Pub Date : 2023-04-19DOI: 10.1177/20578911231164767
Dirk Berg-Schlosser, Ursula Hoffmann-Lange
The People's Republic of China (PRC), the Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong, the Republic of China (Taiwan) and the Republic of Singapore represent different types of political regimes and provide a fascinating contrast concerning their performance with regard to the global conflict between liberal democracies and autocracies. This paper examines briefly their common historical backgrounds and provides a detailed analysis of common ‘Asian’ cultural features and popular support for democracy on the micro-level. It then systematically assesses their performance concerning liberal democracy and quality, governance scores, and socio-economic development. Finally, the reactions to the Covid-19 pandemic are documented showing again specific regime characteristics. We use most recent V-Dem, World Bank, United Nations Development Programme, World Values Surveys and similar data. The conclusions point to possible international consequences and the crucial position of Taiwan.
{"title":"Comparing regime types – ‘most similar’ cases in East Asia","authors":"Dirk Berg-Schlosser, Ursula Hoffmann-Lange","doi":"10.1177/20578911231164767","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231164767","url":null,"abstract":"The People's Republic of China (PRC), the Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong, the Republic of China (Taiwan) and the Republic of Singapore represent different types of political regimes and provide a fascinating contrast concerning their performance with regard to the global conflict between liberal democracies and autocracies. This paper examines briefly their common historical backgrounds and provides a detailed analysis of common ‘Asian’ cultural features and popular support for democracy on the micro-level. It then systematically assesses their performance concerning liberal democracy and quality, governance scores, and socio-economic development. Finally, the reactions to the Covid-19 pandemic are documented showing again specific regime characteristics. We use most recent V-Dem, World Bank, United Nations Development Programme, World Values Surveys and similar data. The conclusions point to possible international consequences and the crucial position of Taiwan.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45612888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-02DOI: 10.1177/20578911221147657
Ambar Kumar Ghosh
India has witnessed the dominance of a plethora of political dynasties, both at the national as well as the state level, since independence. The post-colonial Indian state adopted a liberal constitutional democracy premised upon modern representative institutions. However, the primordial principle of hereditary succession of power resiliently co-existed in the form of powerful political families that have continued to impact the nature of Indian democratic political discourse till today. The political parties are an instrumental driver of political life in all modern representative democracies including India. Hence, it is crucial to study how the Indian party system has consolidated the prominence of political dynasties especially from the 1970s onwards, in the realm of both party organisation and the representative institutions. In this context, the article attempts to problematise the nature of dynastic politics in India and offers a framework to analyse the causes of its dominance to understand how it impacts the right to equal political opportunity and electoral competitiveness. The article makes three arguments. First, to better understand the amorphous nature of dynastic politics, two elements – dynastic representation in elected institutions and dynasty-led parties – need to be studied distinctively, despite some commonalities. Second, dynastic representation is largely ubiquitous in most political parties (in both dynasty-led and non-dynasty-led parties) due to the party's preference for legacy candidates and their higher chances of electoral winnability. Third, the article offers two typologies of dynasty-led parties, explaining why the dynasties’ grip over their parties, particularly in recent times, appears to be mostly performance-immune and in what circumstances some dynasty-led parties not only perform better in electoral contests than others but also face tough competition for retaining their dynastic control over the party. Lastly, the article concludes with some reflections on how dynastic representation and dynasty-led parties impact the form and substance of the Indian party system and democratic politics.
{"title":"Understanding layered dominance of political dynasties in India: A de-hyphenated reading of dynastic representation and dynasty-led parties","authors":"Ambar Kumar Ghosh","doi":"10.1177/20578911221147657","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221147657","url":null,"abstract":"India has witnessed the dominance of a plethora of political dynasties, both at the national as well as the state level, since independence. The post-colonial Indian state adopted a liberal constitutional democracy premised upon modern representative institutions. However, the primordial principle of hereditary succession of power resiliently co-existed in the form of powerful political families that have continued to impact the nature of Indian democratic political discourse till today. The political parties are an instrumental driver of political life in all modern representative democracies including India. Hence, it is crucial to study how the Indian party system has consolidated the prominence of political dynasties especially from the 1970s onwards, in the realm of both party organisation and the representative institutions. In this context, the article attempts to problematise the nature of dynastic politics in India and offers a framework to analyse the causes of its dominance to understand how it impacts the right to equal political opportunity and electoral competitiveness. The article makes three arguments. First, to better understand the amorphous nature of dynastic politics, two elements – dynastic representation in elected institutions and dynasty-led parties – need to be studied distinctively, despite some commonalities. Second, dynastic representation is largely ubiquitous in most political parties (in both dynasty-led and non-dynasty-led parties) due to the party's preference for legacy candidates and their higher chances of electoral winnability. Third, the article offers two typologies of dynasty-led parties, explaining why the dynasties’ grip over their parties, particularly in recent times, appears to be mostly performance-immune and in what circumstances some dynasty-led parties not only perform better in electoral contests than others but also face tough competition for retaining their dynastic control over the party. Lastly, the article concludes with some reflections on how dynastic representation and dynasty-led parties impact the form and substance of the Indian party system and democratic politics.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48492819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research explores the protest voting phenomenon in the Surakarta, Indonesia, mayoral election in response to political oligarchy. It uses a qualitative method, and the data analysis uses NVivo 12 Plus software. The findings reveal that the protest voting movement in the Surakarta mayoral election occurred as an effort to resist political parties. The protest vote made ballots invalid, showing no trust in candidates. Political parties practiced oligarchy by jointly endorsing the president's active son as a candidate. The parties had no initiative in bringing up alternative candidates due to the pragmatism of powers. Then, this political oligarchy became headline news. This research implies that public trust in political parties as instruments of democracy has increasingly degraded due to the parties’ pragmatic behavior. Moreover, voters have understood that oligarchic practices must be resisted in order to select ideal leaders.
{"title":"The protest voting behaviour among local voters in the 2020 Surakarta mayoral election","authors":"Dimas Subekti, Arissy Jorgy Sutan, Achmad Nurmandi, D. Mutiarin, Ridho Al-Hamdi","doi":"10.1177/20578911231161910","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231161910","url":null,"abstract":"This research explores the protest voting phenomenon in the Surakarta, Indonesia, mayoral election in response to political oligarchy. It uses a qualitative method, and the data analysis uses NVivo 12 Plus software. The findings reveal that the protest voting movement in the Surakarta mayoral election occurred as an effort to resist political parties. The protest vote made ballots invalid, showing no trust in candidates. Political parties practiced oligarchy by jointly endorsing the president's active son as a candidate. The parties had no initiative in bringing up alternative candidates due to the pragmatism of powers. Then, this political oligarchy became headline news. This research implies that public trust in political parties as instruments of democracy has increasingly degraded due to the parties’ pragmatic behavior. Moreover, voters have understood that oligarchic practices must be resisted in order to select ideal leaders.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43271985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-13DOI: 10.1177/20578911231162689
Syed Muhammad Saad Zaidi
Pandemics have been a recurrent phenomenon throughout the course of history. However, the levels of fear and hysteria brought by the COVID-19 outbreak, forcing regimes across the globe to impose stringent lockdowns, had never been witnessed before. While these lockdowns proved beneficial in reducing both the infection and mortality rate, they created an impossible environment for governments across the globe to effectively and efficiently govern, which in turn gave birth to numerous economic challenges, especially in developing countries like Pakistan. In Pakistan, where the common person was already finding it very difficult to makes ends meet, the pandemic incurred tremendous economic hardships like unemployment, poverty and decline in per capita income. Consequently, Pakistan's economy struggled as it experienced a negative economic growth rate, inflation and a significant reduction in exports. As a by-product of the economic crunch, the flawed Pakistani governance system came under the spotlight, as it found itself struggling to tackle the day-by-day worsening situation. Strikingly, due to the infamous longstanding province–centre rift, Pakistan was neither able to promulgate an effective unified lockdown strategy nor to provide basic necessities to its citizens. This article analyses the governance and economic problems faced by Pakistan due to the COVID-19 outbreak from the prism of the dependency paradigm, which highlights the exploitative nature of developed–developing/underdeveloped states. Also, it provides policy prescriptions to strengthen Pakistan's economic system to deter future pandemics.
{"title":"COVID-19: Exacerbating Pakistan's economic problems – a critical analysis using the dependency paradigm","authors":"Syed Muhammad Saad Zaidi","doi":"10.1177/20578911231162689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231162689","url":null,"abstract":"Pandemics have been a recurrent phenomenon throughout the course of history. However, the levels of fear and hysteria brought by the COVID-19 outbreak, forcing regimes across the globe to impose stringent lockdowns, had never been witnessed before. While these lockdowns proved beneficial in reducing both the infection and mortality rate, they created an impossible environment for governments across the globe to effectively and efficiently govern, which in turn gave birth to numerous economic challenges, especially in developing countries like Pakistan. In Pakistan, where the common person was already finding it very difficult to makes ends meet, the pandemic incurred tremendous economic hardships like unemployment, poverty and decline in per capita income. Consequently, Pakistan's economy struggled as it experienced a negative economic growth rate, inflation and a significant reduction in exports. As a by-product of the economic crunch, the flawed Pakistani governance system came under the spotlight, as it found itself struggling to tackle the day-by-day worsening situation. Strikingly, due to the infamous longstanding province–centre rift, Pakistan was neither able to promulgate an effective unified lockdown strategy nor to provide basic necessities to its citizens. This article analyses the governance and economic problems faced by Pakistan due to the COVID-19 outbreak from the prism of the dependency paradigm, which highlights the exploitative nature of developed–developing/underdeveloped states. Also, it provides policy prescriptions to strengthen Pakistan's economic system to deter future pandemics.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46746166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-12DOI: 10.1177/20578911231162690
Praveen Rai
The conference in Poona that led to the foundation of Indian National Congress in 1885 aimed to serve as the germ of a native parliament to provide a reply to the assertion that India was still unfit for any form of representative institution. It spearheaded the Indian independence movement and post 1947 ushered in a ‘Congress system’ of one-party dominance that represented a historical consensus with few parallels in any political party system in the world. Dialectical contradiction has been a historic recurrence in the Congress as ‘personality cults’ of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi in the early years and a ‘high command culture’ later on decimated its hegemonic power in competitive party politics. The Congress declined due to a deficit of political vision, lack of forward-thinking ideas, engagement in competitive pseudo-secularism and diminishing electoral returns of dynastic (Nehru-Gandhi) politics. The institutionalization of BJP as a dominant party in 2014 coincided with the deinstitutionalization of the Congress party system. The grand old party needs to relegitimize itself by revamping its ideology, formulating a populist model of governance, creating son-of-the-soil leadership, revitalizing the party system, re-engaging with citizens, altering its politics to meritocracy and embracing new age electoral grammar.
{"title":"Deinstitutionalization of the Congress ‘party system’ in Indian competitive politics","authors":"Praveen Rai","doi":"10.1177/20578911231162690","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231162690","url":null,"abstract":"The conference in Poona that led to the foundation of Indian National Congress in 1885 aimed to serve as the germ of a native parliament to provide a reply to the assertion that India was still unfit for any form of representative institution. It spearheaded the Indian independence movement and post 1947 ushered in a ‘Congress system’ of one-party dominance that represented a historical consensus with few parallels in any political party system in the world. Dialectical contradiction has been a historic recurrence in the Congress as ‘personality cults’ of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi in the early years and a ‘high command culture’ later on decimated its hegemonic power in competitive party politics. The Congress declined due to a deficit of political vision, lack of forward-thinking ideas, engagement in competitive pseudo-secularism and diminishing electoral returns of dynastic (Nehru-Gandhi) politics. The institutionalization of BJP as a dominant party in 2014 coincided with the deinstitutionalization of the Congress party system. The grand old party needs to relegitimize itself by revamping its ideology, formulating a populist model of governance, creating son-of-the-soil leadership, revitalizing the party system, re-engaging with citizens, altering its politics to meritocracy and embracing new age electoral grammar.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48838721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-09DOI: 10.1177/20578911231159395
Derwin Tambunan
Contemporary scholarship suggests that in post-Soeharto Indonesia, politics have become more democratic, replacing a brutal military dictatorship with considerable autocratic governance that appears to value a democratic governance system. However, exactly why there has not been an actual change in democratic policy-making in the parliament remains poorly understood. Contemporary scholarship asserts that the Indonesian policy-making process is characterized by ‘empty ritual’ instead of a genuine political process, due to the oligarchic nature of Indonesian politics. Nonetheless, there are few explanations of how or to what extent oligarchy dictates the policy-making process at the legislative level; instead, we are left with an unclear picture of the current political process of policy-making in the parliament. This study aims to fill this gap and investigate how oligarchy has used cartel-like strategies to overcome the legislative process in the parliament. A literature review and analysis of secondary data sources were employed to answer these questions. The findings show that the persistence of oligarchic cartels is evident in the legislative process of the Election Act 7/2017. This suggests that Indonesian oligarchs have hijacked the parliament's democratic policy-making process, finding ways to achieve consensus in passing bills and thereby evading complex disputes to dictate policy to their economic and political benefit.
{"title":"The intervention of oligarchy in the Indonesian legislative process","authors":"Derwin Tambunan","doi":"10.1177/20578911231159395","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231159395","url":null,"abstract":"Contemporary scholarship suggests that in post-Soeharto Indonesia, politics have become more democratic, replacing a brutal military dictatorship with considerable autocratic governance that appears to value a democratic governance system. However, exactly why there has not been an actual change in democratic policy-making in the parliament remains poorly understood. Contemporary scholarship asserts that the Indonesian policy-making process is characterized by ‘empty ritual’ instead of a genuine political process, due to the oligarchic nature of Indonesian politics. Nonetheless, there are few explanations of how or to what extent oligarchy dictates the policy-making process at the legislative level; instead, we are left with an unclear picture of the current political process of policy-making in the parliament. This study aims to fill this gap and investigate how oligarchy has used cartel-like strategies to overcome the legislative process in the parliament. A literature review and analysis of secondary data sources were employed to answer these questions. The findings show that the persistence of oligarchic cartels is evident in the legislative process of the Election Act 7/2017. This suggests that Indonesian oligarchs have hijacked the parliament's democratic policy-making process, finding ways to achieve consensus in passing bills and thereby evading complex disputes to dictate policy to their economic and political benefit.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45896342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-09DOI: 10.1177/20578911231161248
Jiali Shen
In the research on explaining public goods provision, political competition is usually linked with public goods provision and it is believed that political competition will have a positive or negative impact on public goods provision. However, others suggest that this relationship changes with the influence of other variables. This article which uses data analysis of 165 countries in 2013 to discuss the relationship between state capacity, political competition and public goods provision and its impact on public goods provision. The results show that public goods provision is good when there is only strong state capacity or a high level of political competition, or both. Then, the four cases of Japan, Singapore, Malaysia and Laos are selected to illustrate the mechanism by which the interaction of state capacity and political competition affects public goods provision.
{"title":"State capacity, political competition and public goods provision: A cross-national comparative study","authors":"Jiali Shen","doi":"10.1177/20578911231161248","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231161248","url":null,"abstract":"In the research on explaining public goods provision, political competition is usually linked with public goods provision and it is believed that political competition will have a positive or negative impact on public goods provision. However, others suggest that this relationship changes with the influence of other variables. This article which uses data analysis of 165 countries in 2013 to discuss the relationship between state capacity, political competition and public goods provision and its impact on public goods provision. The results show that public goods provision is good when there is only strong state capacity or a high level of political competition, or both. Then, the four cases of Japan, Singapore, Malaysia and Laos are selected to illustrate the mechanism by which the interaction of state capacity and political competition affects public goods provision.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43050320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-05DOI: 10.1177/20578911231156277
Muhammad Imran Rashid, Muhammad Mehran Iqbal, M. Tanvir
A cliché arises when Islam is claimed to be the source of a succession of terrorist attacks. As a result, several states have been concerned about and distrustful of Muslims—Islamophobia. Islamophobia is linked to unfavorable stereotypes about Muslims and Islam, which leads to the formation of anti-Islam sentiment. Prejudice stems from the belief that Islam is a lesser faith that poses a challenge to society's prevailing ideals. Because of its dichotomous function, the media has become the focus of attention in the instance of Islamophobia. It has become the source of the symptoms of Islamophobia. As a human civilization that relies on revenue to survive, Muslim communities have witnessed Islamophobia wreaking havoc on their businesses, overall economy, and resources. Islamophobia is a global issue associated with unfavorable attitudes and biases toward Muslims and Islam; it requires proper knowledge, good reporting, and appropriate representation at the international level.
{"title":"Islamophobia: Causes and countermeasures","authors":"Muhammad Imran Rashid, Muhammad Mehran Iqbal, M. Tanvir","doi":"10.1177/20578911231156277","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231156277","url":null,"abstract":"A cliché arises when Islam is claimed to be the source of a succession of terrorist attacks. As a result, several states have been concerned about and distrustful of Muslims—Islamophobia. Islamophobia is linked to unfavorable stereotypes about Muslims and Islam, which leads to the formation of anti-Islam sentiment. Prejudice stems from the belief that Islam is a lesser faith that poses a challenge to society's prevailing ideals. Because of its dichotomous function, the media has become the focus of attention in the instance of Islamophobia. It has become the source of the symptoms of Islamophobia. As a human civilization that relies on revenue to survive, Muslim communities have witnessed Islamophobia wreaking havoc on their businesses, overall economy, and resources. Islamophobia is a global issue associated with unfavorable attitudes and biases toward Muslims and Islam; it requires proper knowledge, good reporting, and appropriate representation at the international level.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43713416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-19DOI: 10.1177/20578911231157447
Rahat Shah, X. Ma
As the second largest country in South Asia, Pakistan has succeeded relatively well in tackling COVID-19 after it broke out in 2020. Due to this, it is necessary to inquire into Pakistan's statecraft to find out how it responded to the pandemic issue, first domestically and then globally. As one of the key neighboring countries of China where the large-scale pandemic started, Pakistan has been very vulnerable to the epidemic. However, the Pakistani government led by Imran Khan has achieved a remarkable record in controlling COVID-19. No doubt, the domestic progress in Pakistan is destined to enhance its reputation abroad. For example, the international community has extended encouraging words and deeds to Pakistan, while some developed EU countries have policies designed by Pakistani Goverment because Islamabad has adopted successful social security and financial stimulus strategies. This study aims to give a balanced understanding of what policy, approaches, and strategies have been used by the current ruling elites of Pakistan; and how the domestic achievements have effectively bolstered its prestigious image on the global stage.
{"title":"An inquiry into the Pakistani statecraft in tackling COVID-19","authors":"Rahat Shah, X. Ma","doi":"10.1177/20578911231157447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231157447","url":null,"abstract":"As the second largest country in South Asia, Pakistan has succeeded relatively well in tackling COVID-19 after it broke out in 2020. Due to this, it is necessary to inquire into Pakistan's statecraft to find out how it responded to the pandemic issue, first domestically and then globally. As one of the key neighboring countries of China where the large-scale pandemic started, Pakistan has been very vulnerable to the epidemic. However, the Pakistani government led by Imran Khan has achieved a remarkable record in controlling COVID-19. No doubt, the domestic progress in Pakistan is destined to enhance its reputation abroad. For example, the international community has extended encouraging words and deeds to Pakistan, while some developed EU countries have policies designed by Pakistani Goverment because Islamabad has adopted successful social security and financial stimulus strategies. This study aims to give a balanced understanding of what policy, approaches, and strategies have been used by the current ruling elites of Pakistan; and how the domestic achievements have effectively bolstered its prestigious image on the global stage.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-02-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42047112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-19DOI: 10.1177/20578911231157437
Khushi Mandowara, Vineeth Thomas
In the age of information, communication and technology, the digitalisation of governance is quintessential for implementing a culture of transparency and accountability in administration. India is a quasi-federal state and administration happens at the centre and state levels. In this context, this article makes a comparative study of the digitalisation of the Right to Information (RTI) Act in India at the centre and state levels of administration and governance. The article looks at the legislation on the right to information, the factors that motivated the digitalisation of the RTI Act, the importance of the RTI Act under Sustainable Development Goals and the political reasons behind the inadequate operationalisation of the RTI Act. The article concludes with a summary of the arguments and key policy recommendations.
{"title":"Proactive transparency in governance: A comparative study of digitalisation of the Right to Information Act in central and state governments in India","authors":"Khushi Mandowara, Vineeth Thomas","doi":"10.1177/20578911231157437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231157437","url":null,"abstract":"In the age of information, communication and technology, the digitalisation of governance is quintessential for implementing a culture of transparency and accountability in administration. India is a quasi-federal state and administration happens at the centre and state levels. In this context, this article makes a comparative study of the digitalisation of the Right to Information (RTI) Act in India at the centre and state levels of administration and governance. The article looks at the legislation on the right to information, the factors that motivated the digitalisation of the RTI Act, the importance of the RTI Act under Sustainable Development Goals and the political reasons behind the inadequate operationalisation of the RTI Act. The article concludes with a summary of the arguments and key policy recommendations.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-02-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49229363","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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