Pub Date : 2023-11-24DOI: 10.1080/10509585.2023.2272901
Madeleine Callaghan
Florence’s art and poetry captured the imaginations of Byron and Shelley. During the nineteenth century, the city-state and the surrounding countryside inspired literary tourists and Byron and Shel...
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Pub Date : 2023-11-24DOI: 10.1080/10509585.2023.2272889
Lilach Naishtat-Bornstein
Samuel Taylor Coleridge maintained a deep relationship with Hebrew. In this article, I examine the Hebrew infrastructure of his poem “Kubla Khan” (1816) and the translations of this poem into Hebre...
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Pub Date : 2023-11-24DOI: 10.1080/10509585.2023.2272895
Catherine Engh
This essay argues that Wordsworth reinvents the Enlightenment’s concept of natural education in ways that resonate with theories of ecology in a time of global warming. In book 5 of The Prelude, Wo...
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Pub Date : 2023-11-24DOI: 10.1080/10509585.2023.2272897
Carl-Ludwig Conning
In spring 1892 the Stockholm literary magazine Ord och bild commissioned Swedish poet Gustaf Fröding (1860–1911) with a translation of Shelley’s “Hymn to Intellectual Beauty” (1816). At the time, F...
1892年春，斯德哥尔摩文学杂志《Ord och bild》委托瑞典诗人古斯塔夫Fröding(1860-1911)翻译雪莱的《智慧之美赞美诗》(1816)。当时，F……
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Pub Date : 2023-09-03DOI: 10.1080/10509585.2023.2248769
Brecht de Groote
ABSTRACTThis article reads selected biographical work by Hazlitt, De Quincey and Trelawny on a range of key figures—chiefly, Byron, Wordsworth, Coleridge, and Shelley. In line with extant scholarship, its aim is to trace how these auto/biographic texts endeavor to disentangle auto from bios; that is, how they construct the authors whose lives they recount to carve out a space for the biographer, rather than for his subject. The article makes a distinct contribution in specifically reading this competitive dialectic of major and minor authorship in historiographic terms. The writers analyzed will be shown to activate a historical construction of Romanticism, at once insisting on the representative termination of the writers whose lives are recounted, as well as on their own capacity to succeed where the former failed. Such biographic historicism finally effects the construction of a late-Romantic subperiod, which in turn redounds on what was beginning to be periodized as Romanticism. Notes1 Similar assessments of Parry’s character were so often publicly expressed by contemporary men and women of letters that Parry eventually sued his most aggressive detractors, winning damages from The Examiner for libeling him in May 1825 as “exceedingly ignorant, boasting, bullying, and drunken” (329). Much to the delight of his enemies, the trial also revealed that Parry used a ghostwriter. Undeterred by the verdict against it, The Examiner published another screed against Parry in June 1827, describing him as an “illiterate pretender” who “came forward in the mask of an author” (375.) It should be noted that, in addition to class-related prejudices, another reason for this enmity may be Leigh Hunt’s uneasiness with facing a competitor for his own Lord Byron and His Contemporaries. Such tugs of war between potential biographers were a frequent occurrence; see, for example, Sheridan’s discussion of Percy Bysshe Shelley.2 Carlyle conjectures this conversation may have occurred on 26 February 1835 (283–84n1). Southey would himself become a focus of De Quincey’s recollections in 1839. For further context regarding De Quincey’s Recollections and their reception, see de Groote (29–30, 41–43) and Jordan.3 For an example of this prescriptive perspective, see Edel.4 On this latter point, see Linder and James & North, as well as Sheridan.5 See Thomas Moore 4: 191–92. On Byron’s celebrity, see Mole.6 See Leask’s “The Shadow Line” 64.7 See Addison in The Spectator: “I remember, upon Mr. Baxter's Death, there was Published a Sheet of very good Sayings, inscribed, The last Words of Mr. Baxter. The Title sold so great a Number of these Papers, that about a Week after there came out a second Sheet, inscrib’d, More last Words of Mr. Baxter” (qtd. in Addison and Steele 9: 104–08).8 On biography and its (re)creation of a sociability that involves subjects, writers, and readers, see North’s “Intertextual Sociability.”9 The tension between the living author and a mode premised on t
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Pub Date : 2023-09-03DOI: 10.1080/10509585.2023.2249207
Konstantinos (Kos) Pozoukidis
ABSTRACTThis article explores representations of disaster and survival in the 1798 edition of the Lyrical Ballads. It starts with Samuel Taylor Coleridge’s “The Rime of the Ancyent Marinere,” a poem exemplary of the survival narrative, a poetic articulation of disaster fraught with fragmentation, repetition, and stagnation, in form and content. The article then reads the survival narrative in William Wordsworth’s “Simon Lee” and “The Last of the Flock,” arguing that, in Wordsworth’s poems, what has been affected by disaster can exist beyond repair. I focus on disastrous thinking, considering it another aspect of disaster that penetrates thought. Disastrous thinking appears in Wordsworth’s poems but also in our critical tradition, from New Criticism to more recent post-critical readings. It attempts to ameliorate catastrophe even when disaster has eliminated the historical and philosophical causes that make it comprehensible. The article finally re-turns to Coleridge’s poem to highlight the presence of active passivity, a mode of being that resists productivity and marketability while it emphasizes political thought over thoughtless action. Active passivity constitutes a form of arresting resistance that bears the potential for radical world change through the practice of patience, another name for constant laboring without quantifiable results. Notes1 Marie-Hélène Huet employs this term to remind us that before disaster was used as a noun to indicate a catastrophic event, it was employed to signify one’s experience of disaster, the feeling of being “uprooted” from one’s place “in the cosmos and cast adrift” (19). Disaster in this context is synonymous to worldlessness, the experience of being forced to leave your world without being able to inhabit a new one.2 The term “political” in this context does not carry the meaning it has in liberal democracies, where it is associated with “citizenship, elections, the particular forms of political representation and the various ideological families” (Stavrakakis 71). It rather refers to ways of being-in-the-world as a member of the polis, of an organized community.Even though this article does not claim that either resistance to repair or active passivity, a mode of existing beyond repair, make their first appearance in Romantic poetry, it argues that the Lyrical Ballads of 1798 provide, probably for the first time, a clear articulation of these modes of being.3 In his essay “Technomagism, Coleridge’s Mariner, and the Sentence Image,” Orrin N. C. Wang employs Rancière’s notion of symbolic montage to read the poem’s shattered narrative. Wang focuses on the 1817 version of the poem that includes the addition of the gloss. He indicates that the meaning in Mariner comes through the parataxis of “disparate semes” that “are juxtaposed together” but through their sequence on the page, they create meaning (296). “Technomagism” is the name that Wang gives to this process that makes something out of “nothing at all
摘要本文探讨1798年版《抒情歌谣》中灾难与生存的表现。首先是塞缪尔·泰勒·柯勒律治的《古水手之歌》，这是一首生存叙事的典范之作，对灾难的诗意表达，在形式和内容上都充满了破碎、重复和停滞。文章接着读了威廉·华兹华斯的《西蒙·李》和《最后的羊群》中关于生存的叙述，认为在华兹华斯的诗中，受到灾难影响的东西可以无法修复。我把重点放在灾难性思维上，认为这是灾难渗透思想的另一个方面。灾难性的思想出现在华兹华斯的诗歌中，也出现在我们的批评传统中，从新批评到最近的后批评阅读。它试图减轻灾难，即使灾难已经消除了使灾难变得可以理解的历史和哲学原因。文章最后回到柯勒律治的诗中，强调了主动被动的存在，这是一种抵制生产力和市场化的存在方式，同时强调政治思想而不是鲁莽的行为。主动被动构成了一种阻止抵抗的形式，它通过耐心的实践承担了彻底改变世界的潜力，耐心是没有量化结果的持续劳动的另一个名称。注1 marie - hl<e:1> Huet使用这个词是为了提醒我们，在disaster被用作名词来表示灾难性事件之前，它被用来表示一个人对灾难的经历，即“在宇宙中被连根拔起”离开自己的位置并被抛向大海的感觉(19)。在这种情况下，灾难是无世界的同义词，是被迫离开你的世界而无法居住在一个新的世界的经历在这种情况下，“政治”一词并不具有它在自由民主国家中的含义，在自由民主国家中，它与“公民身份、选举、政治代表的特定形式和各种意识形态家族”有关(Stavrakakis 71)。它指的是作为城邦的一员，作为一个有组织的共同体的一员，在这个世界上存在的方式。尽管这篇文章并没有声称抵抗修复或主动被动(一种超越修复的存在模式)在浪漫主义诗歌中首次出现，但它认为1798年的抒情歌谣可能是第一次清晰地表达了这些存在模式在他的文章《科技主义、柯勒律治的水手和句子形象》中，Orrin N. C. Wang运用了ranci<e:1>的象征蒙太奇的概念来解读这首诗破碎的叙事。王关注的是1817年版本的这首诗，其中包括添加的注释。他指出，《水手》的意义来自于“并列在一起”的“不同的符号”的意合，但通过它们在页面上的顺序，它们创造了意义(296)。“技术魔术”是王给这种“无中生有”的过程起的名字(292)。王断言，这种阐释重复并强调了诗歌的不连续性，是一种媒介，通过这种媒介，我们可以面对面地面对我们周围世界的“非人类、非人、非家”(267)罗伯特·索塞在1798年10月(53)对《歌谣》的评论中首次批评这首诗的情节“荒谬或难以理解”这种解读与一些学者的观点相反，他们也阐明了这首诗的不稳定因素，但仍然认为信天翁对故事的发展至关重要。例如，雷蒙达·莫迪亚诺(Raimonda Modiano)断言，虽然水手的经历是“无形的、不可理解的、难以忍受的”，但语言帮助他创造了一个“有开头、高潮、结尾的结构化叙事——以及道德教训”(43)。杀死信天翁对莫迪亚诺来说很重要，因为这是水手失去说话能力的时刻。最近，托马斯·普福(Thomas Pfau)认为，虽然这一节结构中破破号的出现“排除了任何因果解释”，但正是杀死信天翁表明了这首诗对实验性现代性的关注，在普福对柯勒律治(Coleridge)的诗的解释中，这种现代性可能导致“精神错乱，根本偶然的宇宙”(《哲学》987)。对于Pfau来说，“杀死信天翁开启了现代之船的旅程，进入同样善于航海的年轻的华兹华斯回忆的‘未知的存在模式’”(983)。我的分析更符合威廉·Empson和约翰·哈芬登的阅读，这是对罗伯特·佩恩·沃伦的《一首纯粹想象的诗:阅读实验》的回应。在那里，Empson和Haffenden认为诗中没有道德因果关系，因为杀死信天翁之后发生的事情仅仅是“意外”，而不是“上帝安排的惩罚”(159)。 强调继承，血统和时间连续性，设法再现当今世界的社会，文化和政治形态。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-03DOI: 10.1080/10509585.2023.2248773
Angela Rehbein
ABSTRACT Jane West’s novel The Advantages of Education (1793) and her critically neglected epic poem The Mother (1809) signal the role of historical discourse in establishing cultural importance for white British women—mothers in particular—in the Romantic period. They also clarify the ideological importance of mothers to the ascendance of the second British Empire of the nineteenth century. In both texts, mothers are emissaries for the stadial historical theory that positioned Great Britain as a nation destined to dominate less “civilized” parts of the globe. Amelia Williams in The Advantages of Education and the multitude of mothers in West’s epic poem signify the order, self-regulation, and prosperity at the heart of the Empire’s emerging moral imperative. Both texts show how women writers in the Romantic period might revise existing genres in creative ways while simultaneously contributing to a nascent Western feminism that depends upon dehumanizing binaries.
简·韦斯特的小说《教育的好处》(1793)和她被评论界忽视的史诗《母亲》(1809)表明，在浪漫主义时期，历史话语在确立英国白人女性——尤其是母亲——的文化重要性方面发挥了重要作用。他们还阐明了母亲对19世纪第二个大英帝国的崛起在意识形态上的重要性。在这两篇文章中，母亲都是传统历史理论的使者，这种理论将英国定位为一个注定要统治全球不那么“文明”地区的国家。艾米莉亚·威廉姆斯在《教育的好处》中的描写，以及韦斯特史诗中众多的母亲，都表明秩序、自律和繁荣是帝国新兴道德要求的核心。这两篇文章都展示了浪漫主义时期的女性作家如何以创造性的方式修改现有的体裁，同时为新兴的西方女性主义做出贡献，这种女性主义依赖于非人性化的二元性。奥布莱恩描绘了18世纪英国“女性地位的转变”(women 2)，并表明女性在启蒙运动关于社会进步的辩论中发挥了核心作用。通过具体的“道德、社会学和经济词汇”，奥布莱恩展示了女性在这个时期“作为一个独特的话语范畴出现”(2)。妇女日益被视为能够促进发展的力量;考虑的社会进步指数;他们是研究这些问题的文本的主题和作者。同样，加里·凯利证明了浪漫主义时代的女作家为一场文化大革命做出了贡献，这场文化大革命巩固了家庭妇女形象中的中产阶级价值观，后来家庭妇女在更大范围内象征着国家身份。母性作为一个离散的话语范畴的构建是这些过程的一个隐含部分。苏珊·格林菲尔德表明，从现代早期开始，关于生育、母乳喂养、堕胎和杀婴的争论及其表现形式，表达了各自时代的焦虑、紧张和规范。格林菲尔德对这些问题的文献进行了有益的回顾(1-5)西奥多·科迪切克(Theodore Koditschek)认为，在这一时期，“‘第二个’大英帝国出现了，它比它所取代的那个帝国更广泛、更广泛，在许多方面也更具强制性”(2)。另见克里斯托弗·贝利(Christopher Bayly)、p·j·凯恩(P. J. Cain)和a . G.霍普金斯(a . G. hopkins)。马克迪西(Makdisi)认为，对浪漫主义时期帝国感兴趣的学者想当然地认为，“西方”是一个已经存在的整体实体。他争辩说，事实并非如此;西方也需要定义。在东方能够作为一个与西方截然不同的空间存在之前，西方必须被这样定义。参见《英格兰西部化简介》(1-35)卡希尔展示了她称之为“厌女死亡论”的伊斯兰恐惧症概念是如何为西方女权主义的基础做出贡献的。根据卡希尔的说法，在17世纪和18世纪，伊斯兰对女性永生的否认成为其压制性本质的一个决定性特征。女性拥有灵魂和智慧的信念因此成为基督教的一个标志性特征，并延伸到西方女权主义。玛丽·沃斯通克拉夫特(Mary Wollstonecraft)和汉娜·莫尔(Hannah More)等女性要求女性接受教育，正是因为她们有灵魂，而拒绝接受教育将是一种伊斯兰专制主义(180)。卡希尔认为，西方女权主义因此依赖于其自身的伊斯兰恐惧症思想这一段的材料摘自Rehbein, Woodworth和Bermann，“简·韦斯特(1758-1852)”，《劳特利奇浪漫主义女作家研究伙伴》。学者们通常将韦斯特定位在政治光谱的保守一端，特别是在围绕法国大革命的辩论中，并将她与玛丽·沃斯通克拉夫特和玛丽·海斯等更激进的女作家形成对比。比如，玛丽莲·巴特勒、凯文·吉尔马丁、m·o·格伦比、埃莉诺·泰和丽莎·伍德。然而，最近一些学者将这种二元对立复杂化，强调了韦斯特和沃斯通克拉夫特之间的相似之处。例如，理查德·德·里特(Richard De Ritter)在韦斯特的《致一位年轻女士的信》(1806)中指出了两者之间的联系，韦斯特建议女性强化自己的身体和思想，这使她接近于倡导沃斯通式的女性形象(246-47)。同样，根据菲奥娜·普莱斯的说法，韦斯特拒绝埃德蒙·伯克在他的《法国革命反思》中提出的骑士历史观，因为韦斯特认为骑士精神是不恰当的性别化，因为它过分重视长子继承——她和沃斯通克拉夫特(“实验”318-19)也有同样的批评。 巴赫金认为，与小说不同的是，小说存在于“与所有开放性的现在(与当代现实)最大限度接触的区域”(15)，过去是史诗的时间领域，是一种完全脱离现在的形式。史诗形式的完备性为其主体提供了完备感;史诗的主题成为一个内在的、不可磨灭的、不可接近的历史的一部分，完全与它的观众分开。巴赫金认为，史诗中所描绘的历史是毋庸置疑的:“绝对的结论性和封闭性是史诗过去在时间上的突出特征”(16)例如，贝伦特认为，韦斯特“实际上不像无情的批评家经常得出的结论那样教条主义”，她指出，她提倡女性通过将她们的期望和行为建立在“日常生活的日常现实”上，而不是建立在她们可能在小说中遇到的高度敏感和幻想上，来学习清楚地看待世界的重要性(“卢梭”17)。威廉·斯塔福德(William Stafford)也指出了这一时期保守派和进步派作家之间的异同。双方的女作家团结一致，“共同努力改革小说”，例如，“在道德影响和美学方面，清除陈词滥调和不真实”(7)。斯塔福德还描绘了一幅比我们通常允许的更复杂的画面，关于女性写作的体裁，以及评论家对她们的反应。相比之下，格伦比认为，像韦斯特这样的保守派小说家积极地寻求被贴上“坦率而直率的反雅各宾派”的标签(3)，而寻找细微差别是一种现代倾向。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-03DOI: 10.1080/10509585.2023.2248587
Tara Lee
ABSTRACTDuring the French Revolution, it had become apparent that the conventional metaphor of the body politic, framed around a stable hierarchical relationship between the monarchical head and the subservient body, was no longer fit for such a purpose. Indeed, in the late eighteenth century, medical understandings of the body were far more sophisticated than ever before. This article puts Blake in intimate dialogue with Burke, Sieyès, and other revolutionary and reactionary writers who evocatively updated the body politic metaphor to describe a radically changing political landscape. Reading The [First] Book of Urizen against Blake’s neglected, unpublished The French Revolution, this article demonstrates how Blake’s biological myth, though obscure, was deeply embedded in contemporary revolutionary discourse. In doing so, this article contests assumptions in recent Blake criticism that Blake found images of freedom in the organic phenomenon of self-organization (a logic of form taken up in Burkean conservatism), emphasizing instead Blake’s indebtedness to the Hunterian doctrine of vital heat. Notes1 After all, Paine thought that political revolution was no more than the “consequence of a mental revolution priorly existing in France,” for since “the mind of the nation had changed beforehand … the new order of things has naturally followed the new order of thoughts” (93).2 Both brothers occasionally employed Blake’s engraving master James Basire (Kreiter 113–14). At one point John Hunter and Blake lived in the same vicinity (Erdman 101–02), and it is likely that Blake would have attended William Hunter’s lectures on anatomy at the Royal Academy (Connolly 35).3 Blake would have encountered the juxtaposed metaphors of growing and consuming flames as virtuous and selfish love respectively in Swedenborg’s Conjugal Love (1768). In this work, Swedenborg identifies love with vital heat: “Love therefore is the heat of the life of man (hominis), or his vital heat; the heat of the blood, and also its redness, are from this source and no other; this is an effect of the fire of the angelic sun, which is pure love” (41). This heat could also develop into more dangerous emotions: “man is enkindled, grows warm, and is set on fire, whilst his love is exalted into zeal, anger, and wrath” (362). The difference between good and evil desire is that while the one sustains and unites, the other consumes: “[T]he zeal of evil love is as an infernal flame, which of itself bursts forth, and rushes on, and is desirous to consume another” (349). Conversely, virtuous love brings us together, and “considered in itself [it] is nothing else but a desire and consequent tendency to conjunction” (43).4 The morphological similarities are particularly apparent in the 1794 copy housed at the British Library. Images of this copy can be accessed through the online Blake Archive: <http://www.blakearchive.org/copy/urizen.d>5 Urizen, described as “surging sulphureous,” has been identified
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Pub Date : 2023-09-03DOI: 10.1080/10509585.2023.2248588
Zoe Beenstock
ABSTRACTWilliam Blake’s evocative figuration of England as Jerusalem is central to debates about his attitude to nationalism. Nonetheless, Jerusalem in his poems is often read as not actually referring to the city in Palestine. In this article, I argue that while Blake’s refraction of Enlightenment standards of time and space has produced depoliticized readings of his Jerusalem, his attempt to restore spirituality to Britain was nonetheless cast in political and in geographical terms. Blake reacted against an Arian theology that relegated spirituality to a distant time and space. In his prophetic poems, he undoes the temporal and spatial organization of the Hebrew Bible, a possibility first explored in Milton and then fully achieved in Jerusalem, where Blake deconstructs the ancient biblical world to rebuild it in modern Britain. To rescue Britain from spiritual crisis, Blake rewrites Newtonian physics and theology, the Miltonian epic, antiquarian histories about the eastern Levant, and the Hebrew Bible. Common to these diverse engagements is Blake’s effacement of the East as the cradle of spirituality, and his recasting of sacred geography in immediate local terms, moving it away from the geography of Palestine. Notes1 Eitan Bar-Yosef argues that Blake’s Jerusalem “is primarily a spiritual concept signifying a return to the blissful existence in the Garden of God, a perfect social order” (59). For a similar argument, see Saree Makdisi (Romantic Imperialism 171). In contrast, Talissa J. Ford argues that Blake “deterritorialise[s] his own geographic spaces” to question “the space of London, of Jerusalem, and of the globe” (92).2 See also David V. Erdman’s earlier reading of The Four Zoas as celebrating the British defeat of Napoleon at Acre (294).3 See Susan Matthews (94).4 Newton traces blasphemy not to the Jews, but to the Romans who practiced Christianity in a manner “more suitable to the old principles of placing religion in outward forms and ceremonies, holy-days, and doctrines of Ghosts, than the religion of the sincere Christians” (Observations 202). He suggests that the Catholic worship of sepulchers and the bones of saints developed from the Roman legacy of heresy and subsequently shaped modern expressions of idolatry (208–09).5 On the Royal Exchange, see Paul Miner (279–80).6 Blake echoes King David’s lament for Jonathan, slain by the Amelakites: “Ye mountains of Gilbo’a, let there be no dew, neither let there be rain, upon you, nor fields of offerings” (2 Sam. 1.21).7 On the analogy of Jerusalem’s Temple to Saint Paul’s Cathedral in Blake’s work, see Morton D. Paley (197).8 Beulah is a transliteration of “married woman” probably familiar to Blake from Pilgrim’s Progress, representing God’s forgiveness of the Israelites following their idolatry: “the Lord hath called thee a woman forsaken” (Bar-Yosef 20; Isa. 54.6).9 See also J. F. C. Harrison, who contrasts Richard Brothers’s notion of Jerusalem as an “actual city” with Blake’s “symbol,
威廉·布莱克将英格兰比喻为耶路撒冷的作品引起了人们对他对待民族主义态度的争论。尽管如此，耶路撒冷在他的诗中经常被解读为实际上并不是指巴勒斯坦的城市。在这篇文章中，我认为，虽然布莱克对启蒙运动时间和空间标准的折射产生了对他的耶路撒冷的非政治化解读，但他试图恢复英国的灵性，仍然是在政治和地理方面。布莱克反对阿里乌斯派神学，该神学将灵性降级到遥远的时间和空间。在他的预言诗中，他解开了希伯来圣经的时间和空间组织，弥尔顿首先探索了这种可能性，然后在耶路撒冷完全实现了，布莱克解构了古代圣经世界，在现代英国重建了它。为了将英国从精神危机中拯救出来，布莱克重写了牛顿的物理学和神学，弥尔顿史诗，关于东黎凡特的古物历史，以及希伯来圣经。这些不同作品的共同点是布莱克淡化了东方作为灵性摇篮的地位，并将神圣地理重新塑造为直接的地方术语，使其远离巴勒斯坦地理。注1 Eitan Bar-Yosef认为布莱克的耶路撒冷“主要是一种精神概念，象征着回到上帝的伊甸园中幸福的存在，一个完美的社会秩序”(59)。关于类似的论点，见Saree Makdisi(浪漫帝国主义171)。与此相反，Talissa J. Ford认为Blake“去地域化了他自己的地理空间”来质疑“伦敦、耶路撒冷和全球的空间”(92)参见大卫·v·厄德曼(David V. Erdman)早期对《四个琐阿》的解读，庆祝英国在阿克击败拿破仑(294)见苏珊·马修斯(94)牛顿认为亵渎不是犹太人所为，而是罗马人所为，他们信奉基督教的方式“比虔诚的基督徒的宗教更适合于将宗教置于外在形式和仪式、圣日和鬼神教义之上的古老原则”(《观察》202)。他认为天主教徒对坟墓和圣徒骨头的崇拜是从罗马异端的遗产发展而来的，随后形成了现代偶像崇拜的表现形式关于皇家交易所，见Paul Miner (279-80)布雷克呼应了大卫王为被阿玛拉基人杀害的约拿单所唱的哀歌:“基利波的山啊，愿你不降甘露，不降雨露，也不愿你的田地有供物”(撒下1:21)关于布莱克作品中耶路撒冷圣殿与圣保罗大教堂的类比，见Morton D. Paley (197)Beulah是“已婚妇女”的音译，可能对《天路历程》中的布莱克很熟悉，代表上帝对以色列人拜偶像的宽恕:“耶和华称你为被离弃的女人”(Bar-Yosef 20;Isa。54.6)。9另见J. F. C. Harrison，他将Richard Brothers的耶路撒冷概念与Blake的“象征，关于人类自由条件的想象性陈述”进行了对比(85)根据奥托的说法，布莱克的资料来源是拿破仑在东方的战役和卡巴拉对伦敦福音派基督教的影响(407-08)乔恩·梅(92-93)和杰森·惠特克(49岁)都认为布莱克对古物收藏怀有敌意，因为它带有所谓的民族主义色彩。相比之下，Julia M. Wright认为Blake最初将古物主义视为帝国主义的替代品，因为它混合了哥特、凯尔特和希伯来文化(31)。她认为，在写《弥尔顿与耶路撒冷》的时候，布莱克已经转向圣经民族主义，将犹太人、自然神论者和基督徒从属于大英帝国的设计，并清除基督教圣经中的希伯来语根源，以建立一个同质的国家(166,171)参见Peter N. Miller关于在古物学的学术研究中对东部黎凡特的忽视，根据Rosemarie Sweet(464)，这本身就是一个被忽视的领域。Thora Brylowe引用了Marilyn Butler的一篇文章，她将“流行的”英国古物收藏与关于古典和东方世界的论述区分开来。诺亚·赫林曼(Noah Heringman)和克里斯托·b·莱克(crystal B. Lake)在《浪漫圈》(Romantic Circles)关于古物学的一期文章的导言中，采用了巴特勒的区分方法(第7段)。在同一问题上，乔纳森·萨克斯提出了另一种观点，认为东方与18世纪文化中“流行的”英国古物收藏是分不开的。4) 13。参见罗斯玛丽·斯威特(Rosemarie Sweet)对过时的古物研究观点的批评，她认为古物研究是古怪的，这可以追溯到沃尔特·斯科特(Walter Scott) 1816年的《古物》(the Antiquary, 349-50)Basire的工作室没有在《考古学》第二卷中为Pownall的文章配图，而是为Pownall在第三卷中的续作制作了图片威廉·斯图克利是阿里乌派信徒，也是古文物协会的秘书，同时也是牛顿的传记作者，他断言“亚伯拉罕实际上是在说基督徒。 因为他对基督有坚定的信心”，并把族长的信仰教给埃及的腓尼基人，腓尼基人又把它带给英国的德鲁伊教(2:10 8)布莱克在杂志的第二和第三期上刻了字，该杂志每两到三年出版一次。Basire的工作室雕刻了许多但不是全部的插图，Blake是从事这些任务的两个学徒之一(Ackroyd 44)Matthews通过Blake引用Jacob Bryant在《A New System, Or, A Analysis of Ancient Mythology》(1775-76)(93)中的作品，确定Blake暗指耶路撒冷的圣经古文物学家在他的“绘画描述目录”(1809年)中，布莱克修正了布莱恩特在《新体系》中关于古希腊使希伯来圣经黯然失色的观点:“希腊人如此痴迷于他们自己的卓越和古老的观念，以至于他们认为每一个古老的传统都是从他们自己开始的”(布莱恩特1:13 0)。然而，尽管布莱恩特假定希伯来圣经的叙述是占主导地位的欧洲宗谱，布莱克却断言:“天底下每一个民族的古物，都不比犹太人的古物更神圣。”他们和雅各布·布莱恩特是一样的，所有的古董都证明了这一点。当犹太人的古物被收集和整理时，其他古物是如何被忽视和不被相信的，这是一个值得古物学家和神的调查(“目录”543)关于布莱克将伊斯兰教视为自然神论的替代品的类似论点，请见Humberto Garcia，他认为布莱克和其他共和党人一样，将穆罕默德视为革命的榜样(21)。安格斯·怀特黑德(Angus Whitehead)对爱德华·拉里西(Edward Larrissy)提出了异议，后者指出布莱克对东方的看法中潜在的东方主义是堕落的(11)。本研究得到了以色列科学基金会[资助号624/21]的支持。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-03DOI: 10.1080/10509585.2023.2248599
Renee K. Buesking
ABSTRACTJames Macpherson’s The Poems of Ossian establishes an elegiac bardic voice that emerges out of the Ossian poems and was especially inspirational for Romantic writers. Fragments of Ancient Poetry (1760) contains not only an epic bardic voice, but, more importantly, the echoing melancholic voice of the elegy. My reading of The Poems of Ossian as a polyphonic text in which the elegiac voices join the songs of the epic bard helps us to reimagine texts influenced by Ossian, and thus Romanticism itself, as a kind of resonant echo chamber in which elegiac mourners emerge and simultaneously speak to the past and to the future. I bring these readings to bear on a text directly responding to Anne Bannerman’s sonnet “From Ossian” (1807). By reading Ossian’s elegiac voice in the context of works which participate in the burgeoning Romantic tradition, I uncover an alternate literary history which embraces necessary fragmentation, a chorus of voices both alive and dead, a prophetic voice shrouded in uncertainty, and an ambivalent relationship with gender as integral to Romanticism writ large. Interpreting the powerfully hybrid elegiac voices in Ossian identifies a new lineage in Romanticism in which the elegy emerges as a dominant form. Notes1 This and all subsequent citations from The Poems of Ossian come from Howard Gaskill’s edition The Poems of Ossian and Related Works.2 Dafydd R. Moore compiles a complete list of contemporary debates surrounding the authenticity of The Poems of Ossian in Ossian and Ossianism (2004).3 JoEllen DeLucia argues for the particularity and importance of women writers in addressing Ossian because the Ossian poems “demonstrate the centrality of gender to the Scottish Enlightenment, and to establish the grounds for women writers’ engagement with the narratives of progress found in the literature and philosophy of Scottish literati” (21). Alongside her reading of the ways Macpherson challenges Adam Scott’s ideas about historiography, DeLucia gives a compelling reading of poet Catherine Talbot’s poems, in which her speaker adopts Ossian’s viewpoint. Talbot “theorize[s] women's ambivalent placement in progressive narratives of history and explore[s] the tension between imperial development and the refinement of social sentiments” (53). Katie Trumpener reads The Poems of Ossian as an important engagement with the figure of the bard: “controversies around the figure of the bard—and the problem of bardic memory—recapitulate at once the recurring epistemological dilemmas of antiquarian work and a specific history of debate about the politics of cultural memory and the future role of national cultures in the new multinational Britain” (xv). Fiona Stafford argues that Ossian, along with Gray’s poem “The Bard,” demonstrate an important cultural moment in which the figure of the last of the bards becomes significant for the ways in which it “suggests an antithetical need to grasp the fact of the past having passed. Indeed, the primitiv
【摘要】詹姆斯·麦克弗森的《奥西安诗歌》在奥西安诗歌中形成了一种哀歌式的吟游诗人的声音，对浪漫主义作家来说尤其具有启发性。《古诗片段》(1760)不仅包含了史诗般的吟游诗人的声音，更重要的是，它还包含了哀歌的忧郁回声。我把《奥西翁诗集》读成复调文本，其中哀歌的声音加入了史诗吟游诗人的歌曲，这有助于我们重新想象受奥西翁影响的文本，以及浪漫主义本身，就像一种共鸣的回声室，哀歌的哀悼者在其中出现，同时对过去和未来说话。我把这些解读拿来直接回应安妮·班纳曼的十四行诗《来自Ossian》(1807)的一篇文章。通过在参与新兴浪漫主义传统的作品背景下阅读奥西安的挽歌，我发现了另一种文学史，它包含了必要的碎片，活着和死去的声音的合唱，笼罩在不确定性中的预言的声音，以及与性别作为浪漫主义不可或缺的矛盾关系。解读《奥西安》中强有力的混合哀歌声音，可以识别出浪漫主义中哀歌作为主导形式出现的新谱系。注1《奥西安诗歌》中的这段话以及随后的所有引用都来自霍华德·加斯基尔的《奥西安诗歌及相关作品》。2达菲德·r·摩尔在2004年出版的《奥西安与奥西安主义》一书中整理了一份关于《奥西安诗歌》真实性的完整的当代争论清单JoEllen DeLucia认为女性作家在讨论奥西安诗歌时的特殊性和重要性，因为奥西安诗歌“证明了性别在苏格兰启蒙运动中的中心地位，并为女性作家参与苏格兰文人文学和哲学中发现的进步叙事奠定了基础”(21)。除了阅读麦克弗森挑战亚当·斯科特的史学观点的方式，德卢西亚还阅读了诗人凯瑟琳·塔尔博特的诗歌，其中她的演讲者采用了奥西安的观点。塔尔博特“将女性在进步的历史叙述中的矛盾地位理论化，并探索了帝国发展与社会情感精炼之间的紧张关系”(53)。凯蒂·特朗彭纳读《奥西翁诗集》时，将其视为对吟游诗人形象的重要接触:“围绕吟游诗人形象的争论——以及吟游诗人记忆的问题——立即概括了古物研究工作中反复出现的认论论困境，以及关于文化记忆政治和民族文化在新多民族的英国中未来角色的特定辩论历史”(xv)。菲奥娜·斯塔福德(Fiona Stafford)认为，奥西安与格雷的诗歌《吟游诗人》(the Bard)一样，展示一个重要的文化时刻，最后一个吟游诗人的形象变得重要，因为它“表明了一种对立的需要，即抓住过去已经过去的事实。”事实上，原始的理想从它注定要失败的知识中获得了很大的力量，最后一个吟游诗人的地位被迫在眉睫的结局所放大”(最后的种族93)。亚当·波特凯(Adam Potkay)在《休谟时代》(the Age of Hume)中对18世纪的雄辩思想的解读，将奥西安视为“18世纪对立的理想调和者:在他身上，公民战士的激情与家庭生活培养的细腻情感融合在一起;前商业时代的公民美德与现代礼仪相结合;阳刚之气的传统特质与女性特质的结合”(《口才的命运》206)。朱丽叶·希尔兹(Juliet Shields)读《奥西安诗集》(Poems of Ossian)是为了了解关于种族和种族差异理论的重要文化对话:“这些诗将文明的感觉与原始的坚韧相调和，提出了这样一个问题:感性是一种天生的特质，还是一种后天获得的历史偶然能力，因此，英国特性是一种天生的身份还是一种后天获得的身份”(《情感文学》25)。关于奥西恩诗歌与詹姆斯派政治关系的讨论，见默里·皮托克的《18世纪英国和爱尔兰的诗歌与詹姆斯派政治》(1994)要详细阅读歌德与马赫森的文本的互动，请参阅Caitríona Ó Dochtraigh的文章请特别阅读德卢西亚的《女性启蒙》、波特凯的《休谟时代口才的命运》和西尔维娅·塞巴斯蒂亚尼的《苏格兰启蒙》。6德卢西亚解释说:奥西安和他的妻子埃维拉林一起唱歌。卡里尔，库丘林的吟游诗人，记得在《芬格尔》中，他们三人年轻时一起表演……埃维拉林是“最温和”的女性，但她和奥西安一起唱着他们粗鲁时代不断的死亡和战斗，矛盾的是，唤起了属于一个更优雅时代的泪水情感。许多女性都以类似的身份出现。 (40)埃里克·吉达尔的《奥西尼亚的不整合》列出了以下主要人物作为奥西尼亚思想的直接继承者:他们的浮夸、挽歌般的情感和幻想的混合帮助塑造了整个欧洲大陆和其他地区的浪漫古物学流派。从歌德、席勒到Staël夫人和切萨罗蒂，作家们都称赞奥西安的诗歌在思想的崇高和表达的尊严方面与荷马的诗歌相媲美，从托马斯·杰斐逊到拿破仑·波拿巴，各种各样的领导人都称他是他们的灵感来源。(3)这个对话的有趣同伴是费利西蒂·罗斯林(Felicity Rosslyn)在她的文章《英雄对联翻译:一个独特的解决方案?》中对蒲伯在翻译中使用英雄对联的辩护。罗斯林论证了英雄对联形式的优势，她还对古典诗歌的翻译总是涉及译者之间的对话的方式进行了令人信服的阅读摩尔还认为，在奥西安的版本中，随着感伤主义的出现，“正如我们所预料的那样，感伤的场景占据了很高的地位，但有坚强女性角色的故事也同样如此”(《诗歌的接受》36页)克拉西恩解释了斯科特和莱登收集这些民谣时引用的可疑性质:“《边境民谣》这个更民主的标题将适应民谣的集体和大部分女性化的传播和创作模式，尽管斯科特的古物研究(就像他的小说一样)试图避免这种民主化的效果”(“浪漫的斯宾斯特里西”207)在“引言:‘真正的诗歌’”中，Gaskill将“麦克弗森能够实现的真正的抒情美”(7)与“对各种天体的抒情省略号”(7)联系起来，这是麦克弗森对浪漫主义的影响方面的“最引人注目的创新”(7)。
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