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Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas最新文献

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Remaking Radicalism: A Grassroots Documentary Reader of the United States, 1973–2001 ed. by Dan Berger and Emily K. Hobson (review) 《重塑激进主义:1973-2001年美国基层纪实读者》丹·伯杰、艾米丽·k·霍布森主编
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10032519
A. Orleck
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引用次数: 1
The Southern Key: Class, Race, and Radicalism in the 1930s and 1940s by Michael Goldfield (review) 《南方的钥匙:20世纪30年代和40年代的阶级、种族和激进主义》,作者:迈克尔·戈德菲尔德
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10032491
E. Arnesen
Labor: Studies in Working-Class History, Volume 19, Issue 4 © 2022 by Labor and Working-Class History Association Goldin crafts a progress narrative in which each cohort sought to overcome earlier constraints. Technological determinism pervades her analysis, with opportunities expanded from changes in household appliances, commodification of housework, and enhanced reproductive technologies. Finishing this study during the COVID19 pandemic, Goldin asks that we “make certain that they [women] do not sacrifice their jobs because of care issues and that they do not sacrifice their caregiving for their jobs” (222). She passes “the baton” to men: “to lean out at work, support their male colleagues who are on parental leave, vote for public policies that subsidize childcare, and get their firms to change their greedy ways” (18, 235). Such reforms may increase equity for the betteroff, but are unlikely to upend larger inequalities.
劳动:工人阶级历史研究,第19卷,第4期©2022由劳动和工人阶级历史协会Goldin制作了一个进步叙事,其中每个队列都试图克服早期的限制。她的分析中弥漫着技术决定论,家用电器的变化、家务劳动的商品化和生殖技术的提高扩大了机会。戈尔丁在covid - 19大流行期间完成了这项研究,她要求我们“确保她们(女性)不会因为护理问题而牺牲工作,也不会为了工作而牺牲照顾”(222)。她把“接力棒”交给了男性:“在工作中努力工作,支持请育儿假的男同事,投票支持补贴儿童保育的公共政策,并让他们的公司改变贪婪的方式”(18,235)。这些改革可能会增加富人的公平,但不太可能扭转更大的不平等。
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引用次数: 0
The Road to Blair Mountain: Saving a Mine Wars Battlefield from King Coal by Charles B. Kenney (review) 《通往布莱尔山的路:从煤王手中拯救矿战战场》作者:查尔斯·b·肯尼(书评)
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10032562
W. Gorby
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引用次数: 0
Love's Next Meeting: The Forgotten History of Homosexuality and the Left in American Culture by Aaron Lecklider (review) 《爱的下一次相遇:同性恋和美国文化中被遗忘的历史》作者:亚伦·莱克莱德
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10032576
Anne Balay
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引用次数: 0
Rebel Imaginaries: Labor, Culture, and Politics in Depression-Era California by Elizabeth E. Sine (review) 《反叛的想象:大萧条时期加利福尼亚的劳动、文化和政治》伊丽莎白·e·西内著(书评)
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-9795278
D. Struthers
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引用次数: 0
Murder in the Garment District: The Grip of Organized Crime and the Decline of Labor in the United States by David Witwer and Catherine Rios (review) 《服装区的谋杀:美国有组织犯罪的控制和劳动力的衰退》,作者:大卫·维特尔、凯瑟琳·里奥斯
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-9795320
D. Haverty-Stacke
Labor: Studies in Working-Class History, Volume 19, Issue 3 © 2022 by Labor and Working-Class History Association broader narrative of entitlement. The crux of Trollinger’s argument is that, well before the Great Depression, workers in settlement houses located in immigrant workingclass neighborhoods of Chicago had come to the conclusion that “unemployment was an unavoidable side effect of the American economic system, one that industrial and political leaders had thus far not dealt with” (30). As a result, they believed that “relief was the right (albeit temporary) of men victimized by industrial confusion,” and proposed reforms to poor relief systems (substituting cash relief for grocery orders, allowing relief to be spent on rent) and adoption of unemployment insurance as a matter of “workers’ right” (23, 76, 91). Thus, when the New Deal arrived on the scene, it found a social movement of settlement workers and their clients already primed to put their weight behind (and pressure) FERA and the Social Security Administration. Where Trollinger somewhat overextends her argument is presenting this narrative of entitlement as unique to settlement workers. In Public Relief (1940), former FERA and Works Progress Administration (WPA) staffer Josephine Brown wrote about a new “democratic philosophy of relief” animating professional social workers from the 1920s on that similarly centered around the idea that unemployment was not a personal failing but a systemic flaw in the economy and that unemployed workers were entitled to government support (especially in the direct provision of jobs). This spirit, Brown argued, animated not only local relief officers but also FERA, Civil Works Administration, and WPA administrators under Roosevelt. Likewise, James J. Lorence’s and Chad Allen Goldberg’s work on unemployed workers’ groups in the Great Depression has found evidence of similar ideological shifts inspired by Popular Front groups not affiliated with settlement workers. Trollinger’s work would seem to be a valuable addition to the literature on how a shift in thinking on entitlement swept through many different groups during the Great Depression.
劳动:工人阶级历史研究,第19卷,第3期©2022,由劳动和工人阶级历史协会更广泛的权利叙事。特罗林格论证的关键在于,早在大萧条之前,居住在芝加哥移民工人阶级社区的工人们就已经得出了这样的结论:“失业是美国经济体系不可避免的副作用,是工业和政治领导人迄今为止没有处理过的问题”(30)。因此,他们认为“救济是工业混乱受害者的权利(尽管是暂时的)”,并建议改革贫困救济制度(以现金救济代替杂货订单,允许救济用于租金),并采用失业保险作为“工人的权利”(23,76,91)。因此,当新政到来时,它发现一场由安置工人和他们的客户组成的社会运动已经准备好支持(和施压)联邦资源管理局和社会保障局。特罗林格把这种权利叙述作为安置工人独有的,这在某种程度上夸大了她的论点。在1940年出版的《公共救济》一书中,前联邦经济评估局和公共事业振兴署(WPA)职员约瑟芬·布朗(Josephine Brown)写了一种新的“民主救济哲学”,激励了20世纪20年代的专业社会工作者,这种哲学同样围绕着失业不是个人失败,而是经济中的系统性缺陷这一观点,失业工人有权得到政府的支持(特别是直接提供工作)。布朗认为,这种精神不仅鼓舞了当地的救灾官员,也鼓舞了罗斯福领导下的联邦资源管理局、土木工程管理局和水利工程管理局的官员。同样,詹姆斯·j·劳伦斯和查德·艾伦·戈德堡对大萧条时期失业工人团体的研究也发现了类似的意识形态转变的证据,这些转变是由与定居工人无关的人民阵线组织激发的。特罗林格的工作似乎是对大萧条时期许多不同群体对权利观念转变的文献的宝贵补充。
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引用次数: 0
What Does the Growth of Media Unions Mean for the Broader Labor Movement? 媒体工会的发展对更广泛的劳工运动意味着什么?
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-9795040
D. Jamieson
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引用次数: 0
Not Made by Slaves: Ethical Capitalism in the Age of Abolition by Bronwen Everill (review) 《非奴隶制造:废奴时代的伦理资本主义》作者:布朗文·埃弗里尔(书评)
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-9795138
C. Faulkner
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引用次数: 0
Class Politics and the Filmmaker's Craft in Mike Leigh's Peterloo 迈克·李的《彼得路》中的阶级政治和电影制作人的技巧
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-9794984
Richard F. Wells
Abstract:This essay offers a close examination of director Mike Leigh's Peterloo, which recounts the struggle for parliamentary reform in Great Britain between the battle of Waterloo and the Peterloo massacre of 1819. Peterloo succeeds, the essay contends, because of Leigh's approach to the craft of filmmaking. If we take Peterloo on its own terms, that is, with an understanding of the unique form of creative labor that went into it, we get a better sense of what we can learn from it, about class politics, about power, about the complicated and difficult formation of democratic movements such as that which brought those many thousands to St. Peter's Field in 1819.
摘要:本文对导演迈克·利的《彼得卢》进行了细致的考察,该片讲述了滑铁卢战役至1819年彼得卢大屠杀期间英国为议会改革而进行的斗争。这篇文章认为,彼得卢之所以成功,是因为李对电影制作工艺的处理方法。如果我们从彼得路的角度来看,也就是说,理解其中独特的创造性劳动形式,我们就能更好地理解我们可以从中学到什么,关于阶级政治,关于权力,关于民主运动的复杂而艰难的形成,比如1819年将成千上万的人带到圣彼得广场的民主运动。
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引用次数: 0
Riot, Strike, Riot: The New Era of Uprisings by Joshua Clover (review) 《暴动,罢工,暴动:起义的新时代》作者:约书亚·克洛弗(书评)
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-9795096
E. Loomis
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引用次数: 0
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Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas
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