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Israel as a Case Study in Processes of Nation-Building 以色列:国家建设过程中的个案研究
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2021.360202
A. Bareli, Tal Elmaliach
The process of nation- and state-building in Israel could be viewed as unique because of its pace and intensive character. This is evident in much that is related to immigration, forging cultural coherence, the establishment of institutions, and the like. However, the extreme characteristics of its development also make Israel a valuable case study for a theoretical or comparative discussion because those conditions allow for a clear view of various social, cultural, and political aspects of nation-building. Therefore, using Israel as a case study can corroborate, refute, or challenge assumptions, patterns of analysis, or conceptions and terminologies in theories and models used in the humanities or the social sciences for understanding processes of nation-building.
以色列的民族和国家建设进程因其速度和密集性而被视为独特的。这在与移民、锻造文化一致性、建立机构等相关的许多方面都很明显。然而,其发展的极端特征也使以色列成为理论或比较讨论的有价值的案例研究,因为这些条件允许对国家建设的各种社会,文化和政治方面有一个清晰的看法。因此,以以色列为案例研究可以证实、反驳或挑战假设、分析模式,或人文或社会科学中用于理解国家建设过程的理论和模型中的概念和术语。
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引用次数: 1
The Road Not Taken 未走的路
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2021.360208
Maya Mark
This article explores the position taken by the Herut party and its leader, Menachem Begin, on fundamental issues of democracy and regime type. It analyzes the democratic model that Begin and Herut sought to promote during Israel’s formative years: a presidential democracy with a clearly defined separation of powers preserved in a rigorous formal constitution that includes both judicial supremacy and a mechanism for judicial review. The article illuminates an important and unexplored chapter in Israeli historiography—the right wing’s position on the formation of Israel’s democratic regime—and addresses the ideological roots and foundations of the Likud movement in the spheres of government and law.
本文探讨了赫鲁特党及其领袖梅纳赫姆·贝京在民主和政权类型等基本问题上的立场。它分析了贝Begin和Herut在以色列形成时期寻求推动的民主模式:在严格的正式宪法中保留了明确界定的三权分立的总统制民主,包括司法至上和司法审查机制。这篇文章阐明了以色列历史上一个重要而未被探索的章节——右翼对以色列民主政权形成的立场——并阐述了利库德集团运动在政府和法律领域的意识形态根源和基础。
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引用次数: 0
The Third Angle in Israel Studies 以色列研究的第三个角度
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2021.360206
Paula Kabalo, Esther Suissa
Relying on theoretical foundations and conceptualizations in the literature on government–Third Sector relations, this article examines the motives and outcomes that impacted the relations between voluntary non-governmental entities and government organs after the State of Israel was established. Using the typology primarily of Jennifer Coston, in addition to those of Dennis Young and Adil Nagam, the article concentrates on three case studies reflecting those relations: disabled veterans and demobilized soldiers, immigrant associations, and the Israel Education Fund. All three cases show that additional actors lay claim to matters undisputedly under the state’s responsibility. The relationships between these parties, we maintain, provide another angle to an understanding of mamlakhtiyut, the Israeli version of republicanism.
本文以政府与第三部门关系文献中的理论基础和概念为基础,考察了以色列建国后影响自愿性非政府实体与政府机构关系的动机和结果。本文主要使用Jennifer Coston的类型学,以及Dennis Young和Adil Nagam的类型学,集中在三个反映这些关系的案例研究上:残疾退伍军人和复员士兵、移民协会和以色列教育基金。所有这三个案例都表明,其他行为者对国家责任范围内的事情提出了无可争议的要求。我们认为,这些政党之间的关系为理解以色列版的共和主义——mamlakhtiyut——提供了另一个角度。
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引用次数: 1
One Hand Giveth, the Other Taketh Away 一只手给予,另一只手拿走
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2021.360204
Hanna Herzog
This article presents a feminist perspective on polity, religion, and gender in the Yishuv. It analyzes how each of these three categories is shaped by its intersection with the others while simultaneously constituting the whole. Two major decisions that were enacted in the 1920s—women’s right to vote and the institutionalization of the Chief Rabbinate—serve as case studies of the formation of these categories, as well as of the creation of social boundaries, the politics of inclusion and exclusion, and the culture of political arrangements in the Jewish state-in-the-making. Women were both the focus of and significant actors in these multi-dimensional conflicts. They won their rights for equal citizenship in terms of suffrage, but lost their personal status rights as a result of the institutionalization of the Chief Rabbinate.
本文从女性主义的角度对伊休夫的政治、宗教和性别进行了分析。它分析了这三个类别中的每一个是如何通过与其他类别的交叉而形成的,同时又构成了整体。20世纪20年代颁布的两项重大决定——妇女的投票权和首席拉比的制度化——是研究这些类别形成的案例,也是研究社会边界的建立、包容与排斥的政治以及犹太国家正在形成中的政治安排文化的案例。妇女既是这些多维冲突的焦点,又是这些冲突的重要参与者。他们在选举权方面赢得了平等的公民权,但由于首席拉比的制度化,他们失去了个人地位的权利。
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引用次数: 0
The Pedagogy of Song: Teaching Israel through Music 歌曲教学法:用音乐教导以色列
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/ISR.2021.360209
D. S. Kokin
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引用次数: 1
The Jewish Centrality of Israel 犹太人在以色列的中心地位
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2021.360205
Ofer Shiff
This article examines reactions in the Jewish Diaspora to the ways the Diaspora is viewed in Israel, especially with regard to the Israeli self-perception of Israel as the ultimate spiritual and religious center for its Diaspora. These ideas are explored using as a case study the 1958 ‘Who is a Jew?’ controversy and David Ben-Gurion’s famous correspondence with 51 ‘Jewish sages’ on the question of how to classify on an Israeli identity card a child born in Israel to a non-Jewish mother. Focusing on the responses of the Orthodox Jewish sages, I suggest that this correspondence may be understood as a reflection of different, sometimes conflicting understandings of the nature and meaning of Israel’s centrality for Jews and Judaism.
本文考察了散居犹太人对以色列人看待散居犹太人的方式的反应,特别是以色列人将以色列视为其散居犹太人的终极精神和宗教中心的自我认知。本文以1958年的《谁是犹太人?》的争议,以及大卫·本-古里安与51位“犹太圣贤”的著名通信,讨论如何在以色列身份证上对非犹太母亲在以色列出生的孩子进行分类。关注正统派犹太圣贤的回应,我认为这种通信可以被理解为对以色列对犹太人和犹太教的中心地位的性质和意义的不同,有时是相互冲突的理解的反映。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Comparativism 除了Comparativism
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2021.360203
A. Krampf
This article critiques Esping-Andersen’s class-based theory of welfare regimes, demonstrating that the theory’s scope conditions arenot fulfilled by the Israeli case during the country’s first three decades. It traces the transition of Israel’s welfare regime and the consolidation of its welfare state in the 1970s. Based on historical analysis, the article points out two incongruities between Esping-Andersen’s theory scope conditions and the case of Israel. Further, it argues that the transformation of Israel’s welfare regime can be better explained by institutional historical theories that highlight the impact of the production regime on welfare and the significance of conflicts between high-skilled and lowskilled workers.
本文对埃斯平-安徒生的福利制度阶级基础理论进行了批判,并论证了该理论的适用范围条件在以色列建国的前三十年并没有得到满足。它追溯了20世纪70年代以色列福利制度的转变和福利国家的巩固。在历史分析的基础上,本文指出了埃斯平-安徒生的理论范围条件与以色列案例的两个不一致之处。此外,它认为以色列福利制度的转变可以用制度历史理论更好地解释,这些理论强调了生产制度对福利的影响,以及高技能工人和低技能工人之间冲突的重要性。
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引用次数: 1
Israeli Militarism Reconsidered 反思以色列军国主义
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2021.360207
Adi Sherzer
This article seeks to challenge conventional arguments about Israel’s ‘cultural militarism’ through a comparative analysis of Independence Day parades of the 1950s. Using media reports, newsreels, and archival documentation, it examines the parades and compares them to other cases from around the world. The discussion focuses on three features of the Israeli parades: the widespread civil criticism of the place of the military in Independence Day celebrations; the role of the crowds and their proximity to the marchers; and the partly militaristic character of the parades themselves. While the article does not deny the obvious militaristic connotations of soldiers marching in the streets, it stresses the unique relationship between the armed forces and society in Israel and argues that militarism alone is not a sufficient analytic framework for analyzing Israeli society.
本文试图通过对20世纪50年代独立日游行的比较分析,挑战关于以色列“文化军国主义”的传统观点。通过媒体报道、新闻短片和档案文件,它研究了这些游行,并将它们与世界各地的其他案例进行了比较。讨论集中在以色列阅兵的三个特点:广泛的民间批评军队在独立日庆祝活动中的位置;人群的作用和他们与游行者的接近;以及阅兵本身的部分军国主义特征。虽然这篇文章没有否认士兵在街头游行的明显军国主义内涵,但它强调了以色列武装部队与社会之间的独特关系,并认为军国主义本身不足以作为分析以色列社会的分析框架。
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引用次数: 1
Political Labels and Post-Politics 政治标签和后政治
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/ISR.2021.360104
Artur Skorek
Debate over the present-day meaning of the traditional political terms ‘left’ and ‘right’ has been ongoing for at least three decades. Many claim that these labels have lost their former relevance. This article offers a comparative analysis of the Israeli, Polish, and Hungarian party systems. Using qualitative content analysis, it examines party platforms and politicians’ speeches in order to assess the significance of political labels both in political narratives and academic debate. Two main research topics concerning political systems of the three countries are explored in the article: the blurring of the traditional left-right divisions and the partial adoption of an anti-establishment agenda by mainstream parties.
关于传统政治术语“左”和“右”的现代含义的争论已经持续了至少三十年。许多人声称这些标签已经失去了它们以前的意义。本文对以色列、波兰和匈牙利的政党制度进行了比较分析。使用定性内容分析,它考察了政党纲领和政治家的演讲,以评估政治标签在政治叙事和学术辩论中的重要性。本文探讨了三个国家政治制度的两个主要研究课题:传统左右分裂的模糊化和主流政党部分采用反建制议程。
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引用次数: 0
Editors' Note and In Memoriam: Rachel Feldhay Brenner 编者按和悼念:雷切尔-费尔德海-布伦纳
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/ISR.2021.360101
Paul L. Scham, Y. Peri
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引用次数: 0
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