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What We Relearned and Learned from the 2016 Elections: Comment on Gelman and Azari 我们从2016年选举中学到了什么:评论格尔曼和阿扎里
IF 1.6 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, MATHEMATICAL METHODS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/2330443X.2017.1399842
R. Y. Shapiro
How soon we forget, and Gelman and Azari did not mention what baseball legend and language master Yogi Berra would have reminded us regarding the 2016 election polling: (1) “It’s ‘de ja vu’ all over again!” And (2) “...But the similarities are different!” (see Shapiro 2017a). This election hearkened back to the 1936 and especially the 1948 elections in which pollsters—as both pollsters and pundits—demonstrated unadulterated arrogance or hubris. In 1936 the folks atThe LiteraryDigestmagazine flaunted the prediction based on their multiple million ballot straw poll (that had been mailed to their subscribers and names from telephone, car registration and other lists—which had a distinctively upper status bias) that Alfred Landon would defeat President Franklin Roosevelt. The poll had gotten the winner right in every election from 1916 through FDR in 1932, so what could go wrong? Everything, thanks to the political realignment in which lower status voters missed in the straw poll disproportionately broke toward the Democrat Roosevelt. That year the more “scientific” (that is, engaging in something closer, but still far from, probability sampling) pollsters George Gallup, Elmo Roper, and Archibald Crossley predicted an easy Roosevelt victory and put theDigest to shame (it went out of business not long afterward). But Crossley and Gallup—who was then and still is themost famous of the lot—still underestimatedRoosevelt’s vote (60.7%) by fully 7 percentage points (compared to the Digest’s 20 points), and Gallup continued to underestimate Roosevelt’s vote in the next two election. So something was still amiss in the polls. The question of poll accuracy during this time, as the pollsters announced their predictions, got some attention, including calls for congressional investigation of the polls (on this forgotten and not well-remembered point, see especially Fried (2012)
我们很快就忘记了,格尔曼和阿扎里没有提到棒球传奇人物、语言大师约吉·贝拉(Yogi Berra)在谈到2016年的大选投票时可能会提醒我们的话:“这是‘似曾相识’的重现!”(2)“……但相似之处是不同的!(见Shapiro 2017a)。这次选举让人想起了1936年的选举,尤其是1948年的选举,当时的民意测验专家——无论是民意测验专家还是专家——都表现出了十足的傲慢和傲慢。1936年,《文学文摘》(the literarydigest)杂志的人根据他们的数百万张选票(这些选票是通过电话、汽车登记和其他名单邮寄给他们的订户的——这些名单有明显的上流社会偏见),大肆宣扬阿尔弗雷德·兰登将击败富兰克林·罗斯福总统的预测。从1916年到1932年罗斯福总统的每一次选举,民意调查都是正确的,所以还能出什么差错呢?所有的一切,都要感谢在民意测验中错过的地位较低的选民不成比例地向民主党罗斯福倾斜的政治重组。那一年,更“科学”的民意测验专家乔治·盖洛普(George Gallup)、埃尔莫·罗珀(Elmo Roper)和阿奇博尔德·克罗斯利(Archibald Crossley)预测罗斯福将轻松获胜,这让《文摘》感到羞愧(不久之后它就倒闭了)。但克罗斯利和盖洛普(当时和现在都是最有名的)仍然低估了罗斯福的选票(60.7%)整整7个百分点(相比之下,《文摘》的支持率为20个百分点),盖洛普在接下来的两次选举中继续低估了罗斯福的选票。所以民调还是出了问题。在这段时间里,随着民意测验专家宣布他们的预测,民意调查的准确性问题得到了一些关注,包括要求国会调查民意调查(关于这个被遗忘和不太记得的点,特别见弗里德(2012))。
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引用次数: 1
Study of Salary Differentials by Gender and Discipline 性别与学科薪酬差异研究
IF 1.6 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, MATHEMATICAL METHODS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/2330443X.2017.1317223
L. Billard
ABSTRACT Although it is 45 years since legislation made gender discrimination on university campuses illegal, salary inequities continue to exist today. The seminal work in studying the existence of salary inequities is that of the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), by Scott (1977) and Gray (1980). Subsequently, innumerable analyses based on versions of their multiple regression model have been published. Salary is the dependent variable and is modeled to depend on various independent predictor variables such as years employed. Often, indicator terms, for gender and/or discipline are included in the model as independent predicator variables. Unfortunately, many of these studies are not well grounded in basic statistical science. The most glaring omission is the failure to include indicator by predictor interaction terms in the model when required. The present work draws attention to the broader implications of using these models incorrectly, and the difficulties that ensue when they are not built on an appropriate sound statistical framework. Another issue surrounds the inclusion of “tainted” predictor variables that are themselves gender-biased, the most contentious being the (intuitive) choice of rank. Therefore, a brief look at this issue is included; unfortunately, it is shown that rank still today seems to persist as a tainted variable.
摘要尽管立法将大学校园性别歧视定为非法已经45年了,但薪酬不平等现象仍然存在。Scott(1977)和Gray(1980)的美国大学教授协会(AAUP)在研究薪酬不平等的存在方面做了开创性的工作。随后,基于多元回归模型版本的无数分析已经发表。工资是因变量,并根据各种独立的预测变量(如工作年限)进行建模。通常,性别和/或学科的指标术语作为独立的预测变量包含在模型中。不幸的是,这些研究中的许多都没有很好的基础统计科学。最明显的遗漏是在需要时未能在模型中包含逐指标的交互项。本工作提请注意错误使用这些模型的更广泛影响,以及如果这些模型没有建立在适当健全的统计框架上,会带来的困难。另一个问题围绕着包含“污点”预测变量,这些变量本身就有性别偏见,最具争议的是(直观的)排名选择。因此,本文简要介绍了这一问题;不幸的是,研究表明,排名在今天似乎仍然是一个受污染的变量。
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引用次数: 2
Rejoinder: How Special was 2016? 答辩:2016年有多特别?
IF 1.6 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, MATHEMATICAL METHODS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/2330443X.2017.1400298
Julia Azari, A. Gelman
Five responses from leading scholars of American politics have given us a great deal to think about. Several themes emerge from the responses. The first is the challenge of the addressing how relevant the 2016 election will be for understanding the future of American politics. Several of the discussants also challenge our thinking about the role of white working class pundits, and about how political scientists should think about demographics and politics more generally. In the study of comparative politics, the literature on case selection demands that scholars answer the question, “What kind of case is this?” before proceeding; see for example Gerring and Seawright (2008). Looking forward, is the 2016 typical with some unusual features, or will it in retrospect seem unusual? The answer to this question depends on the research question and the variables of interest. As a result, elections scholars may need to think more deeply about the kinds of questions we pursue and the theoretical assumptions we make. However, we must also wait to find out the impact of 2016 on subsequent contests. As we attempt to classify the 2016 election, we are stuck doing some guesswork. Noel urges scholars to ask how an outlier can sharpen our theories. Masket and Victor both pose the question of whether last year’s contest will turn out to have been anomalous or a new normal. Finally, Shapiro asks whether the election was really so unusual after all. These different classifications suggest not just different interpretations, but that the implications of 2016 depend on what the researcher seeks to explain.
美国主要政治学者的五个回答给了我们很多值得思考的东西。从这些回应中可以看出几个主题。第一个挑战是,如何说明2016年大选对理解美国政治的未来有多大意义。几位讨论者还挑战了我们对白人工人阶级专家角色的看法,以及政治科学家应该如何更广泛地思考人口统计学和政治问题。在比较政治学的研究中,关于案例选择的文献要求学者们回答这样一个问题:“这是一个什么样的案例?”,然后再继续;参见Gerring and Seawright(2008)。展望未来,2016年会有一些不寻常的特点吗?还是现在回想起来会觉得不寻常?这个问题的答案取决于研究问题和感兴趣的变量。因此,选举学者可能需要更深入地思考我们所追求的问题和我们所做的理论假设。然而,我们也必须等待2016年对后续比赛的影响。当我们试图对2016年大选进行分类时,我们陷入了一些猜测。诺埃尔敦促学者们思考一个异常值是如何使我们的理论更加敏锐的。马基特和维克多都提出了一个问题:去年的比赛是反常的,还是新常态?最后,夏皮罗问道,这次选举是否真的如此不同寻常。这些不同的分类不仅表明了不同的解释,而且还表明2016年的含义取决于研究人员试图解释的内容。
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引用次数: 0
Superfund Locations and Potential Associations with Cancer Incidence in Florida 超级基金在佛罗里达州的位置及其与癌症发病率的潜在联系
IF 1.6 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, MATHEMATICAL METHODS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/2330443X.2016.1267599
A. Kirpich, E. Leary
ABSTRACT Uncontrolled hazardous wastes sites have the potential to adversely impact human health and damage or disrupt ecological systems and the greater environment. Four decades have passed since the Superfund law was enacted, allowing increased exposure time to these potential health hazards while also allowing advancement of analysis techniques. Florida has the sixth highest number of Superfund sites in the US and, in 2016, Florida was projected to have the second largest number of new cancer cases in the US. We explore statewide cancer incidence in Florida from 1986 to 2010 to determine if differences or associations exist in counties containing Superfund sites compared to counties that do not. To investigate potential environmental associations with cancer incidence; results using spatial and nonspatial mixed models were compared. Using a Poisson–Gamma mixture model, our results provide some evidence of an association between cancer incidence rates and Superfund site hazard levels, as well as proxy measures of water contamination around Superfund sites. In addition, results build upon previously observed gender differences in cancer incidence rates and further indicate spatial differences for cancer incidence. Heterogeneity among cancer incidence rates were observed across Florida with some mild association with Superfund exposure proxies.
未经控制的危险废物场地有可能对人类健康产生不利影响,破坏或破坏生态系统和更大的环境。自从超级基金法颁布以来,已经过去了40年,允许增加接触这些潜在健康危害的时间,同时也允许改进分析技术。佛罗里达州拥有美国第六多的超级基金站点,2016年,佛罗里达州预计将成为美国第二多的新癌症病例。我们研究了1986年至2010年佛罗里达州的全州癌症发病率,以确定在有超级基金场址的县与没有超级基金场址的县之间是否存在差异或关联。调查环境与癌症发病率的潜在关系;使用空间和非空间混合模型的结果进行了比较。使用泊松-伽玛混合模型,我们的结果提供了癌症发病率与超级基金场地危害水平之间关联的一些证据,以及超级基金场地周围水污染的代理措施。此外,研究结果建立在先前观察到的癌症发病率的性别差异基础上,并进一步表明癌症发病率的空间差异。在佛罗里达州观察到癌症发病率的异质性,与超级基金暴露代理有轻微的关联。
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引用次数: 6
What We Learn From Unusual Cases: A Review of Azari and Gelman's “19 Things We Learned From the 2016 Election” 我们从不同寻常的案例中学到了什么:阿扎里和盖尔曼的《我们从2016年大选中学到的19件事》综述
IF 1.6 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, MATHEMATICAL METHODS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/2330443X.2017.1399844
Hans Noel
No one needs to be told that 2016 was an unusual election year. For social science, its strangeness has two implications. First, it is a learning opportunity. Whether we think of 2016 as a highleverage case or as off the equilibriumpath, an unusual case gives perspective that we do not usually get to see. This is the potential that Julia Azari and Andrew Gelman have exploited. Second, however, is that unusual cases are, well, unusual. They are often outliers. They differ onmultiple dimensions, and we may not know why they came about. Lessons from them may not generalize. The election of 2016 was unusual or even unprecedented in so many ways. Not only do we want to be cautious about extrapolation, but the way we learn from outliers is different than the way we learn from typical cases. They can function asmuch as counterfactuals as cases, unless, of course, we think they are harbingers of a new normal. It is notable how many of the things Azari and Gelman note we learned from 2016 were things that at least some social scientists had already articulated. And I would argue that many of the othersmay not be as large as they are portrayed here. Despite the outrageousness of the 2016 election in so many ways, its lessons are mostly modest revisions of well-established work or raising still unanswered questions about less-established work. I think Azari and Gelman would agree. Most of their points comewith caveats that predictmy reactions. I think if we amplify the caveats over the initial points, we get a very different thesis. The 2016 election was a strange one, but one that can be explained fairly well by existing social science theory, once we know the parameters.With this inmind, a few reactions to some of the points raised by A&G.
不用说,2016年是一个不寻常的选举年。对社会科学来说,它的陌生性有两个含义。首先,这是一个学习的机会。无论我们认为2016年是一个高杠杆案例,还是一个偏离均衡路径的案例,一个不寻常的案例给了我们通常看不到的视角。这就是Julia Azari和Andrew Gelman所开发的潜力。其次,不寻常的情况就是不寻常。他们往往是异类。它们在多个维度上不同,我们可能不知道它们为什么会出现。从中吸取的教训可能不能一概而论。2016年的大选在很多方面都不寻常,甚至是前所未有的。我们不仅要谨慎外推,而且我们从异常值中学习的方式与从典型案例中学习的方式也不同。当然,除非我们认为它们预示着一种新常态,否则它们既可以作为反事实的证据,也可以作为案例。值得注意的是,阿扎里和格尔曼指出,我们从2016年学到的东西中,有多少是至少一些社会科学家已经阐明的东西。我想说的是,其他许多人可能没有这里描绘的那么大。尽管2016年的选举在很多方面都令人愤慨,但它的教训主要是对已有的工作进行适度的修改,或者对不太成熟的工作提出了尚未解答的问题。我想阿扎里和格尔曼会同意的。他们的大多数观点都带有预测反应的警告。我认为,如果我们在最初的观点上放大这些警告,我们会得到一个非常不同的论点。2016年的大选是一场奇怪的选举,但一旦我们知道了参数,就可以用现有的社会科学理论很好地解释它。带着这样的想法,我来谈谈对A&G提出的一些观点的一些反应。
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引用次数: 1
Building Capacity for Data-Driven Governance: Creating a New Foundation for Democracy 建设数据驱动型治理的能力:为民主创造新的基础
IF 1.6 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, MATHEMATICAL METHODS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/2330443X.2017.1374897
S. Keller, V. Lancaster, S. Shipp
ABSTRACT Existing data flows at the local level, public and administrative records, geospatial data, social media, and surveys are ubiquitous in our everyday life. The Community Learning Data-Driven Discovery (CLD3) process liberates, integrates, and makes these data available to government leaders and researchers to tell their community's story. These narratives can be used to build an equitable and sustainable social transformation within and across communities to address their most pressing needs. CLD3 is scalable to every city and county across the United States through an existing infrastructure maintained by collaboration between U.S. Public and Land Grant Universities and federal, state, and local governments. The CLD3 process starts with asking local leaders to identify questions they cannot answer and the potential data sources that may provide insights. The data sources are profiled, cleaned, transformed, linked, and translated into a narrative using statistical and geospatial learning along with the communities' collective knowledge. These insights are used to inform policy decisions and to develop, deploy, and evaluate intervention strategies based on scientifically based principles. CLD3 is a continuous, sustainable, and controlled feedback loop.
摘要地方层面的现有数据流、公共和行政记录、地理空间数据、社交媒体和调查在我们的日常生活中无处不在。社区学习数据驱动发现(CLD3)过程解放、整合这些数据,并将其提供给政府领导人和研究人员,以讲述他们社区的故事。这些叙述可用于在社区内部和社区之间建立公平和可持续的社会转型,以满足他们最紧迫的需求。CLD3通过美国公立大学和土地拨款大学与联邦、州和地方政府合作维护的现有基础设施,可扩展到美国的每个城市和县。CLD3流程从要求地方领导人确定他们无法回答的问题以及可能提供见解的潜在数据来源开始。利用统计和地理空间学习以及社区的集体知识,对数据源进行了分析、清理、转换、链接,并将其转化为叙述。这些见解用于为政策决策提供信息,并根据科学原则制定、部署和评估干预策略。CLD3是一个连续的、可持续的、可控的反馈回路。
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引用次数: 11
19 Things We Learned from the 2016 Election 我们从2016年大选中学到的19件事
IF 1.6 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, MATHEMATICAL METHODS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/2330443X.2017.1356775
A. Gelman, Julia Azari
ABSTRACT We can all agree that the presidential election result was a shocker. According to news reports, even the Trump campaign team was stunned to come up a winner. So now seems like a good time to go over various theories floating around in political science and political reporting and see where they stand, now that this turbulent political year has drawn to a close. In the present article, we go through several things that we as political observers and political scientists have learned from the election, and then discuss implications for the future.
摘要我们都同意总统选举的结果令人震惊。据新闻报道,就连特朗普的竞选团队也对获胜感到震惊。因此,现在似乎是回顾政治学和政治报道中流传的各种理论的好时机,看看它们的立场,因为这个动荡的政治年已经结束。在本文中,我们将回顾我们作为政治观察家和政治科学家从选举中学到的几件事,然后讨论对未来的影响。
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引用次数: 29
Response to Azari and Gelman 对Azari和Gelman的回应
IF 1.6 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, MATHEMATICAL METHODS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/2330443X.2017.1399843
S. Masket
Scholars will be analyzing the 2016 presidential election for many years to come, and Julia Azari and Andrew Gelman have done an excellent job laying out many of the important lessons to emerge and...
学者们将在未来的许多年里分析2016年的总统选举,朱莉娅·阿扎里和安德鲁·格尔曼做了一项出色的工作,列出了许多重要的教训,并……
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引用次数: 0
Using Graphical Models to Examine Value-Added Models 使用图形模型检查增值模型
IF 1.6 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, MATHEMATICAL METHODS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/2330443X.2017.1294037
D. Wright
ABSTRACT Value-added models (VAMs) of student test scores are used within education because they are supposed to measure school and teacher effectiveness well. Much research has compared VAM estimates for different models, with different measures (e.g., observation ratings), and in experimental designs. VAMs are considered here from the perspective of graphical models and situations are identified that are problematic for VAMs. If the previous test scores are influenced by variables that also influence the true effectiveness of the school/teacher and there are variables that influence both the previous and current test scores, then the estimates of effectiveness can be poor. Those using VAMs should consider the models that may give rise to their data and evaluate their methods for these models before using the results for high-stakes decisions.
摘要:学生考试成绩的增值模型(VAM)被用于教育,因为它们被认为可以很好地衡量学校和教师的有效性。许多研究比较了不同模型、不同措施(如观察评级)和实验设计中的VAM估计值。这里从图形模型的角度来考虑对赌行为,并确定了对赌行为有问题的情况。如果以前的考试成绩受到影响学校/教师真实有效性的变量的影响,并且存在影响以前和现在的考试成绩的变量,那么对有效性的估计可能很差。使用VAM的人应该考虑可能产生数据的模型,并在将结果用于高风险决策之前评估这些模型的方法。
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引用次数: 3
Expected Labor Force Activity and Retirement Behavior by Age, Gender, and Labor Force History 按年龄、性别和劳动力历史划分的预期劳动力活动和退休行为
IF 1.6 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, MATHEMATICAL METHODS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/2330443X.2017.1358125
James E Ciecka, Gary R. Skoog
ABSTRACT We find and estimate probability mass functions for labor force related random variables. Complete life expectancy (by age, gender, and two years of labor force history) is decomposed into expected years of future labor force activity and inactivity as well as into expected years until final separation from the labor force and expected years in retirement. We also calculate expected age at retirement and expected years in retirement for people who actually retire. Two consecutive years of inactivity, especially in middle age, is a key indicator for both men and women when accounting for future labor force participation and retirement. For example, women (men) who are out of the labor force at age 49 and again out of the labor force at age 50, can expect to be in the labor force seven (eight) fewer years in the future than their counterparts who were in the labor force at ages 49 and 50. In addition, they have expected retirement ages 4.5–5.5 years younger than their active counterparts.
摘要我们发现并估计了劳动力相关随机变量的概率质量函数。完整的预期寿命(按年龄、性别和两年的劳动力历史)被分解为未来劳动力活动和不活动的预期年数,以及最终脱离劳动力的预期年和预期退休年数。我们还计算了实际退休人员的预期退休年龄和预期退休年限。在考虑未来劳动力参与和退休时,连续两年不活动,尤其是在中年,是男性和女性的一个关键指标。例如,49岁时退出劳动力市场,50岁时再次退出劳动力市场的女性(男性),预计未来加入劳动力市场的时间将比49岁和50岁时的同行少七(8)年。此外,他们预计退休年龄比现役同龄人年轻4.5至5.5岁。
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引用次数: 2
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Statistics and Public Policy
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