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Liberty or Death: Patrick Henry, Theatrical Song, and Transatlantic Patriot Politics 自由还是死亡:帕特里克·亨利、戏剧歌曲和跨大西洋爱国者政治
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.a904224
Amy Dunagin
abstract:This “Consider the Source” piece examines the origins of Patrick Henry’s well-known phrase “Give me liberty or give me death!” It suggests that Henry may have borrowed from one of the least elevated of literary contexts: a comedic musical interlude from the London stage. This potential connection both affirms the transatlantic nature of American revolutionary rhetoric and shows that the locus of this rhetorical exchange was socially broad, occurring across “low” as well as elite genres.
这篇“追根溯源”的文章探讨了帕特里克·亨利那句著名的名言“不自由毋宁死”的起源。这表明亨利可能借鉴了一种最不高雅的文学语境:伦敦舞台上的一段喜剧音乐插曲。这种潜在的联系既肯定了美国革命修辞的跨大西洋性质,也表明这种修辞交流的地点是社会广泛的,发生在“低级”和精英体裁之间。
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引用次数: 0
Indian Men and French “Women”: Fragile Masculinity and Fragile Alliances in Colonial Louisiana, 1699–1741 印第安男人和法国“女人”:1699-1741年路易斯安那殖民地脆弱的男子气概和脆弱的联盟
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.a904220
Eric Toups
abstract:Understandings of gender underpinned every encounter between eighteenth-century Indigenous and colonial leaders. They met each other not just as warriors, traders, or diplomats but also as men. Keeping this in mind, this article examines diplomatic discourse between French colonial officials of Louisiana and Choctaw headmen to understand the underlying tensions in their long-standing alliance. This analysis sheds new light on critical decisions made by both the French and Choctaws about their military strategies and their commitments to defending each other. When one studies several flashpoints in their alliance during the Natchez and Chickasaw Wars, French and Choctaw understandings of masculinity and its entanglements with war, status, and alliance come into focus. Because the Choctaws held the upper hand in the relationship, they typically directed how the often-resentful French performed masculinity; frequently the French did so on Choctaw terms.
对性别的理解支撑着18世纪土著和殖民地领导人之间的每一次接触。他们不仅以战士、商人或外交官的身份相遇,而且以男人的身份相遇。考虑到这一点,本文考察了路易斯安那州的法国殖民官员和乔克托族首领之间的外交话语,以了解他们长期联盟中潜在的紧张关系。这一分析揭示了法国人和乔克托人对他们的军事战略和他们相互保护的承诺所做出的关键决定。当一个人研究他们在纳奇兹和奇卡索战争期间的联盟中的几个闪点时,法国人和乔克托人对男子气概的理解及其与战争、地位和联盟的纠缠就会成为焦点。因为乔克托族在这段关系中占了上风,他们通常会指导经常心怀怨恨的法国人如何表现男子气概;法国人经常按照乔克托人的说法这么做。
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引用次数: 0
“A People before Useless”: Ethnic Cleansing in the Wartime Hudson Valley, 1754–1763 “无用之前的民族”:战争时期哈德逊河谷的种族清洗,1754-1763
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.a904222
Tom Arne Midtrød
abstract:This article investigates the issue of ethnic cleansing against Native peoples in early America and the relationship between ethnic cleansing and genocide. It examines the efforts of colonial officials in New York and New Jersey to remove Native groups in the Hudson Valley region during the Seven Years’ War. In an atmosphere of suspicion and animosity, colonial authorities first sought to exert control over local Natives through surveillance and internment in colonial towns. Then, following an outburst of genocidal violence from ordinary colonials, they began to encourage the Natives to leave their homelands, first for refuge among the Mohawk allies of the British and then for Native settlements in the distant Susquehanna country. Cast as an effort at paternalistic protection of vulnerable Natives, the official effort at ethnic cleansing worked in tandem with indiscriminate violence from ordinary colonial, as officials both exploited and exaggerated the genocidal attitudes of the colonial population to encourage Native removal. Though colonial officials abandoned this ethnic cleansing program after the return of peace to the region in 1758, the evidence presented here shows that largely nonviolent efforts at removal or ethnic cleansing cannot easily be disentangled from the threat of genocide or extermination.
本文探讨了美国早期针对原住民的种族清洗问题,以及种族清洗与种族灭绝的关系。它考察了纽约和新泽西的殖民官员在七年战争期间驱逐哈德逊河谷地区土著群体的努力。在怀疑和仇恨的气氛中,殖民当局首先试图通过监视和拘留在殖民地城镇对当地土著人施加控制。然后,在普通殖民地爆发种族灭绝暴力之后,他们开始鼓励土著居民离开家园,首先到英国的莫霍克盟友那里避难,然后到遥远的萨斯奎哈纳国家的土著定居点避难。官方的种族清洗行动表面上是对弱势土著居民的家长式保护,但实际上却与普通殖民地居民不分青红皂白的暴力相辅相成,官员们利用并夸大了殖民地居民的种族灭绝态度,以鼓励对土著居民的驱逐。尽管在1758年该地区恢复和平后,殖民官员放弃了这种种族清洗计划,但本文提供的证据表明,基本上非暴力的驱逐或种族清洗努力无法轻易地与种族灭绝或灭绝的威胁分开。
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引用次数: 0
“Do You Go to New Orleans?”: The Louisiana Purchase, Federalism, and the Contingencies of Empire in the Early U.S. Republic “你去新奥尔良吗?”《路易斯安那购地、联邦制和共和初期帝国的偶然性》
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.a904223
Jacob F. Lee
abstract:This essay examines the planned invasion of New Orleans organized by the United States in late 1803 to enforce the terms of the Louisiana Purchase treaty. This story is a little-known but revealing moment in the history of the Louisiana Purchase and the early U.S. republic, and it demonstrates the varied levels of power and authority the United States depended on to implement its imperial projects. The federal system necessitated cooperation between the Jefferson administration and state governments in Kentucky, Ohio, and Tennessee, all of which were active partners in U.S. empire-building. West of the Appalachian Mountains, however, local conditions shaped the abilities of the states to fulfill Jefferson’s request for troops. By focusing on the intricacies of the federal system as the Jefferson administration attempted to accomplish a single goal of acquiring Louisiana in a narrow window of time, this essay highlights how crucial the contingencies of politics and power on the ground were to the federal system.
本文考察了1803年末美国为执行路易斯安那购买条约的条款而组织的有计划的入侵新奥尔良。这个故事是路易斯安那购地和美国早期共和国历史上一个鲜为人知但具有启示意义的时刻,它展示了美国在实施其帝国计划时所依赖的不同程度的权力和权威。联邦制需要杰斐逊政府与肯塔基州、俄亥俄州和田纳西州的州政府之间的合作,这些州政府都是美国帝国建设的积极伙伴。然而,在阿巴拉契亚山脉以西,当地的条件决定了各州满足杰斐逊增兵要求的能力。杰斐逊政府试图在很短的时间内完成获得路易斯安那州的单一目标,通过关注联邦制度的复杂性,本文强调了当地政治和权力的偶然性对联邦制度的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
“I Hope I Have a Treasure in Heaven, Because My Heart Is There”: Salvation and Damnation in the Conversion Narrative of Patience Boston “我希望我在天堂有宝藏,因为我的心在那里”:耐心波士顿转变叙事中的救赎与诅咒
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.a904221
D. Bottino, Hannah Peterson
abstract:This essay considers the 1738 conversion narrative of Patience Boston, a young Native woman executed for murder in York, Maine, in 1735. Titled A Faithful Narrative of the Wicked Life and Remarkable Conversion of Patience Boston, it contains Patience’s first-person account of her religious experiences while in York’s prison awaiting execution and was edited and published by York’s two ministers, Samuel Moody and his son Joseph. We analyze this text as a composite work of Patience Boston, Samuel Moody, and Joseph Moody, arguing that the evangelical piety of the two ministers resulted in the production of a conversion narrative that challenged colonial New England’s entrenched hierarchies of status in its confident proclamation of Patience’s heavenly salvation. We discuss Patience’s Narrative in comparison to earlier criminal narratives and analyze the role of New England’s Indian wars in shaping Samuel’s and Joseph’s desire to present Patience to the public as the model of a perfect Protestant Indian. We also consider the Narrative as an early exemplar of the piety of the Whitefieldian awakenings of the 1740s, arguing that this style of piety made it possible for Joseph to believe himself likely damned while simultaneously proclaiming Patience’s assured salvation.
本文研究了1738年佩兴斯·波士顿的皈依故事,她是1735年在缅因州约克市因谋杀被处决的年轻土著妇女。这本名为《邪恶生活的忠实叙述和耐心波士顿的非凡转变》的书包含了耐心在约克监狱等待处决时的第一人称宗教经历,由约克的两位牧师塞缪尔·穆迪和他的儿子约瑟夫编辑和出版。我们把这篇文章作为佩兴斯·波士顿、塞缪尔·穆迪和约瑟夫·穆迪的综合作品来分析,认为这两位牧师对福音派的虔诚导致了一种转变叙事的产生,这种叙事挑战了新英格兰殖民地根深蒂固的地位等级制度,自信地宣告佩兴斯的天国救赎。我们将佩兴斯的叙事与早期的犯罪叙事进行比较,并分析新英格兰的印第安战争在塑造塞缪尔和约瑟夫将佩兴斯作为一个完美的新教印第安人的典范呈现给公众的愿望方面所起的作用。我们也认为《叙事》是1740年代怀特菲尔德式觉醒虔诚的早期范例,认为这种虔诚风格使约瑟夫相信自己可能被诅咒,同时宣告佩兴斯的得救。
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引用次数: 0
Jews for Jackson: Isaac Harby, Southern Politics during the Election of 1824, and the Rise of Jacksonian Democracy 犹太人支持杰克逊:艾萨克·哈比,1824年选举期间的南方政治,以及杰克逊民主的兴起
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.0005
Daniel N. Gullotta
Abstract:During the 1824 presidential election, the journalist and southern Jew Isaac Harby of Charleston made his case for Andrew Jackson. Writing under the pseudonym 'Junius,' Harby joined with other pro-Jackson forces and argued that the "Hero of New Orleans" would be the best man to succeed President James Monroe. Though some scholars have commented on the place of Jews within the early Jacksonian coalition, few have explained how and why American Jews united behind "Old Hickory." Harby's political activism mirrors the style and substance of other advocates for Jackson, especially those in the South, but Harby's identity as a southern Jew offers a distinctive case study within early Jacksonian Democratic politics. Although Harby's Jewish identity did not explicitly inform his argument in favor of Jackson, his experience as a southern Jew did influence his support. Harby's anxieties for the future of the American republic reinforced his political convictions. Despite his minority status, Harby shared the same fears and aspirations as his fellow non-Jewish citizens. In the process of supporting Andrew Jackson, Jews like Isaac Harby not only carved out their space in the rise of Jacksonian democracy, but also cooperated in its conception.
摘要:在1824年的总统选举中,查尔斯顿的记者、南方犹太人艾萨克·哈比为安德鲁·杰克逊辩护。哈比以“朱尼厄斯”(Junius)的笔名与其他支持杰克逊的人一起撰文,认为这位“新奥尔良英雄”将是詹姆斯·门罗(James Monroe)总统继任者的最佳人选。虽然一些学者评论了犹太人在早期杰克逊联盟中的地位,但很少有人解释美国犹太人如何以及为什么团结在“老山核桃”背后。哈比的政治激进主义反映了杰克逊的其他支持者的风格和实质,特别是那些在南方的人,但哈比作为南方犹太人的身份为早期杰克逊民主政治提供了一个独特的案例研究。虽然哈比的犹太身份并没有明确说明他支持杰克逊的观点,但他作为南方犹太人的经历确实影响了他对杰克逊的支持。哈比对美国共和国未来的焦虑强化了他的政治信念。尽管哈比是少数民族,但他和其他非犹太公民一样,有着同样的恐惧和渴望。在支持安德鲁·杰克逊的过程中,艾萨克·哈比等犹太人不仅在杰克逊民主主义的兴起中开辟了自己的空间,而且还在杰克逊民主主义的构想中进行了合作。
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引用次数: 0
To Counterfeit Is Death? Money, Print, and Punishment in the Early American Public Sphere 伪造死亡?早期美国公共领域中的金钱、印刷与惩罚
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.0009
Katie A. Moore
Abstract:This article contributes to recent scholarship on early American money by exploring the role of print and the public sphere in making local paper currencies meaningful. In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, elected assemblies and paper money advocates produced currencies, legislation, and discourse to incite belief in paper money and foster confidence in the fiscal promise that underpinned its value. With the spread of the press and the rise of counterfeiting, colonial governments and established printers turned monetary crime into a force of legitimation, distinguishing genuine monetary tokens from their fraudulent counterparts to authenticate "real" paper money. At a time when threats to the monetary system came less from counterfeiters than from political and economic factors, the authorities used the power of the press to legitimate paper as money and to demonstrate stewardship over the market relations paper money shaped. By the mid-eighteenth century, printers were putting variations of the phrase "To Counterfeit Is Death" on colonial currencies and detailing harsh punishments for counterfeiters in their newspapers, rendering colonial state power visible to abstract subjects. The political basis of paper money's value—the power of the purse—was in the process hidden from public view.
摘要:本文通过探讨印刷和公共领域在使当地纸币具有意义方面的作用,为近期关于早期美国货币的学术研究做出了贡献。在17世纪末和18世纪初,选举产生的议会和纸币的倡导者们发行了货币、立法和话语,以煽动人们对纸币的信仰,并培养人们对支撑其价值的财政承诺的信心。随着媒体的传播和伪造的兴起,殖民政府和老牌印刷商把货币犯罪变成了一种合法化的力量,将真正的货币代币与欺诈的代币区分开来,以鉴定“真正的”纸币。在对货币体系的威胁更多来自政治和经济因素而不是造假者的时候,当局利用媒体的力量使纸币作为货币合法化,并展示了对纸币形成的市场关系的管理。到18世纪中期,印刷商在殖民地的货币上印上了“伪造即死”这句话,并在报纸上详细描述了对造假者的严厉惩罚,使殖民国家的权力对抽象的主体可见。纸币价值的政治基础——钱包的力量——在这个过程中被隐藏在公众视野之外。
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引用次数: 0
Utopian Dreams and Untenable Realities: The Georgia Trustees' Failure to Stabilize the Frontier through Foreign Migration 乌托邦的梦想和站不住脚的现实:格鲁吉亚受托人未能通过外国移民稳定边境
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.0007
Adrian Finucane
Abstract:In the 1730s and 1740s, the Trustees of Georgia incorporated a variety of ethnic and religious groups into the colony in order to protect the borderland between the British and Spanish empires in North America. Historians have largely emphasized economic underdevelopment in explaining the decline of the early Georgia settlement, but the neglect of the Trustees in creating connections among these diverse groups remains an understudied factor in the colony's struggles. Georgia officials' improvisational approach to colony-building in the early eighteenth century demonstrates a failed experiment within the British imperial system, and ultimately it did not create a sustainable settlement. Scottish and Irish as well as German-speaking, Jewish, and other settlers increased British-allied presence on the frontier, but in many cases these groups remained linguistically and geographically siloed. A reading of the Trustees' plans and the correspondence of their representatives in the southeast demonstrates a lack of planning for coordinating and integrating these communities that paradoxically made the colony more fractured, and thus less secure and effective in defending against Spanish spies and military threats. The difficulties of populating this contested borderland proved too complex for the Trustees.
摘要:在18世纪30年代和40年代,为了保护英国和西班牙帝国在北美的边界,格鲁吉亚受托人将各种种族和宗教团体纳入殖民地。历史学家在解释早期乔治亚殖民地的衰落时,主要强调经济不发达,但在建立这些不同群体之间的联系方面,受托人的疏忽仍然是殖民地斗争中一个未被充分研究的因素。格鲁吉亚官员在18世纪早期临时建立殖民地的做法表明,在大英帝国制度下,这是一次失败的实验,最终没有创造一个可持续的定居点。苏格兰人、爱尔兰人、讲德语的人、犹太人和其他移民增加了与英国结盟的人在边境的存在,但在许多情况下,这些群体在语言和地理上仍然是孤立的。对受托人的计划和他们在东南部代表的通信的阅读表明,缺乏协调和整合这些社区的计划,这自相矛盾地使殖民地更加分裂,从而在防御西班牙间谍和军事威胁方面缺乏安全和有效。对于受托人来说,在这片有争议的边境地区定居的困难太复杂了。
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引用次数: 0
"Canoes of Great Swiftness": Rivercraft and War in the Northeast “大捷的独木舟”:东北的河工与战争
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.0008
Zachary M. Bennett
Abstract:The Wabanakis of northern New England were much more successful than their Algonquian peers in resisting the advance of settler colonialism into their homeland. This article argues that the key to that success was the birchbark canoe; a technology that gave Wabanakis a decisive military advantage during several conflicts with the British Empire. The incredibly light weight birchbark canoe allowed Wabanakis to portage around New England's many waterfalls and across the region's many river valleys with relative ease. Although Europeans admired the birchbark canoe, they failed to reproduce that technology for their own use. The article also explores how colonists such as Benjamin Church vainly attempted to adapt whaleboats in order to match the sophistication of indigenous nautical technology. This piece troubles the assumption of European technological superiority in their interactions with Native Americans. It also points to the importance of waterways and the nature of transportation in understanding how historical subjects conceived space and experienced encounters in colonial America.
摘要:新英格兰北部的瓦巴纳基斯人(Wabanakis)比他们的阿尔冈昆人(Algonquian)更成功地抵制了殖民主义的入侵。这篇文章认为,成功的关键是桦树皮独木舟;这项技术让瓦巴纳基斯在与大英帝国的几次冲突中获得了决定性的军事优势。这艘重量轻得令人难以置信的桦树皮独木舟使瓦巴纳基斯能够相对轻松地绕过新英格兰的许多瀑布,穿越该地区的许多河谷。尽管欧洲人很欣赏桦树皮独木舟,但他们没能复制这种技术为自己所用。这篇文章还探讨了像本杰明·丘奇这样的殖民者是如何徒劳地试图改造捕鲸船,以适应当地先进的航海技术的。这篇文章质疑了欧洲人在与印第安人的互动中具有技术优势的假设。它还指出了水路和交通的本质在理解历史主体如何在殖民时期的美国构想空间和经历遭遇方面的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Texas or Territory? Borderlands Separatism and Postwar Politics in the Trans-Nueces, 1848–1850 德克萨斯还是领土?1848-1850年,跨nueces的边疆分离主义与战后政治
IF 0.3 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eam.2023.0006
Bobby Cervantes
Abstract:This article historicizes an effort by South Texas businessmen in the late 1840s to secede from the State of Texas and to create a new federal territory to protect their landholdings between the Nueces River and the Rio Grande. Their pursuit centered on the trans-Nueces region, as the land between the two rivers was called, but it also tapped into broader political hostilities in the antebellum United States. In particular, the South Texans' territorial petition arrived in Congress as slavery's proponents and opponents fought bitterly over the institution's role in national life. Further, calls for a trans-Nueces territory represented a crisis for the United States and Texas in the immediate aftermath of the Mexican-American War. In effect, the South Texas separatists pitted both powers against each other, warning Congress that the Texas Legislature was on the verge of confiscating their lands and pleading with the federal government to step in. By simultaneously introducing the territory issue in Congress and agitating state lawmakers in Austin, the trans-Nueces entrepreneurs forced open a new path toward resolution that provoked the Texas government to act, eventually creating a commission that swiftly endorsed the men's land titles in the region. The territorial campaign was a borderlands response to the post-1848 land tenure arrangement that the businessmen saw as a threat to their economic power. Overall, the episode reveals the dimensions and lasting power of local negotiations in national histories.
摘要:本文记录了19世纪40年代末南德克萨斯商人从德克萨斯州分离出来,建立一个新的联邦领土,以保护他们在纽埃斯河和里约热内卢格兰德河之间的土地所有权的历史。他们的追求主要集中在跨纽埃塞斯地区,这是两条河流之间的土地的名称,但它也触及了内战前美国更广泛的政治敌对。特别是,南德克萨斯人的领土请愿书到达国会时,奴隶制的支持者和反对者正在就该制度在国家生活中的作用进行激烈的斗争。此外,在美墨战争结束后,要求跨纽埃西斯领土的呼声对美国和德克萨斯州来说是一种危机。实际上,南德克萨斯的分离主义者让两种权力相互对立,他们警告国会,德克萨斯立法机构即将没收他们的土地,并恳求联邦政府介入。通过同时向国会提出领土问题,并激怒奥斯汀的州议员,跨纽埃克企业家迫使德州政府采取行动,最终成立了一个委员会,迅速批准了这些人在该地区的土地所有权。领土运动是对1848年后的土地所有权安排的回应,商人们认为这是对他们经济实力的威胁。总的来说,这一事件揭示了国家历史上地方谈判的规模和持久力量。
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引用次数: 0
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Early American Studies-An Interdisciplinary Journal
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