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The importance of multidisciplinary cooperation and transdisciplinary research for overcoming the crisis of social humanities 多学科合作和跨学科研究对于克服社会人文学科危机的重要性
IF 0.3 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/soc2103526m
Ljubiša Mitrović
We live in an age of the rise of scientific positivism, methodological particularism, and disciplinary chaos. We are witnessing the process of fragmentation of the scientific system, partialization, dehumanization and marginalization of the social sciences. The paper discusses the importance of multidisciplinary and transdisciplinary research for overcoming the crisis of social sciences and humanities. In this context, special emphasis is placed on the importance of improving the practice of integrated studies in the education system at universities; and especially the importance of cooperation between natural / biomedical research and humanities (genetics, ecology, anthropology, demography, philosophy, ethics, history, psychology and sociology).
我们生活在一个科学实证主义、方法论特殊主义和学科混乱兴起的时代。我们正在目睹科学系统的碎片化、社会科学的局部化、非人性化和边缘化的进程。本文论述了多学科和跨学科研究对于克服社会科学和人文科学危机的重要性。在这方面,特别强调在大学教育系统中改进综合研究做法的重要性;特别是自然/生物医学研究与人文学科(遗传学、生态学、人类学、人口学、哲学、伦理学、历史学、心理学和社会学)之间合作的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Political clientelism in Serbian media - the case of the Tanjug news agency 塞尔维亚媒体中的政治庇护主义——以Tanjug通讯社为例
IF 0.3 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/SOC2101072M
Smiljana Milinkov, D. Gruhonjić
The paper problematizes the presence of political clientelism in the media in the Republic of Serbia. The aim of this research is to point out the examples of establishing mechanisms of clientelistic practice in the media, using the News agency Tanjug as an example. Three analytical categories, which are relevant for perceiving the problem of clientelism, have been included: regulatory framework, financial allocations from the state budget and the reporting of the news agency Tanjug. The results of the research show that the illegal functioning, the unsolved ownership issue, non-transparent financing and unprofessional reporting are characteristics of the media work of Tanjug agency. According to the law, the former state agency was scheduled to stop work by the end of 2015. However, Tanjug still, with unclear legal status and significant financial help from the state, publishes information, some of which were proven to be disinformation. The analysis of examples of unobjective and unprofessional reporting points out to the ignoring of public interest, in order to satisfy the particular interest of the governing political structure, which financially makes Tanjug?s functioning possible, in an illegal manner. This case represents a closed circle of interrelationships on the relation politics-economy-media, through which clientelism is defined, using quid pro quo practice.
本文对塞尔维亚共和国媒体中存在的政治庇护主义提出了质疑。本研究的目的是指出在媒体中建立亲信主义实践机制的例子,并以唐汇通讯社为例。已列入与认识庇护主义问题有关的三个分析类别:管理框架、国家预算的财政拨款和Tanjug通讯社的报道。研究结果表明,唐汇社的媒体工作存在着职能违规、所有权问题未解、融资不透明、报道不专业等特点。根据法律规定,原国家机构计划于2015年底停止工作。然而,在法律地位不明确和国家大量财政援助的情况下,唐汇仍然发布信息,其中一些被证明是虚假信息。通过对不客观、不专业的报道实例的分析,指出了为了满足执政政治结构的特殊利益而忽视公共利益,这在经济上使唐壶?以非法的方式运作。这个案例代表了政治-经济-媒体关系中相互关系的封闭圈子,通过这种关系,使用交换条件实践来定义裙带关系。
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引用次数: 0
The impact of intergroup emotions on reconciliation 群体间情绪对和解的影响
IF 0.3 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/SOC2101118J
M. Jevtić
In this article, the author is illustrating the importance of emotions in establishing better intergroup relations. Specifically, intergroup emotions (based on the individual?s identification with the group) have the potential to end, but also to stimulate intergroup conflict. The first part of the article is focused on theoretical foundations of intergroup emotions. In the second part of the article, specific conflict-related emotions are examined, followed by illustrations of emotional regulation models regarding facilitation of intergroup reconciliation. In the end, broader factors that influence intergroup emotions are taken into consideration, with an emphasis on consequences regarding political action.
在这篇文章中,作者正在说明情感在建立更好的群体间关系中的重要性。具体来说,群体间情绪(基于个人?S与群体的认同)有结束的可能,也会刺激群体间的冲突。文章的第一部分着重阐述了群体间情绪的理论基础。在文章的第二部分,研究了具体的冲突相关情绪,随后举例说明了促进群体间和解的情绪调节模型。最后,考虑到影响群体间情绪的更广泛的因素,重点是政治行动的后果。
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引用次数: 0
Why are the institutional injustice and the lack of fairness omnipresent in Serbia? A pragmatic assessment of plural orders of worth 为什么制度上的不公正和缺乏公平在塞尔维亚无处不在?对价值的复数次序的实用评价
IF 0.3 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/soc2102236j
Stefan Janković, Milena Toković
Recent results from Round 9 of the European Social Survey (ESS) indicate that Serbia differs from other European countries in terms of justice and fairness. Whereas the Serbian people?s dissatisfaction relating to unjust income distribution, unfair employment chances and political institutions may not be surprising, these findings still raise a dozen questions. Situated within contemporary discussions on normativity in sociology and survey methodology, this paper aims to reassess the moral grammar of these judgments. By endorsing tenets of pragmatic sociology and its principal aim to recognize the plural modes of valuation and criticism and reflective capacities of social actors to judge and evaluate, this paper develops around few major points. First, we underline how most major approaches to axiology remain stuck in a co-determinist framework, thereby renewing a number of dualisms. Instead, we opt for a relational approach and further present how the theoretical model of Boltanski and Thev?not enables the locating of different assessments of worth. After setting our methodological framework against the ?externalist? epistemology, we explore our key assumption that the above-mentioned high rates come as a problem of a feasible ?truce? between the domestic regime and the civic polity, ruled by proclaimed legality, representativeness and impersonal character. We trace the problem of incorporating multiple arrangements as a problem of generality, by relating these to two layers of information acquired through the ESS. One involves the analysis of the domestic polity covering the household situation in terms of organization and unveiling the specific worth given to care and protection. Another layer is derived from regression analysis which affirms that the absence of fairness in civic polity correlates with a higher degree of worth given to the domestic one, but also that the latter situation depicts a deeper ontological puzzle about making a mild transition to the assumed ?horizontality? of civic matters.
欧洲社会调查(ESS)第9轮最近的结果表明,塞尔维亚在正义和公平方面不同于其他欧洲国家。而塞尔维亚人呢?尽管人们对不公平的收入分配、不公平的就业机会和政治制度的不满可能并不令人惊讶,但这些发现仍然引发了一系列问题。在当代关于社会学和调查方法论的规范性讨论中,本文旨在重新评估这些判断的道德语法。通过赞同实用社会学的原则及其主要目的,即认识到评价和批评的多元模式以及社会行动者判断和评估的反思能力,本文围绕几个要点展开。首先,我们强调价值论的大多数主要方法仍然停留在共同决定论的框架中,从而更新了一些二元论。相反,我们选择了一种关系的方法,并进一步提出了Boltanski和Thev?不允许定位不同的价值评估。在建立了我们的方法论框架来反对“外在主义”之后。在认识论上,我们探讨了我们的关键假设,即上述高比率是一个可行的休战问题。介于国内政权和公民政体之间,由宣告的合法性、代表性和非个人特征所统治。我们通过将多重安排与通过ESS获得的两层信息联系起来,将合并多重安排的问题作为一般性问题来跟踪。一是分析从组织方面涵盖家庭情况的国内政策,并揭示给予照顾和保护的具体价值。另一层来自回归分析,它确认公民政治中公平的缺失与给予国内政治更高程度的价值相关,但后一种情况也描绘了一个更深层次的本体论难题,即如何向假设的“水平”过渡?公民事务。
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引用次数: 0
The university as a community, or the university in a community? From the development of social sciences towards the university’s third mission 是作为社区的大学,还是社区中的大学?从发展社会科学走向大学的第三个使命
IF 0.3 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/soc2103534l
Biljana Lungulov, Aleksej Kišjuhas
This paper begins with a sociohistorical analysis of the university as a specific community of interacting intellectuals, which enabled the creation of an epistemological and institutional core for the development of the social sciences. On the other hand, we critically consider and analyze the contemporary university reforms in Europe, in terms of bringing universities and the social community closer together through the social dimension, as well as the dimensions of entrepreneurship and innovation. This paper aims to investigate the role of the university from its inception as a specific and unique intellectual community, towards its current aspirations to connect and integrate with the wider community. Two research tasks have been defined: the first refers to determining the importance of the interaction among intellectuals within the university for the production of scientific knowledge, while the second task involves analyzing the importance of interaction between the university and the social community through the university?s third mission. The research results indicate that the institutional and interactionist framework for the establishment of the university as an institution that communicates with the wider community was gradually formed through its various roles and reforms in the course of social history. However, we also conclude that the social role of the university has always been relatively complementary to the current third mission requirements, and with the historical development of knowledge concerning human society.
本文首先对大学进行社会历史分析,认为大学是知识分子互动的特定社区,它为社会科学的发展创造了认识论和制度核心。另一方面,我们批判性地思考和分析当代欧洲的大学改革,通过社会维度以及创业和创新维度将大学和社会社区更紧密地联系在一起。本文旨在调查该大学从成立之初作为一个特定而独特的知识分子社区的作用,以及它目前与更广泛的社区联系和整合的愿望。已经确定了两项研究任务:第一项任务是确定大学内知识分子之间的互动对于科学知识生产的重要性,而第二项任务涉及分析大学与社会社区之间通过大学进行互动的重要性。美国的第三次任务。研究结果表明,大学作为一种与更广泛的社区交流的机构,其建立的制度框架和互动框架是通过其在社会历史进程中的各种角色和变革而逐渐形成的。然而,我们也得出结论,大学的社会角色一直相对于当前的第三使命要求,并与人类社会知识的历史发展相辅相成。
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引用次数: 0
Possibility of non-institutional political participation within the non-responsive system of Serbia: The impact of (dis)trust and internal political efficiency 塞尔维亚非回应体系中非体制政治参与的可能性:(不)信任和内部政治效率的影响
IF 0.3 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/soc2102400f
I. Fiket, Gazela Pudar-Drasko
Starting from the findings of previous studies, whose results speak of the distrust of Serbian citizens in political institutions and political actors, low turnout and general passivity and apathy of citizens, the authors deal with the understanding of non-institutional political participation in Serbia. The paper starts from the assumption that the stated indicators pointing to the withdrawal of Serbian citizens from political life do not necessarily represent part of the same phenomenon. Namely, the authors believe that it is necessary to distinguish between the assumptions of institutional and non-institutional civic participation. On the one hand, the authors start from the thesis that high trust in institutions can actually negatively affect the need of citizens to mobilize in order to influence institutions. At the same time, citizens may be inclined to participate in political life through non-institutional channels if they posses a developed sense of internal political efficiency, which is not necessary related to the responsiveness of the political system.
以前的研究结果表明,塞尔维亚公民对政治机构和政治行为者不信任,投票率低,公民普遍被动和冷漠,作者从这些研究结果出发,讨论了对塞尔维亚非机构政治参与的理解。该文件的出发点是这样一种假设,即指出塞尔维亚公民退出政治生活的上述指标并不一定代表同一现象的一部分。也就是说,作者认为有必要区分制度性和非制度性公民参与的假设。一方面,作者从对制度的高度信任实际上会对公民动员以影响制度的需求产生负面影响的论点出发。同时,如果公民具有发达的内部政治效率意识,则可能倾向于通过非制度渠道参与政治生活,这与政治制度的响应性没有必然的关系。
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引用次数: 1
Assertiveness, self-esteem and parental influence (fathers) as factors in high-risk behavior of high school students: The case of Montenegro 自信、自尊和父母影响(父亲)是高中生高危行为的影响因素:以黑山为例
IF 0.3 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/SOC2101050J
Uglješa Janković
This paper examines the significance of the influence that assertiveness, self-esteem, locus of control, and parental behavior have on the forms of risky behaviors among high-school students in Montenegro. The research is based on data obtained from a wider-ranging study, entitled ?Children and Addiction Disorders in Montenegro? (2019). The paper takes the position that assertiveness, self-esteem and locus of control are social skills acquired through observation, and that they carry predictive potential for certain forms of risky behaviors. A survey was conducted on a representative sample of 625 high school students from 25 high schools in Montenegro, with the aim of testing the propensity for risky behaviors. The research also examined the influence that parents have on high school students replicating risky behaviors. Fourteen forms of risky behaviors among high school students were operationalized, and three dependent variables were selected to measure the frequency of occurrence of risky behaviors: soft drugs, hard drugs and betting/gambling. The research gathered data on socio-demographic characteristics of high school students, with the ultimate objective of defining control variables in the procedure of testing the hypotheses. To that end, the paper applies binominal (logistic) regression analysis. The results of the research indicate that assertiveness and self-esteem are strong protective mechanisms in the context of risky behaviors among high school students. The effect of the locus of control was recorded, but at a significantly lower lever than the aforementioned protective factors. Additionally, the research indicates that there is a strong impact of parental behavior (that of the father) on the behavior of high school students.
本文考察了自信、自尊、控制点和父母行为对黑山高中生危险行为形式的影响。这项研究的数据来源于一项更广泛的研究,名为“黑山的儿童和成瘾障碍”。(2019)。这篇论文的立场是,自信、自尊和控制点是通过观察获得的社交技能,它们对某些形式的风险行为具有预测潜力。本文对黑山共和国25所高中的625名高中生的代表性样本进行了一项调查,目的是测试危险行为的倾向。该研究还调查了父母对高中生复制危险行为的影响。对高中生14种危险行为进行操作化,选取软毒品、硬毒品和赌博三个因变量来衡量中学生危险行为的发生频率。该研究收集了高中生社会人口特征的数据,其最终目的是在检验假设的过程中定义控制变量。为此,本文采用了二项(逻辑)回归分析。研究结果表明,自信和自尊是高中生风险行为的重要保护机制。控制点的影响被记录下来,但在一个显著低于上述保护因素的水平。此外,研究表明,父母的行为(父亲的行为)对高中生的行为有很强的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Multiple correspondence analysis as a tool in sociological research 多重对应分析在社会学研究中的应用
IF 0.3 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/SOC2101026M
I. Mladenović
Multiple correspondence analysis is a form of a factorial multivariate data analysis which helps us summarize a large quantity of information with assistance of modern statistical programs. In this way, sociological correlations - which are then visually represented on a two-dimensional graph - are established between a certain number of active and supplementary variables, i.e. between the positions, dispositions and position-takings (French: prises de position) by the analyzed agents. It is a research tool initially introduced by a statistician Jean- Paul Benz?cri in the humanities and social sciences in the 1960s. Since the early 1970s, thanks to Pierre Burdieu, this methodological procedure has become an indispensable instrument in the empirical studies of sociologists who were familiar with structuralist approach in sociology. This paper consists of two main sections. The first one sets out the basic theoretical assumptions and methodological properties of multiple correspondence analysis. The aim of the second section is to give a brief recital of one particular research - i.e. its features and results - in order to get the interested sociological public aquaitned with it?s practicle potentials of this tool.
多重对应分析是多因素数据分析的一种形式,它可以帮助我们在现代统计程序的帮助下总结大量的信息。通过这种方式,社会学相关性-然后在二维图形上直观地表示-在一定数量的活动和补充变量之间建立,即在被分析的代理的位置,倾向和位置占有(法语:prises de position)之间建立。它是一种研究工具,最初是由统计学家Jean- Paul Benz?我在20世纪60年代开始从事人文和社会科学研究。自20世纪70年代初以来,由于皮埃尔·布迪厄(Pierre Burdieu)的贡献,这一方法论程序已成为熟悉社会学结构主义方法的社会学家进行实证研究时不可或缺的工具。本文主要由两个部分组成。第一部分阐述了多重对应分析的基本理论假设和方法性质。第二部分的目的是简要介绍一项特定的研究,即它的特点和结果,以便使感兴趣的社会学公众了解它。这个工具的实际应用潜力。
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引用次数: 0
Break-up of the Yugoslav political elite, 1962-1972 南斯拉夫政治精英的解体,1962-1972
IF 0.3 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/soc2103500f
Sergej Flere, Tibor Rutar
The break-up of the Yugoslav communist elite, which came about in the period 1962-1972, is considered. The break-up came about under the elite?s disappointment due to the failure to achieve economic objectives it set for itself, bringing about internal dubiety and mutual suspicion, the political system moving towards consociation also contributed to fracturing. However, this is not sufficient as explanation. Cultural elites also contributed in the same direction. Economic growth was significant, considering the entire period 1945-1991, but it was always clouded by imbalances. Certain issues and discussions were indicative of the break-up. Political unity and communism was gradually replaced as objective by ?resolving the national question?, also a legitimate Marxist concern. It can be considered that by the break-up, a normalization of elite pattern came about, comparable to elites in the greatest number of European states, although the elites kept on being ?ideocratic?. Whereas elites may have become ?normal?, the functioning of the political system became ever more difficult. The ascending national communist elites never undertook steps at the direct dissolution of the Yugoslav state, although they entered into ceaseless disputes and finally paved the way to ethnic entrepreneurs and counter-elites to implement the dissolution. By the elite break-up a relation between elite and nation similar to the one existing in the great majority of European countries was achieved.
南斯拉夫共产主义精英阶层在1962-1972年间的解体也被考虑在内。分裂发生在精英阶层之下?由于未能实现其为自己设定的经济目标而导致的失望,带来了内部的怀疑和相互怀疑,政治体制走向联合也促成了分裂。然而,这不足以作为解释。文化精英也做出了同样的贡献。考虑到1945-1991年的整个时期,经济增长是显著的,但它总是被不平衡所笼罩。某些问题和讨论预示着分手。政治统一和共产主义逐渐被“解决民族问题”所取代。这也是一个合理的马克思主义问题。可以认为,通过解体,精英模式的正常化出现了,可以与大多数欧洲国家的精英相媲美,尽管精英仍然是“民主的”。而精英们可能已经变得“正常”了?在美国,政治体系的运作变得更加困难。上升的民族共产主义精英从未采取直接解散南斯拉夫国家的步骤,尽管他们陷入了无休止的争端,并最终为民族企业家和反精英铺平了道路,以实施解散。通过精英分裂,精英与国家之间的关系类似于存在于绝大多数欧洲国家的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Political disaffection and disengagement in Serbia 塞尔维亚的政治不满和脱离接触
IF 0.3 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/soc2102355p
Jelena Pešić, Ana Birešev, Tamara Petrovic-Trifunovic
The aim of this paper is to examine the extent of political disaffection and disengagement of Serbian citizens from a comparative European perspective, as well as to explore the relationships between two phenomena and determine the effects of several potential predictors (structural inequalities, gender, generational differences, urban environment, political awareness and competences, national and European identification, and political discontent) on different aspects of political disaffection and disengagement. In order to do so, we have used European Social Survey data (9th round, 2018), and singled out four different subdimensions of political disaffection and disengagement: assessment of responsiveness of the political system (external political efficacy), institutional trust, assessment of individual interest in politics and capabilities to engage in political processes (internal political efficacy), and the level of actual political engagement (political participation). The aim of the paper is to shed light on different systemic, structural and conjunctural factors that may contribute to shaping political attitudes and patterns of actions in contemporary Serbia and pose several theoretical and research questions that need further investigation.
本文的目的是从比较欧洲的角度审视塞尔维亚公民的政治不满和脱离接触的程度,以及探索两种现象之间的关系,并确定几个潜在预测因素的影响(结构不平等、性别、代际差异、城市环境、政治意识和能力、国家和欧洲认同、以及政治不满)政治不满和脱离接触的不同方面。为了做到这一点,我们使用了欧洲社会调查数据(2018年第9轮),并选出了政治不满和脱离的四个不同子维度:政治制度响应性评估(外部政治效能),制度信任,个人政治兴趣和参与政治进程能力评估(内部政治效能),以及实际政治参与水平(政治参与)。本文的目的是阐明可能有助于形成当代塞尔维亚政治态度和行动模式的不同系统、结构和形势因素,并提出一些需要进一步调查的理论和研究问题。
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引用次数: 2
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Sociologija
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