led prison advocates, including veterans of the war, to reject the religious idealism of earlier prison advocates without rejecting prisons altogether.
19世纪20年代,被监禁的工人在哈德逊河和一个石灰岩采石场之间建造了新新监狱。监狱的名字让人想起了这里的征服和殖民遗产,而1812年的战争则成为了新新监狱这样的大型监狱的催化剂,在那里,监禁将被劳动、暴力和胁迫所塑造。在战争期间,英国和美国都把俘虏关押在北美和英国的大型监狱里。英国和美国的军事监狱最初被设想为早期监狱船的人道替代品,但很快就变成了恐吓和暴力的场所。不久之后,战争的文化记忆帮助重塑了在新新监狱监禁的意义和经历。这导致包括战争老兵在内的监狱倡导者在不完全反对监狱的情况下,拒绝了早期监狱倡导者的宗教理想主义。
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引用次数: 0
“I Hear that God Saith Work”: Wunnampuhtogig and Puritans Laboring for Grace in Massachusetts, 1643–1653 “我听说上帝说工作”:1643年至1653年,马萨诸塞州的乌纳姆普托格和清教徒为恩典而工作
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0007
S. Pawlicki
abstract:“ ‘I Hear that God Saith Work’: Wunnampuhtogig and Puritans Laboring for Grace in Massachusetts, 1643–1653,” details how beliefs about life after death transformed, and were transformed by, labor practices for both wunnampuhtogig (“praying Indians”) and English colonizers as they navigated the fraught terrain of seventeenth-century colonial encounters. This article argues that beliefs about the afterlife and those about labor were mutually constitutive, building distinctive and sometimes paradoxical worldviews for wunnampuhtogig and English alike. Traumas wrought by virulent epidemics among Eastern Algonquian polities catalyzed reassessment of eschatology and labor practices, the two variables appearing profoundly intermeshed in the conversion narratives spoken in Wôpanâak by wunnampuhtogig and translated for English readers across the Atlantic. Epistemological emphasis on the confluence of labor and cosmology was not a foreign imposition, but an engrained element of Eastern Algonquian cultural histories. Labor and eschatology converged in English evangelists’ rhetoric in ways that both reinforced and strained key tenets of Puritan covenantal theology, pointing toward scriptural tensions that preoccupied colonial evangelists. This article examines how religious beliefs about death and afterlives organized, inflected, and recast the labor performed by Indigenous and settler communities in Massachusetts throughout the mid-seventeenth century.
摘要:“‘我听说上帝说工作’:1643-1653年马萨诸塞州的Wunnampuhtogig和清教徒为恩典而劳动”,详细描述了Wunnampuhtogig(“祈祷的印第安人”)和英国殖民者在十七世纪的殖民遭遇中,对死后生活的信仰是如何改变的,又是如何被劳动实践所改变的。这篇文章认为,关于来世的信仰和关于劳动的信仰是相互构成的,为wunnampuhtogig和英语建立了独特的、有时是矛盾的世界观。在东部阿尔冈昆政治中,致命的流行病造成的创伤促进了对末世论和劳动实践的重新评估,这两个变量在wunnampuhtogig在Wôpanâak中讲述的转换叙述中深刻地交织在一起,并被翻译成大西洋两岸的英语读者。认识论强调劳动和宇宙论的融合并不是外来的强加,而是东方阿尔冈琴文化历史的一个根深蒂固的因素。劳动和末世论在英国福音传教士的修辞中融合在一起,既强化了清教圣约神学的关键原则,又使之紧张,指向了殖民地福音传教士所关注的圣经紧张关系。本文考察了关于死亡和来世的宗教信仰是如何组织、影响和重塑整个17世纪中期马萨诸塞州土著和移民社区的劳动的。
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引用次数: 0
General Gage Comes to Salem: Interests, Ideologies, Identities, and Family Alliances Collide on the Eve of the American Revolution 盖奇将军来到塞勒姆:利益、意识形态、身份和家庭联盟在美国革命前夕发生冲突
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0010
R. Morris
abstract:Following the Boston Tea Party and passage of the Port Act, General Thomas Gage, the new royal governor of Massachusetts, moved the seat of government to Salem. Upon his arrival, Gage was greeted by dueling addresses signed by 48 of Salem’s Royalists and 125 of its Whigs. The addresses exhibit contrasting political ideologies; however, the signers’ backgrounds reveal each group embraced views that served its interests. On the one hand, Royalists supported a polity that promoted order, stability, and the rule of law, a system that benefited an interrelated group of old elite families with lucrative kinship ties to the Bay colony’s political establishment led by former Governor Thomas Hutchinson. On the other hand, Whigs demanded a government that protected people’s rights, especially their property rights. This suited artisans, master mariners, and rising merchants determined to preserve meager or recently acquired holdings from Englishmen, whom Salemites asserted had “an interest in laying burthens upon us for their own relief.” The property that Whig signers sought to defend served various purposes. It provided economic security, and it was a source of personal liberty, masculine pride, and a voice in government.
波士顿倾茶事件和港口法案通过后,新上任的马萨诸塞总督托马斯·盖奇将军将政府所在地迁至塞勒姆。盖奇一到,塞勒姆48名保皇党议员和125名辉格党议员发表了措辞激烈的演说,欢迎他的到来。演说表现出截然不同的政治意识形态;然而,签名者的背景表明,每个团体都接受符合其利益的观点。一方面,保皇党支持一种促进秩序、稳定和法治的政体,这种政体有利于与前总督托马斯·哈钦森(Thomas Hutchinson)领导的海湾殖民地政治机构有着密切亲属关系的古老精英家族。另一方面,辉格党要求政府保护人民的权利,特别是他们的财产权。这适合工匠、大师傅和新兴商人,他们决心保留从英国人那里获得的微薄或最近获得的财产,萨勒米人声称,英国人“有兴趣为自己的救济而给我们施加负担”。辉格党签署者试图保护的财产有多种用途。它提供了经济保障,是个人自由、男性自豪感和在政府中发声的源泉。
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引用次数: 0
The Scottish-Chesapeake Tobacco Trade and the Economics of Book Importation 苏格兰-切萨皮克烟草贸易与图书进口经济学
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-02-02 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0006
P. Mogen
abstract:As a range of recent scholarship attests, "the history of the book in America is not a history of American books." This approach has led to a focus on the trans-Atlantic nature of the book trade and the relationships between printers and booksellers in print centers such as London and Edinburgh with retailers in colonial cities such as Philadelphia, Boston, and New York. Still, recent scholarship has not fully addressed a central facet of colonial book trade networks: the history of the book in America is not simply the history of books and the economics of book exchange, but, rather, the history of much larger economic networks that facilitated the circulation of print throughout the colonies, in rural as well as urban areas. This essay explores the impact of one of these larger economic networks, built around tobacco, on the book trade in the colonial Chesapeake. The efforts of Scottish tobacco merchants, in particular, in stocking books created new avenues for print circulation in the Chesapeake and helped serve the needs of a population of readers within the colonial interior. Studying their efforts as booksellers emphasizes the wide range of cultural exchanges that the tobacco trade helped facilitate.
正如最近一系列学术研究所证明的那样,“美国书的历史并不是一部美国书的历史。”这种方法导致人们关注图书贸易的跨大西洋性质,以及伦敦和爱丁堡等印刷中心的印刷商和书商与费城、波士顿和纽约等殖民城市的零售商之间的关系。然而,最近的学术研究并没有完全解决殖民地图书贸易网络的一个核心方面:美国图书的历史不仅仅是书籍的历史和图书交换的经济学,而是更大的经济网络的历史,这些经济网络促进了印刷品在整个殖民地的流通,在农村和城市地区。这篇文章探讨了这些围绕烟草建立的更大的经济网络之一对切萨皮克殖民地图书贸易的影响。苏格兰烟草商人的努力,特别是在储备书籍方面,为切萨皮克的印刷流通创造了新的途径,并帮助满足了殖民地内部读者的需求。研究他们作为书商的努力,可以强调烟草贸易促进了广泛的文化交流。
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引用次数: 0
Theodore Dwight and the Publication of Sarah Kemble Knight's Journal: Establishing Historical Authenticity in the Early United States 西奥多·德怀特与莎拉·肯布尔·奈特期刊的出版:在美国早期建立历史真实性
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-02-02 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0001
Alea Henle
abstract:Nowadays scholars accept Sarah Kemble Knight's authorship of an early eighteenth-century New England travel journal as fact; but when it was first published in 1825, some questioned its authenticity. By 1839 doubts led Massachusetts historian Rev. Joseph B. Felt to describe her as a "fictitious author" even as he included a quote from the journal that "appears to be true." This essay uses a case study of the controversy surrounding Knight's journal to explore how nineteenth-century Americans sought to determine the authenticity of the published works they read. Historians, historical editors, and readers used at least three methods to decide whether a given work was genuine: authority, evidence, and expectations. Theodore Dwight's editorial decisions in presenting the journal deprived it of his authority. While many reviewers accepted the journal, others argued it was a fake based in part upon failure to match their expectations. By midcentury, historians Frances Caulkins and William R. Deane authenticated Knight and the events in her journal through accrual of corroborative evidence. Ideas of historical authenticity shaped the development of modern historical practices and helped determine how editors compiled document collections in the nineteenth century.
萨拉·肯布尔·奈特(Sarah Kemble Knight)撰写了一本18世纪初的新英格兰旅行日记,这一事实如今已被学者们接受;但当它于1825年首次出版时,一些人质疑它的真实性。到1839年,马萨诸塞州历史学家约瑟夫·b·费尔特牧师(Rev. Joseph B. Felt)对她的怀疑导致他将她描述为“虚构的作者”,尽管他引用了一段“似乎是真的”的日记。本文以围绕奈特杂志的争议为例,探讨19世纪美国人如何试图确定他们所阅读的出版作品的真实性。历史学家、历史编辑和读者至少用三种方法来判断一部作品的真伪:权威、证据和期望。西奥多·德怀特在发表期刊时的编辑决定剥夺了他的权威。虽然许多审稿人接受了这篇论文,但也有人认为这篇论文是假的,部分原因是论文没有达到他们的预期。到本世纪中叶,历史学家弗朗西斯·考尔金斯和威廉·r·迪恩通过积累的确凿证据证实了奈特和她日记中的事件。历史真实性的观念塑造了现代历史实践的发展,并帮助确定了19世纪编辑如何编纂文献集。
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引用次数: 0
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Early American Studies-An Interdisciplinary Journal
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