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Remaking Radicalism: A Grassroots Documentary Reader of the United States, 1973–2001 ed. by Dan Berger and Emily K. Hobson (review) 《重塑激进主义:1973-2001年美国基层纪实读者》丹·伯杰、艾米丽·k·霍布森主编
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10032519
A. Orleck
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引用次数: 1
The Angel in the Marketplace: Adwoman Jean Wade Rindlaub and the Selling of America by Ellen Wayland-Smith (review) 《市场上的天使:广告女吉恩·韦德·林德劳布与推销美国》艾伦·韦兰-史密斯著(书评)
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10032632
Tracey A Deutsch
Labor: Studies in Working-Class History, Volume 19, Issue 4 © 2022 by Labor and Working-Class History Association which was a longstanding “nonissue” of labor under state socialism (338). Anca Glont’s essay returns to the global significance of labor in Eastern European state socialism, suggesting “ways in which socialism’s border was not an Iron Curtain, but rather a permeable network that drew from and fed into global networks” (440). It is surprising, however, that this finding did not lead to the inclusion of the Soviet Union in this volume. Obviously, priority was given here to relating statesocialist workers’ experiences in east central Europe, Yugoslavia, and southeastern Europe in a shared history of work. Overall, this carefully compiled volume combines an impressive amount of sources and wellintroduced case studies with an inspiring research agenda. It creates an impetus for future comparative research on state socialism(s), contemporary history, women’s history, and gender studies. In other words, Labor in StateSocialist Europe, 1945 – 1989: Contributions to a History of Work constitutes essential reading for everyone interested in furthering (not only) an inclusive history of work.
劳动:工人阶级历史研究,第19卷,第4期©2022,由劳动和工人阶级历史协会出版,该协会长期以来一直是国家社会主义下劳动的“非问题”(338)。安卡·格伦特的文章回到了东欧国家社会主义中劳动力的全球意义,提出“社会主义的边界不是铁幕,而是一个从全球网络中汲取并融入全球网络的可渗透网络”(440)。然而,令人惊讶的是,这一发现并没有导致将苏联列入本卷。显然,这里优先考虑的是将中欧东部、南斯拉夫和东南欧的国家社会主义工人的经验与共同的工作历史联系起来。总的来说,这个精心编写的卷结合了一个鼓舞人心的研究议程的来源和良好介绍的案例研究令人印象深刻的数量。它为未来国家社会主义、当代史、妇女史和性别研究的比较研究创造了动力。换句话说,《国家社会主义欧洲的劳工,1945 - 1989:对劳动史的贡献》是每一个对进一步(不仅是)包容性劳动史感兴趣的人的必读读物。
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引用次数: 0
Love's Next Meeting: The Forgotten History of Homosexuality and the Left in American Culture by Aaron Lecklider (review) 《爱的下一次相遇:同性恋和美国文化中被遗忘的历史》作者:亚伦·莱克莱德
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10032576
Anne Balay
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引用次数: 0
The Road to Blair Mountain: Saving a Mine Wars Battlefield from King Coal by Charles B. Kenney (review) 《通往布莱尔山的路:从煤王手中拯救矿战战场》作者:查尔斯·b·肯尼(书评)
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10032562
W. Gorby
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引用次数: 0
Murder in the Garment District: The Grip of Organized Crime and the Decline of Labor in the United States by David Witwer and Catherine Rios (review) 《服装区的谋杀:美国有组织犯罪的控制和劳动力的衰退》,作者:大卫·维特尔、凯瑟琳·里奥斯
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-9795320
D. Haverty-Stacke
Labor: Studies in Working-Class History, Volume 19, Issue 3 © 2022 by Labor and Working-Class History Association broader narrative of entitlement. The crux of Trollinger’s argument is that, well before the Great Depression, workers in settlement houses located in immigrant workingclass neighborhoods of Chicago had come to the conclusion that “unemployment was an unavoidable side effect of the American economic system, one that industrial and political leaders had thus far not dealt with” (30). As a result, they believed that “relief was the right (albeit temporary) of men victimized by industrial confusion,” and proposed reforms to poor relief systems (substituting cash relief for grocery orders, allowing relief to be spent on rent) and adoption of unemployment insurance as a matter of “workers’ right” (23, 76, 91). Thus, when the New Deal arrived on the scene, it found a social movement of settlement workers and their clients already primed to put their weight behind (and pressure) FERA and the Social Security Administration. Where Trollinger somewhat overextends her argument is presenting this narrative of entitlement as unique to settlement workers. In Public Relief (1940), former FERA and Works Progress Administration (WPA) staffer Josephine Brown wrote about a new “democratic philosophy of relief” animating professional social workers from the 1920s on that similarly centered around the idea that unemployment was not a personal failing but a systemic flaw in the economy and that unemployed workers were entitled to government support (especially in the direct provision of jobs). This spirit, Brown argued, animated not only local relief officers but also FERA, Civil Works Administration, and WPA administrators under Roosevelt. Likewise, James J. Lorence’s and Chad Allen Goldberg’s work on unemployed workers’ groups in the Great Depression has found evidence of similar ideological shifts inspired by Popular Front groups not affiliated with settlement workers. Trollinger’s work would seem to be a valuable addition to the literature on how a shift in thinking on entitlement swept through many different groups during the Great Depression.
劳动:工人阶级历史研究,第19卷,第3期©2022,由劳动和工人阶级历史协会更广泛的权利叙事。特罗林格论证的关键在于,早在大萧条之前,居住在芝加哥移民工人阶级社区的工人们就已经得出了这样的结论:“失业是美国经济体系不可避免的副作用,是工业和政治领导人迄今为止没有处理过的问题”(30)。因此,他们认为“救济是工业混乱受害者的权利(尽管是暂时的)”,并建议改革贫困救济制度(以现金救济代替杂货订单,允许救济用于租金),并采用失业保险作为“工人的权利”(23,76,91)。因此,当新政到来时,它发现一场由安置工人和他们的客户组成的社会运动已经准备好支持(和施压)联邦资源管理局和社会保障局。特罗林格把这种权利叙述作为安置工人独有的,这在某种程度上夸大了她的论点。在1940年出版的《公共救济》一书中,前联邦经济评估局和公共事业振兴署(WPA)职员约瑟芬·布朗(Josephine Brown)写了一种新的“民主救济哲学”,激励了20世纪20年代的专业社会工作者,这种哲学同样围绕着失业不是个人失败,而是经济中的系统性缺陷这一观点,失业工人有权得到政府的支持(特别是直接提供工作)。布朗认为,这种精神不仅鼓舞了当地的救灾官员,也鼓舞了罗斯福领导下的联邦资源管理局、土木工程管理局和水利工程管理局的官员。同样,詹姆斯·j·劳伦斯和查德·艾伦·戈德堡对大萧条时期失业工人团体的研究也发现了类似的意识形态转变的证据,这些转变是由与定居工人无关的人民阵线组织激发的。特罗林格的工作似乎是对大萧条时期许多不同群体对权利观念转变的文献的宝贵补充。
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引用次数: 0
Rebel Imaginaries: Labor, Culture, and Politics in Depression-Era California by Elizabeth E. Sine (review) 《反叛的想象:大萧条时期加利福尼亚的劳动、文化和政治》伊丽莎白·e·西内著(书评)
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-9795278
D. Struthers
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引用次数: 0
Not Made by Slaves: Ethical Capitalism in the Age of Abolition by Bronwen Everill (review) 《非奴隶制造:废奴时代的伦理资本主义》作者:布朗文·埃弗里尔(书评)
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-9795138
C. Faulkner
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引用次数: 0
What Does the Growth of Media Unions Mean for the Broader Labor Movement? 媒体工会的发展对更广泛的劳工运动意味着什么?
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-9795040
D. Jamieson
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引用次数: 0
"A Dilatory Stratagem": Taft-Hartley, American Enka, and the Defeat of Organized Labor in the Postwar South “拖延策略”:塔夫脱-哈特利、美国恩卡和战后南方劳工组织的失败
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-9794970
Jennifer Brooks
Abstract:"A Dilatory Stratagem" argues that the national Taft-Hartley Act (1947) emboldened southern employers to use permanent replacement hiring to undermine organized labor and eradicate union locals soon after World War II. Extensive archival research in union records, government documents, and newspapers, as well as oral history interviews conducted with former employees, tells the story of the 1950 strike at the American Enka Rayon plant in Morristown, Tennessee. Although largely unknown, the Enka strike became the subject of national congressional hearings and demonstrated the importance of permanent replacement hiring in management's anti-union toolbox well before the 1970s.
摘要:《拖延战略》认为,二战后不久,美国的《塔夫脱-哈特利法案》(1947年)鼓励南方雇主使用永久性替代招聘来削弱有组织的劳工,并消灭当地的工会。对工会记录、政府文件和报纸的大量档案研究,以及对前雇员进行的口述历史采访,讲述了1950年田纳西州莫里斯敦美国恩卡拉阳工厂罢工的故事。尽管在很大程度上不为人知,但恩卡罢工成为了全国国会听证会的主题,并在20世纪70年代之前就证明了永久性替代招聘在管理层反工会工具箱中的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
"We Fight Anything That Fights the Circus": Unions and Labor Organizing under the Big Top “我们与任何与马戏团斗争的东西作斗争”:大顶下的工会和劳工组织
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-9794956
Andrea Ringer
Abstract:With seasons that often stretched across continents, and a diverse and cosmopolitan group of employees, the circus was a startlingly unique mobile, transient, and global workplace. This article focuses on the significant worker activism in the circus during the late 1930s and early 1940s, particularly as it intersected with labor organizations. In 1938, nearly sixteen hundred laborers with the Ringling Brothers Circus staged a sit-in to protest unfair wages with the help of the AFL. But they were shocked when the circus responded by shutting down for the season, leaving every worker out of a job. The 1938 circus strikes were at the tail end of a long history of negotiations and disputes. These various protests, led by a global workforce of sideshow performers, canvasmen, and high-paid stars from the center ring directly led to the modernization of the circus, along with its subsequent decline. This has larger implications for understanding early globalized workforces and the historic roots of employer responses to demands of a globalized working class.
摘要:马戏团的季节往往跨越大洲,员工群体多样化、国际化,是一个独特的、流动的、短暂的、全球化的工作场所。这篇文章关注的是20世纪30年代末和40年代初马戏团中重要的工人行动主义,特别是当它与劳工组织交叉时。1938年,在劳联的帮助下,近1600名林林兄弟马戏团的工人静坐抗议不公平的工资。但令他们震惊的是,马戏团的回应是在这个季节关闭,让每个工人都失业了。1938年的马戏团罢工是一段漫长的谈判和纠纷历史的尾声。这些由杂耍表演者、表演者和高薪明星组成的全球劳动力领导的各种抗议活动,直接导致了马戏团的现代化,以及随后的衰落。这对于理解早期全球化的劳动力以及雇主对全球化工人阶级的需求作出反应的历史根源具有更大的意义。
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Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas
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