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‘A Woman’s Tongue’: Representations of Gender and Swearing in Australian Legal and Media Discourse “女人的舌头”:澳大利亚法律和媒体话语中的性别和脏话表征
IF 0.5 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13200968.2020.1820747
E. Methven
This article considers historical and contemporary representations of the relationship between gender and swearing in Australian obscene language trials. An examination of language ideologies articulated in media and legal discourse in nineteenth and early twentieth century Australia reveals how swearing by women was often depicted as unladylike, and swearing in the presence of women, considered undesirable. Commonly-articulated ideas about gender and swearing prevalent in this period have become naturalised over time, so that they form part of judicial ‘common sense’ in contemporary offensive language jurisprudence. In addition, the idea that swear words are especially offensive when uttered in the presence of women has functioned to legitimise the criminal punishment of swear words used by Indigenous women towards police. The article argues that there is a need to recognise the presence of gendered language ideologies in discourse, including the role they play in maintaining hierarchies and obscuring cultural differences.
本文考虑了澳大利亚淫秽语言审判中性别与咒骂之间关系的历史和当代表现。对19世纪和20世纪初澳大利亚媒体和法律话语中表达的语言意识形态的研究揭示了女性如何经常被描述为不淑女,在女性面前说脏话被认为是不受欢迎的。在这一时期,关于性别和脏话的普遍观点随着时间的推移而变得自然化,因此它们构成了当代攻击性语言法学中司法“常识”的一部分。此外,在妇女面前说脏话尤其令人反感,这一想法使土著妇女对警察说脏话的刑事处罚合法化。本文认为,有必要认识到话语中存在的性别语言意识形态,包括它们在维护等级制度和掩盖文化差异方面所起的作用。
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引用次数: 2
World-Making Through Market Morality: A Conversation About Human Rights, Neoliberalism and Political Struggle 通过市场道德创造世界:关于人权、新自由主义和政治斗争的对话
IF 0.5 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13200968.2020.1820741
Claerwen O’Hara, Sundhya Pahuja, Valeria Vázquez Guevara, Jessica Whyte
In her 2019 book The Morals of the Market: Human Rights and the Rise of Neoliberalism, Jessica Whyte investigates ‘the historical and conceptual relations between human rights and neoliberalism’. 1...
杰西卡·怀特(Jessica Whyte)在2019年出版的《市场道德:人权与新自由主义的兴起》一书中,调查了“人权与新自由主义之间的历史和概念关系”。1……
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引用次数: 1
Speaking Out Against Violence – For an Embodied Feminist Law Agenda? 公开反对暴力——为了体现女权主义法律议程?
IF 0.5 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13200968.2020.1820752
A. Howe
A discursive, always already Foucauldian approach to the law question has always seemed to me to suffice for critique to have the desired effect of successfully challenging law’s truth. But is it perhaps past time to move beyond discourse analysis and a purely visceral reaction to phallocratic law’s violence and towards what might be called an embodied feminist law agenda? The inquiry takes the form of a journey in search of new, more embodied ways of speaking out against violence against women. It has involved rethinking the relationship between mind and body and the presumptions about them that underlie fluctuations within feminist thought over time between emphasising discourse compared to emphasising bodies and how they impact on feminist praxis.
在我看来,对法律问题的一种散漫的、已经是傅式的方法总是足以让批判产生成功挑战法律真理的预期效果。但是,超越话语分析和对阳具法暴力的纯粹发自内心的反应,走向所谓的具体女权主义法律议程,也许已经过去了吗?调查采取了一种旅程的形式,寻找新的、更具体的方式来公开反对暴力侵害妇女行为。它涉及到重新思考身心之间的关系,以及关于它们的假设,这些假设是女权主义思想随着时间的推移在强调话语与强调身体之间波动的基础,以及它们如何影响女权主义实践。
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引用次数: 0
Legal Theatre: Staging Critique in the Law School 法律剧场:法学院的舞台批判
IF 0.5 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13200968.2020.1821457
Danish Sheikh
This essay describes the conduct of a year-long course titled ‘Legal Theatre: Exploring Gender and Sexuality Law through a Performative Lens’. The course was premised on two questions: How can the theatrical space help us conduct legal critique differently? Flowing from this, how might we use theatre as a lens to explore different futures for gender and sexuality law? Conducted across two semesters, the first half of the course focused on reading theatrical texts alongside resonant judicial decisions, while simultaneously looking at the mechanics of playwriting. In the second half, students were assigned the task of refining and producing a set of three original scripts, dealing with different questions of gender and sexuality law. I provide a detailed account of this course, in the process unfolding the possibilities of holding law as an interdisciplinary and intersectional practice and of deploying legal critique within a generative, world-making mode.
这篇文章描述了一个为期一年的课程,题为“法律戏剧:通过表演镜头探索性别和性法律”。该课程以两个问题为前提:戏剧空间如何帮助我们以不同的方式进行法律批判?有鉴于此,我们如何利用戏剧作为镜头来探索性别和性法律的不同未来?该课程分两个学期进行,前半部分侧重于阅读戏剧文本和引起共鸣的司法判决,同时研究剧本写作的机制。在下半场,学生们被分配了一项任务,即完善和制作一套三个原创剧本,处理性别和性法律的不同问题。我详细介绍了这门课程,在这个过程中,我展示了将法律作为一种跨学科和交叉实践的可能性,以及在一种生成的、创造世界的模式中运用法律批判的可能性。
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引用次数: 1
The Treadmill of Identity: Treading Water, Paddling like a Duck but still in the Same Pond 身份的跑步机:踏水,像鸭子一样划桨,但仍然在同一个池塘里
IF 0.5 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13200968.2020.1805922
S. Gilbert
Examining the history and current state of defining what is an Aborigine in the landscape of Australian political affairs is a chronicle which is long and complex. The interests of Australia’s original peoples in these discussions are also complex and it is proposed here, shaped by notions of strategic essentialisms and exclusion from the modernity project. To understand some of these complexities, it is critical to identify why and by whom definitions of Aboriginality are generated. Placing definition-making within a context of settler-state motivations, a racial analytic and the requirement for testing a legislated ‘Aboriginality’ being placed onto Aboriginal Australian communities themselves, must also be central. Two major arguments are posited here: first, that a legal Aboriginality exists solely for the management of Indigenous populations to their end of Wolfe’s ‘territoriality’ and Razack’s ‘disposability’; and second, that Indigenous Australians – like other Indigenous peoples around the world – are continually forced to speak to legal Aboriginalities which represent almost none of the interests or challenges they face in their struggle for physical and cultural survival.
考察澳大利亚政治事务中定义原住民的历史和现状是一部漫长而复杂的编年史。澳大利亚原住民在这些讨论中的利益也是复杂的,这是由战略本质主义和现代性项目排斥的概念所形成的。要理解其中的一些复杂性,关键是要确定为什么以及由谁来定义原住民。将定义制定放在定居者国家动机的背景下,进行种族分析,并将测试立法“原住民性”的要求放在澳大利亚原住民社区本身,也必须是核心。这里提出了两个主要论点:首先,合法的原住民身份的存在只是为了管理原住民,直到他们结束Wolfe的“属地性”和Razack的“可支配性”;第二,澳大利亚土著人——和世界各地的其他土著人一样——不断被迫与合法的土著人对话,这几乎不代表他们在物质和文化生存斗争中面临的利益或挑战。
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引用次数: 0
The Lives Behind the Statistics: Policing Practices in Aboriginal Literature 统计背后的生活:原住民文学中的警务实践
IF 0.5 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13200968.2020.1800931
Crystal Mckinnon
In contemporary Australia Aboriginal parents, and parents of Aboriginal kids, work to prepare their children for potentially negative encounters with police. Racialised policing practices target and enact state sanctioned violence upon Aboriginal communities. Statistics evidence these practices, with Aboriginal people being over-represented in all aspects of the criminal justice system. This paper explores the stories behind the statistics through a detailed examination of Boori Monty Pryor’s young adult fiction novel Njunjul the Sun. Close reading of this text illustrates how Aboriginal literature can deepen our understanding of social indicators through narrativising the complex and nuanced experiences of police and policing practices, including racist police violence.
在当代澳大利亚,土著父母和土著孩子的父母都在努力让他们的孩子做好与警察潜在负面接触的准备。种族主义的治安做法针对并实施国家批准的针对原住民社区的暴力行为。统计数据证明了这些做法,土著人在刑事司法系统的各个方面都有过多的代表性。本文通过对布里·蒙蒂·普赖尔的青年小说《太阳》的详细考察,探讨了统计数据背后的故事。仔细阅读本文,可以看出原住民文学如何通过讲述警察和警务实践的复杂而微妙的经历,包括种族主义警察暴力,来加深我们对社会指标的理解。
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引用次数: 1
Corrigendum 勘误表
IF 0.5 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13200968.2017.1301765
Corrigendum, B. T. Gowda, Sabine Foro, P. A. Suchetana, H. Fuessb
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引用次数: 0
One-Punch Drunk: White Masculinities as a Property Right in New South Wales’ Assault Causing Death Law Reforms 一拳醉酒:白人男子气概在新南威尔士州袭击致死法改革中的产权
IF 0.5 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13200968.2020.1794427
Alison Whittaker
Abstract In the mid-2010s, New South Wales (NSW) introduced statutory reforms responding to prominent fatal one-punch assaults in public and publican spaces – introducing mandatory sentences for a new class of offenses, and summary offenses – that to date appear to have targeted predominately young minority men. This paper argues that the reforms, inspired in NSW and other Australian states by one-punch assaults by intoxicated minority men against affluent young white men, are expressions of an proprietary right to larrikinism (a colonial-era cultural tradition of drunken, irreverent masculinity) in criminal law, rather than gestures to prevent or punish public violence at large. It further posits that the reforms are an expression of Australian criminal laws’ tendency to protect young white men and their interests, through benevolently safeguarding their exclusive right to mutual social violence and public recreational space and punishing others who use that violence and that space. It concludes that the reforms create white patriarchal rights to public space and the exclusive use of violence within it.
在2010年代中期,新南威尔士州(NSW)引入了法律改革,以应对在公共和公共场所发生的致命一拳袭击事件——对一种新的犯罪类别和即决犯罪实行强制性判决——迄今为止,这些犯罪似乎主要针对年轻的少数民族男性。本文认为,在新南威尔士州和澳大利亚其他州,醉酒的少数民族男子对富裕的年轻白人男子的一拳袭击激发了这些改革,这些改革是对刑法中larrikinism(一种殖民时代的醉酒、无礼的男子气概的文化传统)的所有权的表达,而不是为了防止或惩罚公共暴力的姿态。它进一步假设,这些改革是澳大利亚刑法保护年轻白人男性及其利益的一种倾向的表现,通过仁慈地保护他们对相互社会暴力和公共娱乐空间的专属权利,并惩罚使用这种暴力和该空间的其他人。它的结论是,改革创造了白人对公共空间的父权制权利,并在公共空间内独家使用暴力。
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引用次数: 0
Stories and Words, Advocacy and Social Justice: Finding Voice for Aboriginal Women in Australia 故事与文字,倡导与社会正义:为澳大利亚土著妇女寻找声音
IF 0.5 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13200968.2020.1837538
L. Behrendt
Abstract. A framework of self-determination means not speaking on behalf of people – even as an advocate – but to create the environment and conditions for those who have been silenced to speak for themselves. This article reflects on the role of storytelling for justice for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and their families. I closely consider three stories of child removal, as told by their impacted families, and in their localised context. This article counterposes the stories that are told about them through care and protection law and related policy, and draws out the long precedent of these stories. Through the stories of impacted families, told in their own voices, it becomes clearer that the removal of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families is a key pillar of a concerted and complex colonial project. This has implications for how people working in law come to see the power of storytelling within and outside legal institutions, and how they can do those stories justice by making space for them to be heard on their own terms.
摘要自决的框架意味着不代表人民发言- -即使是作为一名倡导者- -而是创造环境和条件,使那些被压制的人能够为自己说话。这篇文章反映了讲故事对原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民儿童及其家庭正义的作用。我仔细研究了三个孩子被带走的故事,这些故事都是由受影响的家庭讲述的,而且是在当地的背景下讲述的。本文通过看护保护法和相关政策对他们的故事进行了对比,并引出了这些故事的长期先例。通过受影响家庭的故事,以他们自己的声音讲述,人们越来越清楚地认识到,将土著和托雷斯海峡岛民的孩子从他们的家庭中带走是一个协调而复杂的殖民项目的关键支柱。这对从事法律工作的人如何在法律机构内外看到讲故事的力量,以及他们如何通过创造空间让人们以自己的方式听到这些故事,来公正地对待这些故事,都有影响。
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引用次数: 4
My Journey into ‘Child Protection’ and Aboriginal Family Led Decision Making 我的“儿童保护”之旅与原住民家庭主导的决策
IF 0.5 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13200968.2019.1816650
H. McGlade
This article documents my experiences with the state’s contemporary removal of Aboriginal children in Western Australia (WA) and the practice of Aboriginal Family Led Decision Making (AFLDM), a family led decision making process supported as best practice for Aboriginal families. Unfortunately, this practice of AFLDM is not implemented in the state of Western Australia, but is adopted in Victoria, New South Wales, and more recently Queensland. AFLDM is supported by the peak body for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children in care — the Secretariat for National Aboriginal and Islander Child Care (SNAICC) — and is incorporated within the national Family Matters campaign to reduce the over-representation of Aboriginal children in care. In 2018, as a ‘relative foster carer’ I was able to experience the absence of AFLDM through an order of the WA Children’s Court (an order which was substantially opposed by the Department for Child Protection). I am a Noongar woman or yorga, and graduated with a law degree in 1995. Like most, if not all Noongar people, I have witnessed the increasing level of intervention into Aboriginal families lives by the Department for Child Protection (DCP), and am related to many children who have been placed in out-of-home care. For some years now I have witnessed a lack of commitment to principles of Aboriginal human rights, causing significant distress and disquiet amongst the Aboriginal communities of this state. This state of affairs has reached a flash point in 2020 during the COVID period which not only saw a sharp rise in Aboriginal child removals but also the introduction of legislative amendments which failed to respect the rights of Aboriginal families and communities. In this article I document the WA landscape of child removal and my own journey to improve human rights outcomes for Aboriginal children.
这篇文章记录了我在西澳大利亚州(WA)对土著儿童的当代迁移和土著家庭主导决策(AFLDM)的实践中的经历,这是一个家庭主导的决策过程,被支持为土著家庭的最佳实践。不幸的是,这种AFLDM的做法并没有在西澳大利亚州实施,但在维多利亚州、新南威尔士州和最近的昆士兰州被采用。土著和托雷斯海峡岛民儿童保育委员会得到土著和托雷斯海峡岛民儿童保育最高机构——全国土著和岛民儿童保育秘书处的支持,并被纳入全国家庭事务运动,以减少土著儿童在保育中的过度代表性。2018年,作为一名“相对寄养者”,我通过西澳儿童法院的一项命令(该命令遭到了儿童保护部的强烈反对),体验到了AFLDM的缺席。我是一名女瑜伽师,1995年毕业于法学学位。像大多数(如果不是全部的话)努加人一样,我目睹了儿童保护部门(DCP)对土著家庭生活越来越多的干预,我也和许多被安置在家庭外的孩子有关系。多年来,我目睹了对土著人权原则的缺乏承诺,这在该州的土著社区中造成了巨大的痛苦和不安。这种状况在2020年COVID期间达到了一个爆发点,不仅土著儿童被驱逐的情况急剧增加,而且还引入了未能尊重土著家庭和社区权利的立法修正案。在这篇文章中,我记录了西澳大利亚州儿童迁移的情况,以及我自己改善土著儿童人权结果的旅程。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Australian Feminist Law Journal
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