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What Role Did Norway Really Play in The Oslo Process? 挪威在奥斯陆进程中真正发挥了什么作用?
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380204
Fride Lia Stensland
How can ‘small’ and politically peripheral states have a significant impact on issues dominated by big states? For example, how did Norway come to play such an important role in fostering negotiations between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in the early 1990s? This article seeks to answer these questions by analyzing Norway's relationship with Israel and the PLO from 1948 until 1993, as well as Norway's role during the negotiations that led to the signing of the first Oslo Accord. Seen through the theoretical framework of small-state mediation, Norway's lack of influence might have helped convince the parties to open dialogue, but it also implied an inability to provide a level playing field for just negotiations.
“小国”和政治边缘国家如何对大国主导的问题产生重大影响?例如,挪威是如何在1990年代初促进以色列和巴勒斯坦解放组织(巴解组织)之间的谈判中发挥如此重要的作用的?本文试图通过分析挪威与以色列和巴解组织从1948年到1993年的关系,以及挪威在导致签署第一份奥斯陆协议的谈判中所扮演的角色,来回答这些问题。从小国调解的理论框架来看,挪威缺乏影响力可能有助于说服各方展开对话,但这也意味着它无法为公正的谈判提供一个公平的竞争环境。
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引用次数: 0
A Very Personal Breakthrough 一个非常个人的突破
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380203
David J. Wilcox
This article examines the role of interpersonal trust (IPT) in establishing and developing the 1992–1993 Oslo Channel by drawing on a number of interviews alongside available English-language discursive material. The central argument is that IPT developed in two specific dyadic relationships in the Oslo Channel: between Dr. Yair Hirschfeld and Ahmed Qurei, and then between Qurei and Uri Savir. These relationships underpinned the development of the Oslo Channel. To support this argument, I examine the 1991–1993 Washington negotiations and demonstrate that IPT did not develop there. To analyze the relationships discussed in this article, I draw extensively on interdisciplinary literature on trust, examining how the basis for IPT changes in these dyads as the relationships develop. This article complements the existing literature on the Oslo Channel by examining the relationships between key individuals on the Israeli and Palestinian side.
本文通过引用一些访谈和可用的英语话语材料,考察了人际信任(IPT)在1992-1993年奥斯陆频道的建立和发展中的作用。核心论点是,IPT是在奥斯陆海峡的两个特定的二元关系中发展起来的:在Yair Hirschfeld博士和Ahmed Qurei之间,然后在Qurei和Uri Savir之间。这些关系是奥斯陆海峡发展的基础。为了支持这一论点,我考察了1991-1993年的华盛顿谈判,并证明国际和平谈判并没有在那里发展起来。为了分析本文中讨论的关系,我广泛引用了关于信任的跨学科文献,研究了IPT的基础如何随着关系的发展而变化。本文通过考察以色列和巴勒斯坦方面关键人物之间的关系,补充了关于奥斯陆海峡的现有文献。
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引用次数: 0
The Oslo Accords and Israel–Africa Relations 《奥斯陆协定》与以色列-非洲关系
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380209
Yaron Salman
Although previous studies have separately discussed the Oslo Accords and Israel–Africa relations, there has been little discussion of how and why relations between Israel and African countries evolved during the Oslo process and after its collapse. This article addresses these gaps, arguing that although the Oslo Accords did contribute to the establishment of diplomatic relations with many African countries, the contribution was minor and short-lived, and that common and national interests were more central motivations. It describes the complex nature of more recent developments in Israel-African relations and raises questions about the quality and consequences of bilateral relationships rooted mainly in national and common interests.
虽然以前的研究分别讨论了奥斯陆协议和以色列-非洲关系,但很少讨论以色列和非洲国家之间的关系在奥斯陆进程期间及其崩溃后是如何以及为什么演变的。本文讨论了这些差距,认为尽管《奥斯陆协定》确实有助于与许多非洲国家建立外交关系,但这种贡献是次要和短暂的,共同和国家利益是更重要的动机。它描述了以色列- -非洲关系最近发展的复杂性质,并对主要以国家和共同利益为基础的双边关系的质量和后果提出了问题。
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引用次数: 2
The Evolution of Narratives on the Oslo Process among Palestinian-Arab Political Elites in Israel 在以色列的巴勒斯坦-阿拉伯政治精英对奥斯陆进程的叙述演变
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380207
A. Rudnitzky
The signing of the Oslo Accords in the 1990s between Israel and the PLO has had significant implications for the Palestinian-Arab community in Israel. From a three-decade perspective it becomes clear that the debate on Oslo continues to resonate among the various political and ideological circles in Israel's Arab community. While the members of the Arab-Jewish current consider the Oslo period the Golden Era of Arab parties in Israeli politics, the Palestinian nationalists in the Arab community sharply criticize not only the outcome of the Oslo Accords but also the Palestinian leadership that endorsed them as well. The Islamists greeted the Oslo Accords with mixed reactions but over time began to criticize their outcome as well. This article sheds light on the evolving narratives of Oslo among the various ideological currents in Israel's Arab society from the early 1990s to the present.
以色列和巴解组织在1990年代签署的《奥斯陆协定》对以色列的巴勒斯坦-阿拉伯社区产生了重大影响。从三十年的角度来看,很明显,关于奥斯陆的辩论继续在以色列阿拉伯社区的各种政治和意识形态圈子中产生共鸣。虽然阿拉伯-犹太人目前的成员认为奥斯陆时期是以色列政治中阿拉伯政党的黄金时代,但阿拉伯社区中的巴勒斯坦民族主义者不仅严厉批评奥斯陆协议的结果,而且还批评支持该协议的巴勒斯坦领导人。伊斯兰主义者对《奥斯陆协议》反应不一,但随着时间的推移,他们也开始批评协议的结果。本文揭示了从20世纪90年代初到现在,在以色列阿拉伯社会的各种意识形态潮流中,奥斯陆的演变叙事。
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引用次数: 0
“The Dreamers of Lost Dreams” 《失落梦想的追梦者》
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380206
M. Simoni
In this article, I discuss how several documentaries and films by Amos Gitai provide primary oral and written sources to write a history from below of the Oslo Accords and of their demise. In the first part of the article, I discuss sources from a set of interconnected documentaries (Give Peace a Chance and Arena of Murder) filmed between 1994 and 1996; in the second, I focus on the movie Rabin, The Last Day (2015), and I explore sources from the so-called Gitai-Rabin archive deposited at the Bibliothèque National de France. Overall, this material brings us the voices of various groups within Israeli society and among Palestinians, revealing the complexity of the issues on the negotiating table, and the cultural, social, and political questions that the peace process unleashed.
在这篇文章中,我将讨论Amos Gitai的几部纪录片和电影如何提供主要的口头和书面资料,以书写《奥斯陆协定》及其消亡的历史。在文章的第一部分,我讨论了1994年至1996年间拍摄的一系列相互关联的纪录片(《给和平一个机会》和《谋杀竞技场》)的来源;在第二部分中,我将重点放在电影《拉宾,最后一天》(2015)上,并探索了存放在法国国家图书馆的所谓的“吉塔-拉宾档案”中的资料。总的来说,这些材料为我们带来了以色列社会和巴勒斯坦社会各群体的声音,揭示了谈判桌上问题的复杂性,以及和平进程释放的文化、社会和政治问题。
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引用次数: 0
In Memoriam 为纪念
Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380201
Oded Haklai, Adia Mendelson-Maoz
We are deeply saddened by the loss of Professor Gad Barzilai (1958–2023), who died on 10 April 2023. Gadi was an influential scholar in the fields of law and political science. He served as the president of the Association for Israel Studies (AIS) from 2011 to 2013. His leadership, exceptional scholarship, and vision helped shape the field of Israel studies and foster important intellectual debates on issues pertinent to Israeli society.
我们对Gad Barzilai教授(1958-2023)的逝世深感悲痛,他于2023年4月10日去世。加迪在法律和政治科学领域是一位有影响力的学者。2011年至2013年,他担任以色列研究协会(AIS)主席。他的领导能力、卓越的学识和远见帮助塑造了以色列研究领域,并促进了有关以色列社会问题的重要智力辩论。
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引用次数: 0
Oslo: Three Decades Later 奥斯陆:三十年后
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380202
R. D. Sarto, M. Klein
Contrary to the commonly held belief that the 1993 Oslo Accord was a peace treaty, this article shows that it was an imbalanced interim agreement that unsurprisingly failed. Three decades later, the Israeli-Palestinian reality is marked by a massive expansion of Israel's settlement project, a gradual erasure of the Green Line, a symbiosis between Israeli security forces and the settlers, and an authoritarian and divided Palestinian leadership, with the Palestinian Authority acting as Israel's sub-contractor. Israel's regime of control also separates between Palestinian groups, with each group given a different set of limited rights. While the Oslo process had the potential to transform a predominantly ethnic struggle into a conflict over land and borders, the ramifications of the one single regime that has replaced the Oslo order cannot be underestimated. After describing these developments, the article introduces the contributions to the special issue, which add new perspectives to the still ongoing debate on the genesis, interpretation, and implications of Oslo.
与人们普遍认为的1993年奥斯陆协议是一个和平条约相反,这篇文章表明,这是一个不平衡的临时协议,不出所料地失败了。三十年后,以巴现实的特点是以色列定居点项目的大规模扩张,绿线的逐渐消失,以色列安全部队和定居者之间的共生关系,以及独裁和分裂的巴勒斯坦领导层,巴勒斯坦权力机构充当以色列的分包商。以色列的控制体制也将巴勒斯坦各团体分开,每个团体都有不同的有限权利。虽然奥斯陆进程有可能将一场以种族为主的斗争转变为一场围绕土地和边界的冲突,但取代奥斯陆秩序的单一政权的后果是不可低估的。在描述了这些发展之后,文章介绍了对特刊的贡献,这些贡献为仍在进行的关于奥斯陆的起源、解释和含义的辩论增添了新的视角。
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引用次数: 0
I'm Hopeless but I Still Have Hope 我绝望了,但我还有希望
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380210
Stacey Gutkowski
Mannheim observed that generational memory is shaped by the prominent public events an age cohort experienced for the first time as young adults. For Jewish-Israeli millennials, born 1980–1995, their political coming of age was shaped by the failure of Oslo, cyclical violence, and Israel's pursuit of policies of population separation from Palestinians. This article draws on a wider, phenomenological study (2014–20) of post-Oslo generational memory of self-described hiloni (‘secular’ in Hebrew) millennials across the political spectrum from left to right. More richly theorizing and nuancing what is popularly assumed about this demographic, it argues that Oslo's legacy is hope-as-waiting behavior. It introduces Rengger's concept of the anti-Pelagian imaginary to discussions of attitudes to Occupation, making a case for more carefully specifying this sensibility by Jewish-Israeli demographic subgroup. To comparatively research hope amid intractable conflict calls for deeper analysis of hope-as-waiting as a category of action.
曼海姆观察到,代际记忆是由一个年龄段的人作为年轻人第一次经历的重大公共事件塑造的。对于出生于1980年至1995年的千禧一代以色列犹太人来说,他们的政治成长受到奥斯陆协议失败、周期性暴力以及以色列推行人口与巴勒斯坦人分离政策的影响。本文借鉴了一项更广泛的现象学研究(2014 - 2020),研究了后奥斯陆时代的记忆,这些记忆来自政治光谱从左到右的千禧一代,他们自称为hiloni(希伯来语中的“世俗”)。更丰富的理论化和细致化了关于这一人口统计的普遍假设,它认为奥斯陆的遗产是希望即等待的行为。它将Rengger的反伯拉基想象概念引入到对占领态度的讨论中,并为更仔细地指定犹太-以色列人口亚群的这种敏感性提供了一个案例。要在棘手的冲突中比较研究希望,就需要对希望作为一种行动范畴进行更深入的分析。
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引用次数: 0
Oslo and the Shifting Paradigms of the Human Rights Community in Israel and Palestine 《奥斯陆与以色列和巴勒斯坦人权共同体的转变范式》
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380208
Leonie Fleischmann
Despite some improvement to the lives of Palestinians through human rights activism, this article argues that the legal regime governing Occupied Territories, combined with a rigid legalized conception and application of human rights, limits the ability to achieve human rights protections for those living under prolonged military occupations. Drawing on a critique of liberal legalism, this article will identify four key barriers to change through an analysis of court cases and human rights reports in the Israeli military occupation of the Palestinians. It will trace key shifts in human rights organizations in Israel and Palestine, which seek to overcome these limitations in an effort to secure long-term human rights for Palestinians.
尽管通过人权活动改善了巴勒斯坦人的生活,但本文认为,管理被占领土的法律制度,加上严格的人权合法化概念和应用,限制了长期军事占领下生活的人实现人权保护的能力。在对自由法律主义的批判中,本文将通过对以色列军事占领巴勒斯坦的法庭案件和人权报告的分析,找出四个关键的变革障碍。它将追踪以色列和巴勒斯坦人权组织的关键转变,这些组织寻求克服这些限制,努力确保巴勒斯坦人的长期人权。
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引用次数: 0
Denmark's Engagement in the Oslo Peace Process 丹麦参与奥斯陆和平进程
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2023.380205
Nir Levitan
Since 1993, professional and historical record literature has largely focused on the Norwegian involvement in the Oslo peace process. Denmark's extensive mediation efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have not received similar scrutiny. This article assesses Denmark's involvement in the period following the Oslo Declaration of Principles in 1993. Denmark's peace engagement included two main diplomatic tracks. The unofficial track was designated as the Louisiana Process and the official track was named the Road Map for Peace. In both tracks, Denmark was able to demonstrate a comprehensive foreign policy that reflected a unique mediation strategy. Denmark's capacity to alter the nature of the conflict was restricted by its meager resources and its inability to impose decisions on the involved parties.
自1993年以来,专业文献和历史文献主要集中于挪威参与奥斯陆和平进程。丹麦为解决以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突所作的广泛调解努力没有受到类似的审查。本文评估了丹麦在1993年《奥斯陆原则宣言》之后时期的参与情况。丹麦的和平参与包括两条主要的外交途径。非官方的轨道被指定为路易斯安那进程,官方的轨道被命名为和平路线图。在这两个方面,丹麦都能够展示一种反映独特调解战略的全面外交政策。丹麦改变冲突性质的能力受到其资源贫乏和无法将决定强加于有关各方的限制。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Israel Studies Review
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