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A (Bit Disappointing) Portrait of Israeli Leaders in the Twenty-First Century 21世纪以色列领导人的肖像(有点令人失望)
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2019.340208
Avi Shilon
Ehud Olmert, In Person [in Hebrew] (Tel Aviv: Yedioth Ahronoth Books, 2018), 896 pp. Hardback, $42.00.Avi Gil, The Peres Formula: Diary of a Confidant [in Hebrew] (Modi’in: Kinneret Zmora-Bitan Dvir, 2018), 368 pp. Hardback, $28.00.Ehud Barak, My Country, My Life: Fighting for Israel, Searching for Peace (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2018), 496 pp. Hardback, $29.99.Anshel Pfeffer, Bibi: The Turbulent Life and Times of Benjamin Netanyahu (London: Hurst, 2018), 432 pp. Hardback, $36.95. Kindle, $19.99.
埃胡德·奥尔默特,《面对面》(希伯来语)(特拉维夫:Yedioth Ahronoth Books, 2018), 896页,精装本,42.00美元。阿维·吉尔,《佩雷斯公式:知己日记》(希伯来文)(莫迪出版社:Kinneret Zmora-Bitan Dvir, 2018), 368页,精装本,28.00美元。埃胡德·巴拉克:《我的国家,我的生活:为以色列而战,寻求和平》(纽约:圣马丁出版社,2018年),496页,精装本,29.99美元。安谢尔·普费弗,《比比:本杰明·内塔尼亚胡动荡的生活与时代》(伦敦:赫斯特出版社,2018),432页,精装本,36.95美元。Kindle, 19.99美元。
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引用次数: 0
The Academic Reserve 学术储备
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2019.340205
Gil Baram, I. Ben-Israel
Why is Israel world-renowned as the ‘start-up nation’ and a leading source of technological innovation? While existing scholarship focuses on the importance of skill development during Israel Defense Forces (IDF) service, we argue that the key role of the Academic Reserve has been overlooked. Established in the 1950s as part of David Ben-Gurion’s vision for a scientifically and technologically advanced defense force, the Academic Reserve is a special program in which the IDF sends selected high school graduates to earn academic degrees before they complete an extended term of military service. After finishing their service, most participants go on to contribute to Israel’s successful high-tech industry. By focusing on the role of the Academic Reserve, we provide a broader understanding of Israel’s ongoing technological success.
为什么以色列是世界闻名的“创业之国”和技术创新的主要来源?虽然现有的学术研究侧重于以色列国防军(IDF)服役期间技能发展的重要性,但我们认为学术储备的关键作用被忽视了。学术预备队成立于20世纪50年代,是大卫·本-古里安(David Ben-Gurion)对科学和技术先进的国防力量的愿景的一部分,是以色列国防军(IDF)派遣选定的高中毕业生在完成延长的服兵役之前获得学位的特殊计划。在完成服务后,大多数参与者继续为以色列成功的高科技产业做出贡献。通过关注学术储备的作用,我们对以色列正在取得的技术成功有了更广泛的了解。
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引用次数: 8
Delegitimization as a National Security Threat 作为国家安全威胁的非法化
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2019.340203
Ronnie Olesker
This article examines the securitization of delegitimization as a national security threat in Israel. The article contains three elements. First, theoretically, it analyzes legitimacy as a national security asset and delegitimization as a risk to ontological security. Second, it traces the Israeli response to delegitimization, providing an empirically rich account of this approach. Finally, it seeks to provide an assessment, albeit preliminary, of the effectiveness of the Israeli response. It concludes by discussing policy implications, emphasizing the benefits and counterproductive outcomes of an otherwise successful securitization process. Although Israel has had success curbing delegitimization with regard to political elites at the state level, it continues to lose ground with both the grassroots and Western liberal audiences.
这篇文章检视了在以色列作为国家安全威胁的非合法化的证券化。这篇文章包含三个要素。首先,从理论上分析合法性作为国家安全资产和非合法性作为本体论安全风险。其次,它追溯了以色列对非法化的反应,为这种方法提供了丰富的经验。最后,它试图对以色列反应的有效性进行评估,尽管是初步的评估。最后讨论了政策含义,强调了成功的证券化过程的好处和适得其反的结果。尽管以色列在国家层面上成功地遏制了政治精英的非合法性,但它在基层和西方自由派听众中继续失势。
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引用次数: 6
Appointing Arab Judges to the Courts in Israel, 1948–1969 1948-1969年在以色列法院任命阿拉伯法官
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/ISR.2019.340104
G. Lurie
This article unveils a virtually unknown chapter in the historyof judicial diversity in Israel. During its first 20 years of existence,between 1948 and 1968, only three Arab judges were appointed. Then,within two years, between 1968 and 1969, Israel appointed three additionalArab judges. Two interconnected changes account for this smallincrease in judicial diversity. First, in the 1960s, the Arab legal elite beganto exert pressure on Israeli officials to appoint Arab judges. Second, perhapspartly due to this pressure, the Judicial Selection Committee madehaving a diverse judiciary a top priority. This historical example teachesus that without outside pressure, the Judicial Selection Committee doesnot look on diversity as an important consideration, using the merit systemof appointment as an excuse for its failure. Indeed, up to the presentday, the Israeli judiciary has relatively few Arab judges.
这篇文章揭开了以色列司法多样性历史上一个几乎不为人知的篇章。在其成立的头20年,即1948年至1968年期间,只任命了三名阿拉伯法官。然后,在1968年至1969年的两年内,以色列又任命了三名阿拉伯法官。两个相互关联的变化解释了司法多样性的小幅增长。首先,在20世纪60年代,阿拉伯法律精英开始向以色列官员施加压力,要求他们任命阿拉伯人担任法官。其次,也许正是由于这种压力,司法选拔委员会把建立一个多元化的司法系统作为首要任务。这个历史例子告诉我们,在没有外界压力的情况下,司法遴选委员会并不把多样性作为一个重要的考虑因素,而是把任命制作为其失败的借口。事实上,到目前为止,以色列司法部门的阿拉伯法官相对较少。
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引用次数: 1
Staying and Critiquing 停留和批评
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/ISR.2019.340107
Valeria Seigelsheifer, Tova Hartman
Over the past two decades, Israeli Orthodox Jewish womenfilmmakers have used film to speak in a public voice about various subjectsthat were previously taboo. Although there are aspects of Orthodoxyto which these filmmakers object, they do so as ‘devoted resisters’. Ratherthan expressing heretical opposition, the women stay committed to Orthodoxyprecisely because they are able to use filmmaking to resist. In theirnegotiations of voice used to ‘justify’ their decision to become filmmakers,the women position themselves as ‘accidental’ filmmakers, therebyremaining within Orthodoxy while critiquing it through their films. Culturalresistance in this case is not carried out as defiance to Orthodox Judaismbut rather out of a relationship with it, featuring a form of resistancethat insists upon devotion to multiple commitments.
在过去的二十年里,以色列正统派犹太女电影人用电影来公开谈论各种以前被视为禁忌的话题。虽然这些电影制作人反对正统派的某些方面,但他们是作为“忠诚的抵抗者”这样做的。而不是表达异端的反对,这些女性一直致力于正统,正是因为她们能够用电影制作来抵抗。为了“证明”她们成为电影人的决定是正确的,这些女性将自己定位为“偶然的”电影人,因此在通过她们的电影批评正统的同时,她们仍留在正统之中。在这种情况下,文化抵抗并不是对正统犹太教的蔑视,而是出于与它的关系,以坚持对多种承诺的奉献为特征的抵抗形式。
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引用次数: 1
An Arab University in the State of Israel 以色列的一所阿拉伯大学
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/ISR.2019.340105
Nohad ‘Ali, Rima’a Da’as
The notion of having an Arab university in the State of Israelis exceedingly controversial, but also of great value and political and culturalsignificance. Can such a dream become a reality in a state that definesitself as Jewish, as well as democratic? This article discusses the vision ofestablishing an Arab university, including the previous attempts to establishone, the barriers and obstacles encountered, the reality of inequalityof academic rights, and how this dream might actually be brought to fruition.The creation of an Arab university could represent an important stepin serving the needs of Israel’s Arab citizens, promoting their status in thestate, and protecting their identity, culture, and even existence.
在以色列国建立一所阿拉伯大学的想法极具争议性,但也具有重大的政治和文化意义。在一个将自己定义为犹太人和民主国家的国家,这样的梦想能成为现实吗?本文讨论了建立一所阿拉伯大学的愿景,包括之前的建立尝试,遇到的障碍和障碍,学术权利不平等的现实,以及如何实现这一梦想。建立一所阿拉伯大学可能是服务以色列阿拉伯公民需求的重要一步,提高他们在以色列的地位,保护他们的身份、文化,甚至是生存。
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引用次数: 2
The Status Quo and the Feminization of Political Alternatives 现状与政治选择的女性化
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/ISR.2019.340103
Noa Balf
The Oslo peace process has effectively stalled and failed. Inthis article I show that by positioning the Oslo process and any politicaland civic forces involved with it as tainted by irrational and emotionalweakness, neo-conservative figures and institutions within Israel havesuccessfully argued for a hyper-masculinized Israeli security paradigm. Inthis configuration, the process of cooperation and the acknowledgement ofPalestinian claims are viewed as weak and reprehensible, while aggressivemilitary strategies, deterrence, and the demand for unequivocal Palestinianacceptance of Israel’s terms are perceived as rational and responsibleactions that protect Israeli interests. By conflating security with the state,Israeli political leaders perpetuate the conflict rather than resolve it.
奥斯陆和平进程实际上已经停滞和失败。在这篇文章中,我展示了通过将奥斯陆进程和任何与之相关的政治和公民力量定位为被非理性和情感弱点所玷污,以色列内部的新保守主义人物和机构成功地论证了一种高度男性化的以色列安全范式。在这种情况下,合作和承认巴勒斯坦要求的过程被视为软弱和应受谴责,而侵略性的军事战略,威慑和要求巴勒斯坦明确接受以色列的条件被视为理性和负责任的行动,以保护以色列的利益。通过将安全与国家混为一谈,以色列政治领导人使冲突永久化,而不是解决冲突。
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引用次数: 1
Deception and Israeli Peacemaking since 1967 1967年以来的欺骗和以色列的调停
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/ISR.2019.340102
G. Golan
The failure to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict for many yearshas often been attributed in significant part to the absence of trust in thesincerity of the other side and, more specifically, to the recalcitrant natureof the opponent. Analyses of past proposals and actual negotiations havepointed out missed opportunities, possibly the result of misperceptionsor misunderstandings. Recent archival research, publications, and interviewsregarding the Israeli protagonists reveal that actual deception, asdistinct from ‘misperception’, may have been at play. The article examinesthis phenomenon as it has appeared since 1967 in six instances of Israeligovernment dealings with its own public and with the US or the internationalcommunity, even in recent months, due primarily to an unwillingnessto withdraw from the Occupied Territories or agree to enter seriousnegotiations for ending the conflict with the Palestinians.
多年来,阿以冲突未能得到解决,在很大程度上被认为是由于对对方的诚意缺乏信任,更具体地说,是由于对手的顽固性。对过去的建议和实际谈判的分析指出了错失的机会,这可能是误解或误解的结果。最近的档案研究、出版物和对以色列主角的采访表明,与“误解”不同,真正的欺骗可能在起作用。这篇文章考察了这种现象,因为自1967年以来,以色列政府与自己的公众、与美国或国际社会打交道的六个例子中出现了这种现象,甚至在最近几个月,主要原因是以色列政府不愿意从被占领土撤出,也不愿意为结束与巴勒斯坦人的冲突而进行认真的谈判。
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引用次数: 1
The Israeli Diaspora in Berlin 在柏林的以色列侨民
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/ISR.2019.340106
L. Remennick
In this ethnographic essay, I reflect on the origins and presentcondition of the new (post-2010) Israeli diaspora in Berlin. Based on10 months of participant observation, I map out the main sub-streams ofthis emigration; elicit the economic, professional, and political reasonsfor leaving Israel; and explore these émigrés’ initial encounter withGerman society. My observations suggest that many Israeli residents ofBerlin (mostly secular) rediscover their Jewishness along diasporic linesand forge ties with the local religious and community organizations.Being a small minority in the German-speaking milieu, Israelis investin building their own Hebrew-based community networks, includingmedia outlets and cultural and educational institutions. Lastly, I explorethese émigrés’ ties with Israel and conclude that many Israelis in Berlinare sojourners rather than immigrants and that Berlin is but one phasein their life journey.
在这篇民族志文章中,我反思了柏林新(2010年后)以色列侨民的起源和现状。基于10个月的参与观察,我绘制了这次移民的主要子流;引出离开以色列的经济、专业和政治原因;探索这些人与德国社会的初次接触。我的观察表明,柏林的许多以色列居民(大多是世俗的)沿着散居的路线重新发现了他们的犹太人身份,并与当地的宗教和社区组织建立了联系。作为德语环境中的少数民族,以色列人投资建立自己的以希伯来语为基础的社区网络,包括媒体机构和文化教育机构。最后,我探讨了这些人与以色列的联系,并得出结论:许多在柏林的以色列人是外来者,而不是移民,柏林只是他们人生旅程中的一个阶段。
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引用次数: 14
Residential Segregation in Israel, 1961–2008 以色列的居住隔离,1961-2008
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/ISR.2019.340108
Noga Keidar
While scholars study residential segregation dynamics inorder to understand minorities’ assimilation into mainstream society,less is known about these mechanisms in ethno-national migration contexts.This article examines Israel’s demographic dynamics from 1961 to2008 in order to evaluate and provide a framework for the process of spatialassimilation of Mizrahim and Ashkenazim in the context of segregationfrom the Palestinian citizens of Israel. By using the Theil index (H),I assess the level of segregation in different geographic layers and thenexplore how internal migration has reduced spatial distance within theJewish society. The analysis demonstrates that despite the disadvantagedposition of Mizrahim as of 1961, levels of residential segregation haddecreased by 1983. Also, boundaries changed from a variance betweenMizrahim and Ashkenazim into a variance among Mizrahim only, withthose who relocated as the most spatially assimilated group and thosewho remained as the most segregated one.
虽然学者们研究居住隔离动态以了解少数民族融入主流社会的过程,但对种族-国家迁移背景下的这些机制知之甚少。本文考察了1961年至2008年以色列的人口动态,以评估米兹拉希姆和德系犹太人在与以色列巴勒斯坦公民隔离的背景下的空间同化过程,并为其提供一个框架。通过使用Theil指数(H),我评估了不同地理层的隔离程度,然后探讨了内部移民如何减少犹太社会内部的空间距离。分析表明,尽管米兹拉希姆在1961年处于不利地位,但到1983年,居住隔离水平有所下降。此外,边界从米兹拉辛和德系犹太人之间的差异变成了米兹拉辛之间的差异,那些迁移的人是空间上最同化的群体,而那些留下来的人则是最隔离的群体。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Israel Studies Review
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