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The Use of ‘Frontier’ and ‘Periphery’ as Symbolic Capital in the Political Campaign to Determine Israel's Settlement Map “边境”与“边缘”作为象征资本在确定以色列定居点地图的政治运动中的运用
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380106
Anat Kidron, Udi Carmi
The shape of Israel's settlement map in the first two decades of independence was the outcome of formative political, economic, and social mechanisms. This article focuses on settlement in the mountain region through an examination of the failed settlement efforts in Biranit. We address settlement programs for the mountain region as a reflection of the contest to control the state's bureaucratic character and shape the character of its institutions. From this perspective, efforts to settle the mountain region represent the political contest between state and Zionist bodies over their roles in the transition from Yishuv to state. Special attention is drawn to the use of the terms ‘frontier’ and ‘periphery’ to mobilize political and economic resources both in and outside Israel.
在独立后的头二十年里,以色列定居点版图的形成是政治、经济和社会机制形成的结果。本文通过对比拉尼特失败的定居努力的考察,关注山区的定居问题。我们将山区的定居计划作为控制国家官僚主义特征和塑造其机构特征的竞争的反映。从这个角度来看,解决山区问题的努力代表了国家和犹太复国主义机构之间的政治竞争,即他们在从伊休夫向国家过渡中所扮演的角色。特别注意使用“前沿”和“外围”这两个术语来调动以色列内外的政治和经济资源。
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引用次数: 0
From a Partition to a Barrier 从分区到屏障
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380102
D. Bar
This article examines gender separation at Jewish holy sites in the State of Israel. From a rare and sporadic phenomenon just a few decades ago, gender serparation at sacred sites has become normative. Segregation is in part directed ‘from above’ by the State of Israel's various religious arms, which fund, organize, and oversee the practice. But it also arises ‘from below’ as a result of the activity of individuals and Haredi groups—both Ashkenazi and Mizrahi—leading to the imposition of increasingly stringent modesty demands on Jewish Israeli women. Gender separation is presented as a religious obligation, and state authorities accept this extreme interpretation as if it represented a monolithic, unchanging religious position.
本文探讨了在以色列国的犹太圣地的性别隔离。从几十年前的罕见和零星现象,在圣地性别分离已经成为规范。种族隔离在某种程度上是由以色列的各种宗教机构“自上而下”指导的,这些机构资助、组织和监督这种做法。但它也“自下而上”产生,作为个人和哈瑞迪团体(包括德系犹太人和米兹拉教派)活动的结果,导致对以色列犹太妇女越来越严格的谦逊要求。性别分离被认为是一种宗教义务,国家当局接受了这种极端的解释,仿佛它代表了一种单一的、不变的宗教立场。
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引用次数: 0
Book Forum 本论坛
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380108
Donna Robinson Divine, A. Roshwald, A. Saposnik, Y. Shain
Yossi Shain, The Israeli Century: How the Zionist Revolution Changed History and Reinvented Judaism (New York: Wicked Son/Post Hill Press, 2021), 455 pp., $30.00 (hardback).
约西·沙恩,《以色列世纪:犹太复国主义革命如何改变历史和重塑犹太教》(纽约:Wicked Son/Post Hill出版社,2021),455页,30美元(精装)。
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引用次数: 0
Labor, Arms, and Homes 劳动、武器和家园
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380105
Ayelet Carmeli
Financial, work-based contributions underly entitlement to pension benefits in Israel. This article examines the historical development of the pension system in Israel, including the pensions of long-term military veterans and Jewish immigrants, expanding the notion of ‘contribution’ beyond its initial meaning of work-based financial accumulation. Specifically, it shows that both before and after the erosion of the union-protected contributory rationale in the 1990s, an alternative path to pension entitlement has operated through non-financial, political-symbolic contributions. The analysis emphasizes the importance of sectoral organizations for the broader analysis of social policy, and for understanding the structure of “social citizenship” and its discriminatory implications in Israel.
在以色列,以工作为基础的财务缴款是应享养恤金福利的基础。本文考察了以色列养老金制度的历史发展,包括长期退伍军人和犹太移民的养老金,扩展了“贡献”的概念,超出了其最初的基于工作的财务积累的含义。具体来说,它表明,在20世纪90年代工会保护的缴费基本原理受到侵蚀之前和之后,通过非金融的、政治象征性的缴费,实现了养老金权利的另一种途径。分析强调部门性组织对于更广泛地分析社会政策和了解“社会公民身份”的结构及其在以色列的歧视影响的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Social Solidarity during the Pandemic 大流行期间的社会团结
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380107
Nir Atmor, Yaffa Moskovich, Ido Liberman
Social solidarity is the conscious and voluntary affinity between human beings that instills in them a sense of guaranteed mutual assistance. Israeli society has long been characterized as having a high level of national solidarity, especially in times of crisis. The COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 put this notion to the test. The lack of agreement about fundamental norms of civil society in general and the nature of Israeli democracy in particular questioned the interdependence of its communities. This study examines the pandemic's effect on the sense of social solidarity in Israel. Using a quantitative approach and a representative sample of the adult population, the results show that the pandemic did affect the sense of solidarity. Moreover, taking into account long-standing religious and ideological cleavages in Israel, the pandemic exacerbated existing divisions among different groups.
社会团结是人类之间有意识和自愿的亲密关系,它向人们灌输一种保证互助的感觉。长期以来,以色列社会的特点是具有高度的民族团结,特别是在危机时期。2020年的COVID-19大流行对这一概念进行了考验。对一般民间社会的基本准则,特别是以色列民主的性质缺乏一致意见,这对其社区的相互依存关系提出了疑问。这项研究考察了大流行病对以色列社会团结意识的影响。通过定量方法和成年人口的代表性样本,结果表明,大流行病确实影响了团结意识。此外,考虑到以色列长期存在的宗教和意识形态分歧,这一流行病加剧了不同群体之间现有的分歧。
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引用次数: 1
Editors’ Note 编者注
Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380101
Oded Haklai, Adia Mendelsohn-Maoz
We are gravely concerned about the perils of regime change in Israel. Academic freedom is premised on liberal democratic institutions and values. Absent checks and balances on the power of the executive, civil liberties, including the right to pursue and disseminate knowledge, are in jeopardy. The journal Israel Studies Review is wholly committed to enabling the free exchange of ideas without fear of punitive repercussions. We will continue to encourage diverse perspectives and voices of scholars from all backgrounds.
我们对以色列政权更迭的危险表示严重关切。学术自由是以自由民主制度和价值观为前提的。如果没有对行政权力的制衡,公民自由,包括追求和传播知识的权利,就会受到威胁。《以色列研究评论》杂志完全致力于促进思想的自由交流,而不必担心受到惩罚。我们将继续鼓励不同背景的学者发表不同的观点和声音。
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引用次数: 0
The Bereaved Daughter 失去亲人的女儿
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380103
Yael Guilat
This article deals with the intersection between bereavement, gender, and art in the context of the cult of the fallen in Israel, focusing on the life story and artwork of two women artists, Asnat Austerlitz (b. 1969) and Michal Shachnai Yaakobi (b. 1967) who experienced orphanhood in a military context. Adopting the two-track model of bereavement suggested by Simon Rubin in 1981, the article offers an analytical, interdisciplinary examination of their artworks as adult women artists who are aware of the fragility of life and its finite character but also understand the importance and significance of continuing emotional bonds after death. Both have developed in diverse medium gender-based artistic creations related to the cult of the fallen creating models of alternative and counter-hegemonic memory that are manifested through personal languages full of irony, fantasy, and pain.
本文探讨了在以色列堕落崇拜背景下的丧亲、性别和艺术之间的交集,重点关注了两位女艺术家的生活故事和艺术作品,阿斯纳特·奥斯特里茨(生于1969年)和迈克尔·沙克奈·雅库比(生于1967年),她们在军事背景下经历了孤儿生活。本文采用西蒙·鲁宾(Simon Rubin) 1981年提出的丧亲双轨模型,对成年女性艺术家的作品进行了分析性、跨学科的考察,她们意识到生命的脆弱及其有限的特征,但也明白死后持续的情感纽带的重要性和意义。两者都在不同的媒介中发展了以性别为基础的艺术创作,与堕落的崇拜有关,创造了替代和反霸权记忆的模式,这些模式通过充满讽刺,幻想和痛苦的个人语言表现出来。
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引用次数: 0
NGOs for a Shared Society in Israel 以色列共享社会的非政府组织
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380104
Wurud Jayusi, Adi Binhas
In societies experiencing intractable conflicts, civil society may seek conflict-management solutions that are not necessarily political or institutional. Israel, with a century-old conflict between Jews and Palestinian Arabs, has various NGOs trying to bring both sides together in different ways. The present study focuses on four such NGOs: Merchavim, Hand in Hand, Abraham Initiatives, and Sikkuy-Aufoq. Drawing on their websites and publications as well as interviews with their Jewish and Palestinian directors, it offers a comparative analysis of their goals, strategies, collaborations, evaluation methods, difficulties, and aspirations. The findings point to similarities and differences between the organizations’ agendas, painting a picture of the key issues confronting efforts to build a shared society in Israel.
在经历棘手冲突的社会中,民间社会可能寻求不一定是政治性或制度性的冲突管理解决办法。在以色列,犹太人和巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人之间的冲突已经持续了一个世纪,各种各样的非政府组织试图以不同的方式让双方走到一起。本研究的重点是四个这样的非政府组织:Merchavim、Hand in Hand、Abraham Initiatives和Sikkuy-Aufoq。根据他们的网站和出版物,以及对他们的犹太和巴勒斯坦主任的采访,它对他们的目标、战略、合作、评估方法、困难和愿望进行了比较分析。调查结果指出了这些组织议程之间的异同,描绘了在以色列建立共享社会所面临的关键问题。
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引用次数: 0
Diasporas as Audiences of Securitization 散居者是证券化的受众
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2022.370302
Ronnie Olesker
This study conceptually develops and analytically examines the role and function of diasporas as audiences in the securitization process by examining the American Jewish Diaspora in Israel's securitization of Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS). It argues that Israel's use of antisemitism as a metanarrative for the securitization of the BDS movement incorporates diasporic Jews as internal audiences in the securitization process. Audiences, however, are not monolithic. While homeland Jews, including both elites and the public, tend to support Israel's securitization process, American Jews are split; the elite support the process but public opinion is far less sympathetic to Israeli constructions of BDS as a threat. The disparity between audiences’ reactions weakens the support for Israel's counter-BDS policies and undermines its securitization process.
本研究通过考察美国犹太侨民在以色列抵制、撤资和制裁(BDS)证券化中的作用,从概念上发展并分析考察了侨民作为受众在证券化过程中的作用和功能。它认为,以色列将反犹太主义作为BDS运动证券化的元叙事,将流散的犹太人作为证券化过程的内部受众。然而,观众并不是一成不变的。虽然本土犹太人,包括精英和公众,倾向于支持以色列的证券化进程,但美国犹太人却分裂了;精英阶层支持这一进程,但公众舆论对以色列建立北斗系统的做法远没有那么同情,认为这是一种威胁。受众反应的差异削弱了对以色列反北斗政策的支持,并破坏了其证券化进程。
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引用次数: 0
The Palestinians, Israel, and BDS 巴勒斯坦人,以色列人和BDS
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2022.370303
Ian S. Lustick, Nathaniel Shils
Israel and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement (BDS) have been in conflict within one another for nearly two decades. In this article we compare trajectories of Palestinian-led BDS mobilization and Israeli-led counter-mobilization by deploying two theoretical perspectives, a rationalist, strategic learning model and a political competition model. We find that the difference in balance of power on each side between state and civil society led to strategic convergence by Israel in its counter-BDS efforts but not (yet at any rate) on the Palestinian side. We locate BDS as an example of a transnational boycott movement and identify patterns in its conflict with Israel observed in association with other such movements. Our analysis leads to an explanation of why both sides see the battles between them taking place in the United States and Europe as particularly crucial.
以色列和抵制、撤资和制裁运动(BDS)之间的冲突已经持续了近20年。本文通过理性主义的战略学习模型和政治竞争模型两种理论视角,比较了巴勒斯坦主导的北斗动员和以色列主导的反动员的轨迹。我们发现,双方在国家和民间社会之间力量平衡的差异导致以色列在反北斗方面的战略趋同,但巴勒斯坦方面(至少目前)没有。我们将北斗定位为跨国抵制运动的一个例子,并将其与以色列的冲突模式与其他此类运动联系起来。我们的分析解释了为什么双方都认为他们之间发生在美国和欧洲的战斗特别重要。
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Israel Studies Review
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