Pub Date : 2023-02-09DOI: 10.1177/20578911231153257
M. Jan, M. Zubair, S. Aman
Malakand district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province in Pakistan has been going through phenomenal transformations in the socioeconomic, political, and ecological spheres since 1969. To understand these transformations, this article employs the theories of ‘panarchy’, ‘resilience’, and ‘adaptive cycles’, borrowed from the literature on socio-ecological systems and sustainability transformation. These studies see disruptive transformation as a systemic change in the economy and society in relation to ecology. The evidence for the article is derived from fieldwork conducted by the first author during his doctoral study in 2007–2008 and later visits in September to October 2012. The scales chosen for the analysis are local (Batkhela, Malakand) and regional (North West of Pakistan). The article argues that theoretical constructs such as panarchy, and adaptive cycles have explanatory value to delineate the socioeconomic, political, and ecological transformation, in the Malakand region, over a period. The article finds out that in Malakand, smaller actors at smaller scales enacted change at bigger scales of adaptive cycles. The change at a smaller scale due to the emergence of Batkhela Bazaar brought changes at bigger scales in the region. However, due to the interaction between multiple cycles at different scales, the system demonstrated some resilience to change, consequently forging a sustainable change in the region. Despite these explicit findings, we understand that interpreting theoretical constructs such as panarchies and adaptive cycles requires more rigorous research, particularly to develop a more precise connection between ecological change and socio-economic transformation in Malakand.
{"title":"Panarchies of transformation and resilience: Delineating systemic change in the society, economy, and ecology of Malakand","authors":"M. Jan, M. Zubair, S. Aman","doi":"10.1177/20578911231153257","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231153257","url":null,"abstract":"Malakand district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province in Pakistan has been going through phenomenal transformations in the socioeconomic, political, and ecological spheres since 1969. To understand these transformations, this article employs the theories of ‘panarchy’, ‘resilience’, and ‘adaptive cycles’, borrowed from the literature on socio-ecological systems and sustainability transformation. These studies see disruptive transformation as a systemic change in the economy and society in relation to ecology. The evidence for the article is derived from fieldwork conducted by the first author during his doctoral study in 2007–2008 and later visits in September to October 2012. The scales chosen for the analysis are local (Batkhela, Malakand) and regional (North West of Pakistan). The article argues that theoretical constructs such as panarchy, and adaptive cycles have explanatory value to delineate the socioeconomic, political, and ecological transformation, in the Malakand region, over a period. The article finds out that in Malakand, smaller actors at smaller scales enacted change at bigger scales of adaptive cycles. The change at a smaller scale due to the emergence of Batkhela Bazaar brought changes at bigger scales in the region. However, due to the interaction between multiple cycles at different scales, the system demonstrated some resilience to change, consequently forging a sustainable change in the region. Despite these explicit findings, we understand that interpreting theoretical constructs such as panarchies and adaptive cycles requires more rigorous research, particularly to develop a more precise connection between ecological change and socio-economic transformation in Malakand.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"576 - 593"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44069731","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-09DOI: 10.1177/20578911231156102
Tabassum Majeed, Z. Anwar, Faiza Bashir
China has been considered to be a sleeping giant but is now actively playing its role in regional and world politics. There are many reasons behind the shift in China’s foreign policy from ignoring multi-lateral diplomacy to owning it, one of which is the economic rise of China due to its increasing energy demands. The “good neighbor policy” was introduced by Chinese President Hu Jintao in 2003, making China endorse interdependence regionally and internationally, instead of competition. This policy of China’s turned its surrounding regions into a trading hub. Pakistan has always had a very friendly foreign policy with its neighboring country China. The China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is proof of the Pak–China friendship in the 21st century. This corridor is not only advantageous for China and Pakistan but will bring stability to the South Asian region as well. This descriptive-analytical study dichotomizes the concept of “win-win cooperation” by applying it to CPEC as a win-win outcome for both China and Pakistan. The study describes that CPEC is a chance for Pakistan to become stronger as a country in the international community and will work as a booster for China in becoming the topmost economy of the world. The study highlights the key objective of CPEC by substantiating that better logistics, developed infrastructure, and improved transportation among countries are vital for economic stability and progress. Further, CPEC can revitalize the economy of Pakistan by enhancing infrastructural and social progress while giving a secure and short route to China as a replacement for the Strait of Malacca, increasing and speeding up the trading and investment activities of China throughout the world.
{"title":"CPEC: Pakistan and China’s joint step towards a shared destiny","authors":"Tabassum Majeed, Z. Anwar, Faiza Bashir","doi":"10.1177/20578911231156102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231156102","url":null,"abstract":"China has been considered to be a sleeping giant but is now actively playing its role in regional and world politics. There are many reasons behind the shift in China’s foreign policy from ignoring multi-lateral diplomacy to owning it, one of which is the economic rise of China due to its increasing energy demands. The “good neighbor policy” was introduced by Chinese President Hu Jintao in 2003, making China endorse interdependence regionally and internationally, instead of competition. This policy of China’s turned its surrounding regions into a trading hub. Pakistan has always had a very friendly foreign policy with its neighboring country China. The China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is proof of the Pak–China friendship in the 21st century. This corridor is not only advantageous for China and Pakistan but will bring stability to the South Asian region as well. This descriptive-analytical study dichotomizes the concept of “win-win cooperation” by applying it to CPEC as a win-win outcome for both China and Pakistan. The study describes that CPEC is a chance for Pakistan to become stronger as a country in the international community and will work as a booster for China in becoming the topmost economy of the world. The study highlights the key objective of CPEC by substantiating that better logistics, developed infrastructure, and improved transportation among countries are vital for economic stability and progress. Further, CPEC can revitalize the economy of Pakistan by enhancing infrastructural and social progress while giving a secure and short route to China as a replacement for the Strait of Malacca, increasing and speeding up the trading and investment activities of China throughout the world.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"547 - 557"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48397080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-18DOI: 10.1177/20578911221129653
J. Park
Like other Asian democracies, family politics is not unknown to South Korea. The triumph of Park Geun–hye, daughter of former authoritarian ruler Park Chung–hee, in the 2012 presidential election was in particular interpreted as a precursor of ‘dynastization’ in Korean politics. Nevertheless, up to the present day, political families in South Korea have been significantly less successful in securing offices through electoral competition than their Asian counterparts. Using extensive evidence from statistical and documentary sources, I argue the following: First, South Korean family politicians are more likely to face unfavorable popular sentiment towards their candidacies in elections than family politicians in other Asian democracies. Second, in addition to inheriting their predecessors' political advantages, they are required to enhance their own electoral appeal by properly justifying that their electoral participation is compatible with popular demands for meritocracy and procedural fairness. This argument highlighting politico–cultural requirements, or what I call justifiable narratives, for dynastic succession is empirically supported by case studies of four South Korean family politicians.
{"title":"Justifiable narratives: The rise and fall of family politicians in South Korea","authors":"J. Park","doi":"10.1177/20578911221129653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221129653","url":null,"abstract":"Like other Asian democracies, family politics is not unknown to South Korea. The triumph of Park Geun–hye, daughter of former authoritarian ruler Park Chung–hee, in the 2012 presidential election was in particular interpreted as a precursor of ‘dynastization’ in Korean politics. Nevertheless, up to the present day, political families in South Korea have been significantly less successful in securing offices through electoral competition than their Asian counterparts. Using extensive evidence from statistical and documentary sources, I argue the following: First, South Korean family politicians are more likely to face unfavorable popular sentiment towards their candidacies in elections than family politicians in other Asian democracies. Second, in addition to inheriting their predecessors' political advantages, they are required to enhance their own electoral appeal by properly justifying that their electoral participation is compatible with popular demands for meritocracy and procedural fairness. This argument highlighting politico–cultural requirements, or what I call justifiable narratives, for dynastic succession is empirically supported by case studies of four South Korean family politicians.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"689 - 707"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44384785","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-11DOI: 10.1177/20578911221148520
Muhammad Fahim Khan, Asadikhoob Hassan, Aamer Raza
Afghanistan has gone through a series of turmoils propelled by internal conflicts and foreign interventions. As the neighbor that shares Afghanistan's longest and, arguably, most important neighbor, Pakistan cannot remain aloof from the developments in Afghanistan. During the past 40 years, Pakistan has supported Mujahiddin against Soviets in 1980s, recognized the Taliban regime in 1990s, and joined the US-led war on terror in the 2000s and 2010s. The article argues that the current Afghan imbroglio confronts Pakistan with a peculiar set of challenges due to the lack of legitimacy of the Taliban regime in the eyes of foreign powers and the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan. We contend that Pakistan needs to engage with the Taliban and use its leverage to make the Afghan government under the Taliban more inclusive. The same will help to resolve the miseries of the Afghan population.
{"title":"Humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan: Changing global dynamics and Pakistan's policy choices","authors":"Muhammad Fahim Khan, Asadikhoob Hassan, Aamer Raza","doi":"10.1177/20578911221148520","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221148520","url":null,"abstract":"Afghanistan has gone through a series of turmoils propelled by internal conflicts and foreign interventions. As the neighbor that shares Afghanistan's longest and, arguably, most important neighbor, Pakistan cannot remain aloof from the developments in Afghanistan. During the past 40 years, Pakistan has supported Mujahiddin against Soviets in 1980s, recognized the Taliban regime in 1990s, and joined the US-led war on terror in the 2000s and 2010s. The article argues that the current Afghan imbroglio confronts Pakistan with a peculiar set of challenges due to the lack of legitimacy of the Taliban regime in the eyes of foreign powers and the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan. We contend that Pakistan needs to engage with the Taliban and use its leverage to make the Afghan government under the Taliban more inclusive. The same will help to resolve the miseries of the Afghan population.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"516 - 528"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45365887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-11DOI: 10.1177/20578911221149422
Syed Waqas Ali Kausar, Azeem Gul, Saira Hafeez
This article explores the effectiveness of political parties in relation to political finance and intra-party democracy in Pakistan. The aim of the article is to offer an objective understanding of these variables and suggest a model for the effectiveness of political parties. Primary data was collected from a sample of 1000 respondents from eight different but politically relevant parties. The respondents have diverse socio-political backgrounds and positions in parties hailing from all the provinces of Pakistan and Azad Jammu & Kashmir – a semi-autonomous territory under the administration of Pakistan. The instrument was developed and its validity and reliability were ensured. For empirical verification, extensive statistical tests were carried out, including validity and reliability analysis, standard regression and correlation, to test the assumptions of the research. Statistical analysis established that the independent variables are very significant in explaining the relationship with the dependent variable. Overall, most of the political parties are not internally democratic as they do not follow laid-down democratic processes in electing leadership and candidate selection, the findings revealed. Political parties are monopolized by personalities with weak organization and are institutionally fragile and compromise on their ideological foundation by preferring political expediency while decision making. Likewise, parties also rank poor in political finance as they rarely follow legal and administrative requirements laid down by the Election Commission of Pakistan on political finance. This has a direct bearing upon party effectiveness, as poor intraparty and weak political finance hinder party development as effective institutions aiming to aggregate the interests of the masses. The parties must ensure inclusiveness in choice making, build formal democratic decision-making structures and reinforce the key procedures for political financing. Moreover, political parties should be transparent and responsive towards democratic values and institutional practices to increase their effectiveness.
{"title":"Exploring intra-party democracy and political finance in Pakistan: The case of effectiveness of mainstream political parties","authors":"Syed Waqas Ali Kausar, Azeem Gul, Saira Hafeez","doi":"10.1177/20578911221149422","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221149422","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the effectiveness of political parties in relation to political finance and intra-party democracy in Pakistan. The aim of the article is to offer an objective understanding of these variables and suggest a model for the effectiveness of political parties. Primary data was collected from a sample of 1000 respondents from eight different but politically relevant parties. The respondents have diverse socio-political backgrounds and positions in parties hailing from all the provinces of Pakistan and Azad Jammu & Kashmir – a semi-autonomous territory under the administration of Pakistan. The instrument was developed and its validity and reliability were ensured. For empirical verification, extensive statistical tests were carried out, including validity and reliability analysis, standard regression and correlation, to test the assumptions of the research. Statistical analysis established that the independent variables are very significant in explaining the relationship with the dependent variable. Overall, most of the political parties are not internally democratic as they do not follow laid-down democratic processes in electing leadership and candidate selection, the findings revealed. Political parties are monopolized by personalities with weak organization and are institutionally fragile and compromise on their ideological foundation by preferring political expediency while decision making. Likewise, parties also rank poor in political finance as they rarely follow legal and administrative requirements laid down by the Election Commission of Pakistan on political finance. This has a direct bearing upon party effectiveness, as poor intraparty and weak political finance hinder party development as effective institutions aiming to aggregate the interests of the masses. The parties must ensure inclusiveness in choice making, build formal democratic decision-making structures and reinforce the key procedures for political financing. Moreover, political parties should be transparent and responsive towards democratic values and institutional practices to increase their effectiveness.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"529 - 546"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44437229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-09DOI: 10.1177/20578911221148830
Christian Schafferer
Political families in transitional societies are often seen in the context of corruption, democratic regression, deterioration of socio-economic development, inequality, and deprivation. High levels of dynasticism, however, also exist in advanced democratic societies. Using the example of Taiwan, this article explores the factors behind the evolution of electoral dynasties and how the behavior of hereditary politicians has been conditioned by democratization. More specifically, the article argues that legacy politicians are not per se the Pandora’s box of low-quality politics. Rather, they act like other networks of personal relations. As such, self-imposed ethical standards and inherited cultural norms may substantially restrain the intrinsic particularistic potentials of such networks, but in the long run only political modernization can prevent them from cultivating political capitalism—the predatory use of public resources. That is, political modernization conditions the behavior of electoral dynasties. It transforms particularistic networks into more progressive and programmatic forms of dynasticism.
{"title":"Political dynasties and democratization: A case study of Taiwan","authors":"Christian Schafferer","doi":"10.1177/20578911221148830","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221148830","url":null,"abstract":"Political families in transitional societies are often seen in the context of corruption, democratic regression, deterioration of socio-economic development, inequality, and deprivation. High levels of dynasticism, however, also exist in advanced democratic societies. Using the example of Taiwan, this article explores the factors behind the evolution of electoral dynasties and how the behavior of hereditary politicians has been conditioned by democratization. More specifically, the article argues that legacy politicians are not per se the Pandora’s box of low-quality politics. Rather, they act like other networks of personal relations. As such, self-imposed ethical standards and inherited cultural norms may substantially restrain the intrinsic particularistic potentials of such networks, but in the long run only political modernization can prevent them from cultivating political capitalism—the predatory use of public resources. That is, political modernization conditions the behavior of electoral dynasties. It transforms particularistic networks into more progressive and programmatic forms of dynasticism.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"708 - 726"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47542332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.1177/20578911221144101
Hirofumi Miwa, Yuko Kasuya, Yoshikuni Ono
Political family dynasties are a staple part of Japanese politics. According to one study, Japan has the fourth highest number of dynastic politicians among democratic countries, after Thailand, the Philippines, and Iceland. As a result, many scholars have qualitatively studied how these political families are born and managed. In contrast to the wealth of qualitative studies on this subject, however, few quantitative studies on Japanese political dynasties focus on how voters view them. To understand this question, we conducted two nation-wide surveys. Our major findings are that while the majority of respondents dislike dynastic candidates, they also value certain attributes of those candidates, such as their political networks, their potential for ministerial appointments, and their ability to bring pork projects to their constituencies. These results fill a gap in benchmark information on dynastic politics in Japan and are a departure from existing studies that show Japanese voters are neutral regarding whether a candidate is from a dynastic family in voting decisions.
{"title":"Voters’ perceptions and evaluations of dynastic politics in Japan","authors":"Hirofumi Miwa, Yuko Kasuya, Yoshikuni Ono","doi":"10.1177/20578911221144101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221144101","url":null,"abstract":"Political family dynasties are a staple part of Japanese politics. According to one study, Japan has the fourth highest number of dynastic politicians among democratic countries, after Thailand, the Philippines, and Iceland. As a result, many scholars have qualitatively studied how these political families are born and managed. In contrast to the wealth of qualitative studies on this subject, however, few quantitative studies on Japanese political dynasties focus on how voters view them. To understand this question, we conducted two nation-wide surveys. Our major findings are that while the majority of respondents dislike dynastic candidates, they also value certain attributes of those candidates, such as their political networks, their potential for ministerial appointments, and their ability to bring pork projects to their constituencies. These results fill a gap in benchmark information on dynastic politics in Japan and are a departure from existing studies that show Japanese voters are neutral regarding whether a candidate is from a dynastic family in voting decisions.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"671 - 688"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41484669","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-27DOI: 10.1177/20578911221147994
Esther E. Song
What are the long-term effects of authoritarian repression on political trust in a post-democratization context? Using the Gwangju Massacre in South Korea as a case study, this article finds that indirect and direct experience of state-perpetrated violence of the critical-period cohort—who were aged 17–25 during the incident—can have long-term negative effects on trust levels towards the government. Difference-in-difference analysis of national survey data collected in 2008 and 2012 reveals that experience with violence has long-term negative consequences on government trust. Results are robust even when including significant covariates of institutional theories and cultural theories, such as interpersonal trust, evaluation of government performance, as well as satisfaction with the economy. Drawing from memory studies, this article argues that the effects are due to collective memory formed during the critical period.
{"title":"Long-term effects of political violence on political trust: Evidence from the case of the Gwangju Massacre in South Korea, 1980","authors":"Esther E. Song","doi":"10.1177/20578911221147994","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221147994","url":null,"abstract":"What are the long-term effects of authoritarian repression on political trust in a post-democratization context? Using the Gwangju Massacre in South Korea as a case study, this article finds that indirect and direct experience of state-perpetrated violence of the critical-period cohort—who were aged 17–25 during the incident—can have long-term negative effects on trust levels towards the government. Difference-in-difference analysis of national survey data collected in 2008 and 2012 reveals that experience with violence has long-term negative consequences on government trust. Results are robust even when including significant covariates of institutional theories and cultural theories, such as interpersonal trust, evaluation of government performance, as well as satisfaction with the economy. Drawing from memory studies, this article argues that the effects are due to collective memory formed during the critical period.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"364 - 380"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46188813","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-27DOI: 10.1177/20578911221148005
R. D. de Castro
Shortly after becoming the Philippines’ 16th president in mid-2016, Rodrigo Roa Duterte had unraveled his predecessor's agenda of standing up to China's expansive claims in the South China Sea. He distanced his country from its long-time treaty ally and gravitated toward China which is resolute in reconfiguring the global commons in the Asia-Pacific region. He also set aside the 2016 UNCLOS decision on the South China Sea dispute favorable to the Philippines. His appeasement toward China contrasted sharply with the late President Benigno Aquino III's balancing strategy. President Duterte reoriented Philippine policy alarmed both the US and Japan. Consequently, Washington and Tokyo shored up their respective security ties with the Philippine military. The effort was aimed to prevent the Philippines from being pulled into China's orbit. Moreover, the US is the hub while Japan and the Philippines are spokes in the San Francisco System of alliances. This article concludes that the 1950 San Francisco Peace Conference not only established the series of US bilateral alliances in Asia, but also laid down the foundation of regional order and security which outlives the Cold War, and prevailed way beyond the second decade of the 21st century.
{"title":"Preventing the Philippines from pivoting toward China: The role of the US–Japan security alliance","authors":"R. D. de Castro","doi":"10.1177/20578911221148005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221148005","url":null,"abstract":"Shortly after becoming the Philippines’ 16th president in mid-2016, Rodrigo Roa Duterte had unraveled his predecessor's agenda of standing up to China's expansive claims in the South China Sea. He distanced his country from its long-time treaty ally and gravitated toward China which is resolute in reconfiguring the global commons in the Asia-Pacific region. He also set aside the 2016 UNCLOS decision on the South China Sea dispute favorable to the Philippines. His appeasement toward China contrasted sharply with the late President Benigno Aquino III's balancing strategy. President Duterte reoriented Philippine policy alarmed both the US and Japan. Consequently, Washington and Tokyo shored up their respective security ties with the Philippine military. The effort was aimed to prevent the Philippines from being pulled into China's orbit. Moreover, the US is the hub while Japan and the Philippines are spokes in the San Francisco System of alliances. This article concludes that the 1950 San Francisco Peace Conference not only established the series of US bilateral alliances in Asia, but also laid down the foundation of regional order and security which outlives the Cold War, and prevailed way beyond the second decade of the 21st century.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"381 - 399"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48626224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-19DOI: 10.1177/20578911221142132
P. Chambers, Srisompob Jitpiromsri, Katsuyuki Takahashi
Provincial clans and dynasties have long been crucial in Thai electoral politics. Their influence was felt since before the 1969 poll. Post-1988 and post-1992 political space gave clans room to expand in power. But their sway has been interrupted by several factors, including military coups, changing constitutions, and national transformations. Thailand's March 2019 general election, December 2020 provincial administrative organization elections, and March 2021 subdistrict administrative organization elections demonstrated the persistence of provincial clan influence owing partly to the 2019 end of military dictatorship but also to the needs by national parties to partner with provincial political families to achieve success and finally because local clans saw an opportunity to revitalize their power. In 2022 Thailand, provincial clans and dynasties appear to be alive and well. This study examines the historical evolution of provincial dynasties involved in Thai electoral politics in four different provinces. The study analyzes the reasons why only some provinces have experienced clan (familial) domination, strategies for and obstacles to dynastic family control over provincial politics, and the future of dynastic provincial families in Thailand's democratic future.
{"title":"The persevering power of provincial dynasties in Thai electoral politics","authors":"P. Chambers, Srisompob Jitpiromsri, Katsuyuki Takahashi","doi":"10.1177/20578911221142132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221142132","url":null,"abstract":"Provincial clans and dynasties have long been crucial in Thai electoral politics. Their influence was felt since before the 1969 poll. Post-1988 and post-1992 political space gave clans room to expand in power. But their sway has been interrupted by several factors, including military coups, changing constitutions, and national transformations. Thailand's March 2019 general election, December 2020 provincial administrative organization elections, and March 2021 subdistrict administrative organization elections demonstrated the persistence of provincial clan influence owing partly to the 2019 end of military dictatorship but also to the needs by national parties to partner with provincial political families to achieve success and finally because local clans saw an opportunity to revitalize their power. In 2022 Thailand, provincial clans and dynasties appear to be alive and well. This study examines the historical evolution of provincial dynasties involved in Thai electoral politics in four different provinces. The study analyzes the reasons why only some provinces have experienced clan (familial) domination, strategies for and obstacles to dynastic family control over provincial politics, and the future of dynastic provincial families in Thailand's democratic future.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"787 - 807"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44098761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：