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Connubial Adventurers: Playing the Matrimonial Lottery in British America 婚姻冒险家:在英属美国玩婚姻彩票
IF 0.3 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.0000
Lindsay M. Keiter, Stuart H. Marshall, Thomas Busciglio-Ritter, Gustave Lester, Rachel B. Herrmann
abstract:The connection between marriage and lotteries emerged with the first British state lotteries and persisted throughout the eighteenth century in British America, despite the well-documented rise of companionate marriage. Drawing extensively on newspapers rather than fiction or prescriptive literature, Keiter reveals a deep current of skepticism about these changing ideals. Lottery analogies and satirical lottery schemes circulated widely, showing a shared set of expectations and concerns in the young nation. These tropes emphasized the continued centrality of wealth to marriage while suggesting that marital happiness remained a gamble with unfavorable odds.
婚姻和彩票之间的联系出现在英国第一个国家彩票上,并在整个18世纪的英属美洲持续存在,尽管有充分的证据表明伴侣婚姻的兴起。基特广泛地利用报纸,而不是小说或规范文学,揭示了对这些不断变化的理想的深刻怀疑。彩票类比和讽刺的彩票计划广泛流传,显示了这个年轻国家的共同期望和担忧。这些比喻强调了财富对婚姻的持续中心地位,同时表明婚姻幸福仍然是一场赔率不利的赌博。
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引用次数: 0
Dividing the Carolinas: Indians, Colonists, and Slaves in the Prerevolutionary Boundary Dispute, 1763–1773 划分卡罗来纳:印第安人、殖民者和奴隶在进化前的边界争端,1763-1773
IF 0.3 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.0001
Stuart H. Marshall
abstract:Between 1763 and 1773, North and South Carolina officials intensified their competition over their western backcountry when they attempted to resolve the boundary that had remained in question for decades. Historiography about this boundary has failed to recognize how common people in the Carolinas—Indians, colonists, and slaves—set the terms for the dispute and shaped the geography of early America. This boundary dispute offers a unique comparative glimpse of the Carolinas and exposes their most severe internal divisions—for North Carolina, the widespread Regulator movement that originated in disputes over western land, and for South Carolina, the heightened risk of slave revolts that accompanied the province's development. Catawba Indians occupied a central focus of the dispute, courted as an essential ally by South Carolina, while Cherokees hoped to halt the western expansion of both Carolinas. The boundary dispute determined the future of the diverging Carolinas, particularly in foreshadowing the tensions of state formation that manifested during the American Revolution. Indians, colonists, and slaves claimed their own spaces in between the imaginary lines of imperial power.
1763年至1773年间,北卡罗来纳州和南卡罗来纳州的官员们在试图解决几十年来一直存在问题的边界问题时,加剧了他们对西部偏远地区的竞争。关于这一边界的史学没有认识到卡罗来纳的普通人——印第安人、殖民者和奴隶——是如何为这场争端设定条件,并塑造了早期美国的地理格局的。这一边界争端提供了一个独特的比较卡罗来纳的一瞥,并暴露了他们最严重的内部分歧——对北卡罗来纳来说,广泛的监管运动起源于对西部土地的争端,而对南卡罗来纳来说,随着该省的发展,奴隶起义的风险增加了。卡托巴印第安人占据了争议的中心焦点,南卡罗来纳将其视为重要的盟友,而切罗基人则希望阻止两卡罗来纳的西部扩张。边界争端决定了卡罗来纳的未来,特别是预示了美国革命期间各州形成的紧张局势。印第安人、殖民者和奴隶在帝国权力的想象界线之间要求自己的空间。
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引用次数: 0
The Émigré and the General: Denis Volozan's Portrait of George Washington in an Atlantic Context Émigré和将军:丹尼斯·沃罗赞在大西洋背景下的乔治·华盛顿肖像
IF 0.3 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.0002
Thomas Busciglio-Ritter
abstract:In 1802, the French painter Denis Volozan (1765–1820) completed a posthumous portrait of George Washington commissioned by the legislature of Delaware for its State House in Dover. A recent immigrant to the United States, the artist had relocated to Philadelphia from the island of Saint-Domingue at the height of the Haitian Revolution. Once it was unveiled, however, the painting provoked widespread public dislike. Hidden from view, it was barely saved from destruction in the 1960s. Though the choice to entrust Volozan with such a project may have seemed like poor judgment to contemporary audiences, this article argues that his portrait illustrates the symbolic reinterpretation of Washington by transatlantic French diasporas in North America and the Caribbean, of which the painter was a part. Volozan was familiar with depictions of both European elites and figures of power like Toussaint Louverture, whom he had sketched in 1800. As such, his approach to American political portraiture was a result of greater dynamics of circulation in the Atlantic world. Celebrating a patriotic figure, his Delaware picture was nonetheless shaped by the political and cultural interactions between France, Britain, and the United States at the turn of the nineteenth century.
1802年,法国画家丹尼斯·沃罗赞(Denis Volozan, 1765-1820)受特拉华州议会委托,为位于多佛的州议会大厦完成了一幅乔治·华盛顿的遗像。这位艺术家是最近移民到美国的,在海地革命最激烈的时候,他从圣多明克岛搬到了费城。然而,这幅画一经公开,就引起了公众的广泛反感。它隐藏在人们的视线之外,在20世纪60年代几乎没有被摧毁。尽管在当代观众看来,把这样一个项目委托给沃罗赞似乎是一种糟糕的判断,但这篇文章认为,他的肖像说明了北美和加勒比地区的跨大西洋法国侨民对华盛顿的象征性重新诠释,画家是其中的一部分。沃洛赞对欧洲精英和权力人物的描绘都很熟悉,比如他在1800年画的杜桑·卢维杜尔(Toussaint Louverture)。因此,他对美国政治肖像的描绘是大西洋世界更大的流通动态的结果。作为一个爱国的人物,他的特拉华图景受到了19世纪初法国、英国和美国之间政治和文化互动的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Land, Fur, and Copper: The Union of Settler Colonialism and Industrial Capitalism in the Great Lakes Region, 1815–1842 土地、毛皮和铜:1815-1842年大湖区移民殖民主义和工业资本主义的联合
IF 0.3 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.0003
Gustave Lester
abstract:This article examines the relationship between settler colonialism and the rise of mineral-intensive industrial manufacturing in the United States. Land expropriated from Anishinaabe nations in what is currently the Upper Peninsula of the state of Michigan was one of the largest sources of copper for nineteenth-century U.S. industrial capitalists. The U.S. takeover of mineral-rich Anishinaabe land reflects the early union of settler colonial ambitions for the Great Lakes region with an emerging political economy of national self-sufficiency by way of continental supplies of raw materials typically imported from overseas. After the War of 1812, U.S. officials imagined the transformation of Anishinaabewaki into the material basis of an independent U.S. copper industry. Accordingly, they employed geologists to conduct fieldwork within Indigenous territories to help guide and facilitate the process of treaty making. However, the authority of the United States remained weak where they had little control over commerce and could not depend on the pressures of encroaching settler populations. Only by granting and enforcing a trade monopoly with the American Fur Company were U.S. leaders able to make inroads toward their goals of acquiring territorial control over the raw materials of industrial capitalism and dispossessing the Anishinaabeg.
本文考察了移民殖民主义与美国矿物密集型工业制造业的兴起之间的关系。从阿尼什纳贝族(Anishinaabe)手中征用的土地位于现在的密歇根州上半岛(Upper Peninsula),是19世纪美国工业资本家最大的铜资源之一。美国对矿产丰富的阿尼什纳贝土地的收购反映了早期定居者对大湖地区的殖民野心与新兴的政治经济的结合,即通过大陆供应通常从海外进口的原材料来实现国家自给自足。1812年战争后,美国官员设想将安西纳贝瓦基转变为独立的美国铜工业的物质基础。因此,他们雇用地质学家在土著领土内进行实地考察,以帮助指导和促进条约制定过程。然而,美国的权威仍然很弱,因为他们对商业几乎没有控制,也无法依靠不断入侵的移民人口的压力。只有通过授予和执行与美国毛皮公司的贸易垄断,美国领导人才能实现他们对工业资本主义原材料的领土控制和剥夺阿尼什纳阿贝格人的目标。
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引用次数: 0
Consider the Source: An 1800 Maroon Treaty 来源:1800年的《栗色条约》
IF 0.3 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.0004
Rachel B. Herrmann
abstract:In 1800, an exiled community of Jamaican Maroons migrated from Nova Scotia to the British antislavery colony of Sierra Leone. When they disembarked, Maroon captains met with Sierra Leone Company officials and rapidly negotiated and coauthored a treaty. This treaty is a composite manuscript document scattered throughout the National Archives at Kew (United Kingdom). The diplomatic customs that Maroons and British officials observed at the negotiation—including making speeches, reading script words aloud, and refusing to sign documents—marked the document as a treaty. This essay makes the case that the source is a treaty; explains and contextualizes the negotiation that occurred; and explores the themes of settlement, alliance, and antislavery that changed in Maroon treaties in Jamaica and Sierra Leone in the eighteenth century.
1800年,一个流亡的牙买加黑人社区从新斯科舍省迁移到英国的反奴隶制殖民地塞拉利昂。当他们下船时,“栗色”号的船长们会见了塞拉利昂公司的官员,并迅速谈判并共同起草了一份条约。该条约是一份分散在英国邱园国家档案馆的复合手稿文件。黑人和英国官员在谈判中遵守的外交惯例——包括发表演讲、大声朗读稿子、拒绝签署文件——将这份文件视为一份条约。这篇文章证明了这个来源是一个条约;对发生的谈判进行解释和语境化;并探讨了18世纪牙买加和塞拉利昂的黑人条约所改变的定居、联盟和反奴隶制的主题。
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引用次数: 0
"Brought from the Palenques": Race, Subjecthood, and Warfare in the Seventeenth-Century Caribbean 《从帕伦克带来》:17世纪加勒比地区的种族、主体性和战争
IF 0.3 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0026
C. Schmitt
abstract:This article analyzes the intersection of racial status and subjecthood following the mid-seventeenth-century English invasion of Spanish Jamaica by focusing on the experiences of a group of Spanish Jamaican captives of African descent from the Porus region. By tracing the violent transformation of the Porus captives from individuals with claims to Spanish subjecthood into "slaves," this article shows that the captives did not disappear or die out as historians have assumed; rather, they were forcibly removed. Bridging historiographic and archival divides reveals the alchemy of their erasure both at the time and in modern historical practice. In the end, the forced transportation of the Porus captives from Jamaica underscores the vulnerability of people of African descent in a Caribbean world shaped, if not yet by sugar and slavery, then certainly by enslavement and warfare.
本文通过关注一群来自波尔斯地区的非洲裔西班牙裔牙买加俘虏的经历,分析了17世纪中叶英国入侵西班牙裔牙买加后,种族地位和主体性的交叉。通过追踪波罗斯俘虏从声称拥有西班牙主体性的个人到“奴隶”的暴力转变,这篇文章表明俘虏并没有像历史学家所假设的那样消失或死亡;相反,他们是被强行带走的。弥合史学和档案的分歧揭示了他们在当时和现代历史实践中抹去的炼金术。最后,从牙买加强行运送波尔斯俘虏凸显了非洲人后裔在加勒比世界的脆弱性,如果还没有受到糖和奴隶制的影响,那么肯定受到奴役和战争的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Not "Beyond the line": Reconsidering Law and Power and the Origins of Slavery in England's Empire in the Americas 不“越界”:重新思考美洲英帝国的法律与权力以及奴隶制的起源
IF 0.3 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0022
H. Brewer
abstract:This paper challenges Dunn's framing of the early Caribbean and the emergence of slavery as "beyond the line" of English laws or justice or even social norms. It situates his claims within a longer and more elaborate historiography that portrays slavery as emerging within colonies themselves and via the actions of independent colonists. Then it challenges the assumptions of that framing by investigating the extent of English involvement in their empire, via imperial officials and policies including war and treaties and legal strategizing. Exploring the connections between different colonies amid the early legal and political uncertainty during the first decades of English settlement in the Americas illuminates how and why imperial support for slavery was crucial to its development.
本文对邓恩将早期加勒比地区和奴隶制的出现视为“超出”英国法律或司法甚至社会规范的框架提出了挑战。它将他的主张置于一个更长的、更详尽的史学中,这个史学描述了奴隶制是在殖民地内部出现的,是通过独立殖民者的行动产生的。然后,它通过调查英国人通过帝国官员和政策(包括战争、条约和法律战略)参与帝国的程度,挑战了这种框架的假设。在英国殖民美洲的头几十年里,在早期法律和政治的不确定性中,探索不同殖民地之间的联系,揭示了帝国对奴隶制的支持如何以及为什么对其发展至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
"Corruption of the Air": Yellow Fever and Malaria in the Rise of English Caribbean Slavery “空气的腐败”:黄热病和疟疾在英国加勒比奴隶制的兴起
IF 0.3 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0024
Justin Roberts
abstract:The yellow fever epidemic that struck Barbados in 1647 was a hinge point in the development of English slavery. European newcomers to the tropics were more likely than West Africans to succumb to the effects of both yellow fever and malaria, diseases that originated in Africa and became more prevalent in the Americas with the expansion of the slave trade. The "Africanization" of the Caribbean disease environment after 1647 hastened the transition to slave economies. The impact of the first Barbadian yellow fever epidemic and the spread of yellow fever and falciparum malaria through the sugar islands has been underemphasized in the specialist literature on the rise of slavery in English Caribbean. The change in the disease environment shaped many aspects of slave societies. It played a role in the trajectory of the sugar frontier, in the development of gang labor, in the rise of large integrated planation units, and in colonial debates about the classification and inheritance of slave property.
1647年袭击巴巴多斯的黄热病疫情是英国奴隶制发展的一个转折点。新到热带地区的欧洲人比西非人更容易受到黄热病和疟疾的影响,这两种疾病起源于非洲,随着奴隶贸易的扩大在美洲变得更加普遍。1647年后加勒比海疾病环境的“非洲化”加速了向奴隶经济的过渡。第一次巴巴多斯黄热病流行的影响以及黄热病和恶性疟疾在糖岛的传播在关于英属加勒比地区奴隶制兴起的专业文献中没有得到充分强调。疾病环境的变化塑造了奴隶社会的许多方面。它在糖业前沿的发展轨迹中发挥了作用,在帮派劳动的发展中,在大型综合种植园单位的兴起中,以及在殖民地关于奴隶财产分类和继承的辩论中。
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引用次数: 0
"Plantation," the Public Good, and the Rise of Capitalist Agriculture in the Early Seventeenth-Century Caribbean “种植园”、公共利益和17世纪早期加勒比地区资本主义农业的兴起
IF 0.3 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0021
Paul Musselwhite
abstract:In sixteenth-century English colonialism the term "plantation" had carried entirely public connotations, but through the 1630s and 1640s English Caribbean settlers consciously muddied this definition and applied the term to private, profit-driven landholdings while seeking to retain its public connotations. This article traces the transformation of the term "plantation" in the region and highlights its implications for the ways that English colonists were able to organize and rationalize their exploitation of people and the environment. The article first charts the ways that the public definition of the plantation shaped early settlement. The next two sections consider the circumstances that drove definitional innovation. English settlers in the Antilles chain responded to the imposition of a proprietary property regime by claiming the public status of the plantation for individual estates. Conversely the Providence Island Company's rejection of private landownership led settlers to use the idea of the plantation to define their private stake in the venture. Ultimately the article's final section demonstrates that elite settlers embraced a new hybrid public private definition of the plantation because it offered them a way to legitimize their pursuit of private profit, and it helped to structure and justify their control over bound and enslaved people.
在16世纪的英国殖民主义中,“种植园”一词具有完全的公共内涵,但在17世纪30年代和40年代,英国加勒比定居者有意识地混淆了这一定义,将这一术语应用于私人的、以利润为导向的土地所有权,同时寻求保留其公共内涵。本文追溯了“种植园”一词在该地区的演变,并强调了它对英国殖民者能够组织和合理化他们对人民和环境的剥削的方式的影响。文章首先描绘了公众对种植园的定义对早期定居的影响。接下来的两个部分将考虑驱动定义创新的环境。安的列斯群岛上的英国定居者对私有财产制度的强制要求,以个人庄园的种植园的公共地位作为回应。相反,普罗维登斯岛公司拒绝私人土地所有权,导致定居者使用种植园的概念来定义他们在合资企业中的私人股份。最后,文章的最后一部分表明,精英定居者接受了一种新的公私混合的种植园定义,因为它为他们提供了一种使他们对私人利润的追求合法化的方式,它有助于构建和证明他们对被束缚和奴役的人的控制。
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引用次数: 0
Sugar Planters and Freedom Seekers in Seventeenth-Century London 17世纪伦敦的糖种植园主和自由寻求者
IF 0.3 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2022.0029
S. Newman
abstract:This essay explores the enslaved people brought to London by planters, merchants, and others from Barbados during the later seventeenth and very early eighteenth centuries. The domestic service that most of these enslaved people undertook was a far cry from the horrors of the Middle Passage or the fast-developing sugar plantation labor system emerging in Barbados, and well-dressed enslaved personal attendants may have helped normalize slavery in the eyes of Londoners who saw these Africans as being similar to the city's tens of thousands of white domestic servants. It was slavery nonetheless, and isolated, sometimes manacled, and always just one step away from a return to the Caribbean, the people featured in this essay all attempted to escape from their enslavers. The essay builds from the scant information contained in the newspaper advertisements published by their enslavers, as well as other sources such as parish records to show the determination of the enslaved to secure a measure of freedom, the ways in which Barbadian enslavers sought to strengthen slavery on both sides of the Atlantic, and the creation of the first "runaway slave" newspaper advertisements.
这篇文章探讨了17世纪末和18世纪初被种植园主、商人和其他人从巴巴多斯带到伦敦的奴隶。这些被奴役的人所从事的家政服务与恐怖的中间航道或巴巴多斯迅速发展的甘蔗种植园劳动力体系相去甚远,衣着考究的奴隶贴身侍从可能有助于在伦敦人眼中使奴隶制正常化他们认为这些非洲人就像城市里成千上万的白人佣人一样。尽管如此,这仍然是奴隶制,孤立的,有时戴着手铐,总是离回到加勒比海只有一步之遥,这篇文章中的人们都试图逃离他们的奴隶。这篇文章从报纸上刊登的奴隶广告中所包含的少量信息,以及其他来源,如教区记录,来显示被奴役者获得一定程度的自由的决心,巴巴多斯奴隶试图加强大西洋两岸奴隶制的方式,以及第一个“逃跑奴隶”报纸广告的创作。
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引用次数: 0
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Early American Studies-An Interdisciplinary Journal
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