This article investigates electoral reforms in Indonesia and Thailand in the 21st century, highlighting important dimensions of the electoral changes and their consequences in disproportionality and the effective number of parties. In the first stage, we identify electoral changes and the ideal goals of electoral reform. Second, we compare each election's results by calculating disproportional results and the effective number of parties, followed by in-depth interviews with key stakeholders (N = 8) to uncover the evaluation and recommendation for a better future of the electoral system in both countries. The analysis reveals the government's motivation behind the electoral system chosen. In Indonesia, the reforms addressed realising the limited pluralism party system raised a thorny debate among small to medium parties about rescuing their seats in parliament. Otherwise, the Thai government accommodates small parties by waiving the electoral threshold. We identify that different people in positions of power in each country cause different ideal goals. This research contributes to developing an understanding that elite motivation outweighs the public good in designing electoral reform. While in Thailand the control to determine which electoral system is chosen seems more centralised by the junta military, the shift of the electoral system in Indonesia is strongly motivated by political actors in order to gain their pragmatic interests.
{"title":"Evaluating electoral reforms and its consequences in Indonesia and Thailand (2000–2023)","authors":"Kalimah Wasis Lestari, Hari Fitrianto, Asama Mungkornchai, Fahrul Muzaqqi, Nuke Faridha Wardhani","doi":"10.1177/20578911241263617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911241263617","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates electoral reforms in Indonesia and Thailand in the 21st century, highlighting important dimensions of the electoral changes and their consequences in disproportionality and the effective number of parties. In the first stage, we identify electoral changes and the ideal goals of electoral reform. Second, we compare each election's results by calculating disproportional results and the effective number of parties, followed by in-depth interviews with key stakeholders (N = 8) to uncover the evaluation and recommendation for a better future of the electoral system in both countries. The analysis reveals the government's motivation behind the electoral system chosen. In Indonesia, the reforms addressed realising the limited pluralism party system raised a thorny debate among small to medium parties about rescuing their seats in parliament. Otherwise, the Thai government accommodates small parties by waiving the electoral threshold. We identify that different people in positions of power in each country cause different ideal goals. This research contributes to developing an understanding that elite motivation outweighs the public good in designing electoral reform. While in Thailand the control to determine which electoral system is chosen seems more centralised by the junta military, the shift of the electoral system in Indonesia is strongly motivated by political actors in order to gain their pragmatic interests.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141802928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-04DOI: 10.1177/20578911241254165
S. Roy
Social media has received tremendous attention as a tool of revolution since the Arab Spring. Current scholarship predicts that social media can be a threat to internal stability by aiding rebel recruitment and mobilizing them. This article expands this research agenda beyond the Middle East-North Africa region and authoritarian regimes and explains the dynamics of how social media affects contentious politics. Youth bulge is used here as an intervening variable between social media and conflict. Using mixed methods on a sample of 28 Indian states, four Union Territories and 200 educated youth, I find that the presence of educated youth using social media is not a clear threat. Online and offline surveys conducted on Indian youth show that they do not consider social media a useful “technology of revolution” for mobilizing support and thereby bringing about any meaningful change. At best, social media helps in gathering support at the local level like in a neighborhood brawl.
{"title":"Social media, youth and civil unrest in India: A new rebel's dilemma","authors":"S. Roy","doi":"10.1177/20578911241254165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911241254165","url":null,"abstract":"Social media has received tremendous attention as a tool of revolution since the Arab Spring. Current scholarship predicts that social media can be a threat to internal stability by aiding rebel recruitment and mobilizing them. This article expands this research agenda beyond the Middle East-North Africa region and authoritarian regimes and explains the dynamics of how social media affects contentious politics. Youth bulge is used here as an intervening variable between social media and conflict. Using mixed methods on a sample of 28 Indian states, four Union Territories and 200 educated youth, I find that the presence of educated youth using social media is not a clear threat. Online and offline surveys conducted on Indian youth show that they do not consider social media a useful “technology of revolution” for mobilizing support and thereby bringing about any meaningful change. At best, social media helps in gathering support at the local level like in a neighborhood brawl.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141387583","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-20DOI: 10.1177/20578911241252692
R. A. Panao
How did the trade rivalry between the United States and China impact China's foreign public image in the ASEAN press? In the context of Southeast Asia's mixed attitude toward China, this article argues that the trade war between China and the United States heightened negative sentiment on China, especially in states grappling with the latter as a security threat, but whose investment climate has been slower to respond to the restructuring of the global supply chain. Drawing from econometric analyses of news sentiment mined from a corpus of 75,619 online English news articles in all 10 Southeast Asian countries from January 2016 to March 2020, we find that the trade war induced negative news sentiment on China in the ASEAN press. However, foreign visits to and from China appear to have been favorably regarded and helped boost China's image in the region. The findings remind that there may be a need for China to rethink its carrot-and-stick strategy to win the hearts and minds of its ASEAN neighbors.
{"title":"Winning hearts in Southeast Asia? News sentiment on China amidst the US–PRC trade war","authors":"R. A. Panao","doi":"10.1177/20578911241252692","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911241252692","url":null,"abstract":"How did the trade rivalry between the United States and China impact China's foreign public image in the ASEAN press? In the context of Southeast Asia's mixed attitude toward China, this article argues that the trade war between China and the United States heightened negative sentiment on China, especially in states grappling with the latter as a security threat, but whose investment climate has been slower to respond to the restructuring of the global supply chain. Drawing from econometric analyses of news sentiment mined from a corpus of 75,619 online English news articles in all 10 Southeast Asian countries from January 2016 to March 2020, we find that the trade war induced negative news sentiment on China in the ASEAN press. However, foreign visits to and from China appear to have been favorably regarded and helped boost China's image in the region. The findings remind that there may be a need for China to rethink its carrot-and-stick strategy to win the hearts and minds of its ASEAN neighbors.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-05-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141121708","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-12DOI: 10.1177/20578911241236518
Dion Maulana Prasetya, Suyatno Ladiqi, Mohd Affandi Salleh
This article challenges prevalent perspectives on Indonesian foreign policy by delving into the nuanced intricacies of the country's strategic culture, especially from its role as a middle power. The conventional understanding categorizes Indonesia as capable of embracing either a status quo or revisionist stance. However, this analysis proposes a comprehensive re-evaluation through the lens of strategic culture theory to decipher the distinctive approach of Indonesian middlepowermanship. The argument posits that Indonesian leaders draw inspiration from and strategically utilize the historical legacies of pre-modern kingdoms—specifically, the Majapahit and Mataram kingdoms. These ancient empires serve as pivotal references in shaping contemporary foreign policy orientations. The Majapahit kingdom becomes instrumental when Indonesia pursues revisionist-like foreign policies, seeking to assert its influence and challenge established norms. Conversely, the Mataram kingdom's legacy is invoked when the state aims to maintain a status quo, prioritizing stability and regional harmony. By scrutinizing these historical paradigms, this article unpacks the intricate interplay between Indonesia's strategic culture, its historical antecedents, and its foreign policy orientations. It seeks to provide a more nuanced understanding of Indonesian middlepowermanship, elucidating the adaptive utilization of historical narratives in shaping the country's geopolitical behavior on the modern global stage.
{"title":"Back to the past: The roots of Indonesian middlepowermanship","authors":"Dion Maulana Prasetya, Suyatno Ladiqi, Mohd Affandi Salleh","doi":"10.1177/20578911241236518","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911241236518","url":null,"abstract":"This article challenges prevalent perspectives on Indonesian foreign policy by delving into the nuanced intricacies of the country's strategic culture, especially from its role as a middle power. The conventional understanding categorizes Indonesia as capable of embracing either a status quo or revisionist stance. However, this analysis proposes a comprehensive re-evaluation through the lens of strategic culture theory to decipher the distinctive approach of Indonesian middlepowermanship. The argument posits that Indonesian leaders draw inspiration from and strategically utilize the historical legacies of pre-modern kingdoms—specifically, the Majapahit and Mataram kingdoms. These ancient empires serve as pivotal references in shaping contemporary foreign policy orientations. The Majapahit kingdom becomes instrumental when Indonesia pursues revisionist-like foreign policies, seeking to assert its influence and challenge established norms. Conversely, the Mataram kingdom's legacy is invoked when the state aims to maintain a status quo, prioritizing stability and regional harmony. By scrutinizing these historical paradigms, this article unpacks the intricate interplay between Indonesia's strategic culture, its historical antecedents, and its foreign policy orientations. It seeks to provide a more nuanced understanding of Indonesian middlepowermanship, elucidating the adaptive utilization of historical narratives in shaping the country's geopolitical behavior on the modern global stage.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-03-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140250416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-12DOI: 10.1177/20578911241238375
Suguru Osawa
This article explores how personalization was formed in Nicaragua under the leadership of Daniel Ortega, focusing on four factors: short-term, long-term, domestic, and international perspectives. Nicaraguan politics are often structured by the country's relationship with the USA and regional powers. However, domestic actors make decisions regarding political regime changes. Therefore, the process of personalization must be considered in both domestic and international politics. This study's analysis unequivocally demonstrates that domestic and international factors have always influenced political regime changes in Nicaragua. However, personalization is primarily formed by domestic factors, with external factors reinforcing domestic movement in Nicaragua. In addition, this study shows that it is challenging to explain the process of Ortega's personalization according to short-term factors such as populism. Instead, it is a long-term factor, specifically the traditional power-sharing method in a duopoly, that pushes Ortega's personalization forward. We conclude that Nicaragua's hybrid regime resulted in personalization.
{"title":"The process of personalization in Nicaragua: Lessons from the hybrid regime","authors":"Suguru Osawa","doi":"10.1177/20578911241238375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911241238375","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores how personalization was formed in Nicaragua under the leadership of Daniel Ortega, focusing on four factors: short-term, long-term, domestic, and international perspectives. Nicaraguan politics are often structured by the country's relationship with the USA and regional powers. However, domestic actors make decisions regarding political regime changes. Therefore, the process of personalization must be considered in both domestic and international politics. This study's analysis unequivocally demonstrates that domestic and international factors have always influenced political regime changes in Nicaragua. However, personalization is primarily formed by domestic factors, with external factors reinforcing domestic movement in Nicaragua. In addition, this study shows that it is challenging to explain the process of Ortega's personalization according to short-term factors such as populism. Instead, it is a long-term factor, specifically the traditional power-sharing method in a duopoly, that pushes Ortega's personalization forward. We conclude that Nicaragua's hybrid regime resulted in personalization.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-03-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140250807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-21DOI: 10.1177/20578911241231998
S. Yunanto, Angel Damayanti
This research aimed to determine the explanations, processes, and implications of the Indonesian government's controversial labeling of TNPPB-OPM as a terrorist group. The labeling reflected the strategy implemented by the government to move from purely military to law enforcement approaches. Despite the split amongst government agencies during the labeling process, it was carried out to legitimize security forces with the terrorism law, deal with prolonged violent conflict, and reject the extension of the special autonomy and security situation during XX PON in the two provinces in Papua. This research found paradoxical implications and although it effectively provided a security situation, it failed to stigmatize and stereotype the Papuan Freedom Movement negatively.
{"title":"The politics of labeling TNPPB-OPM as terrorist: Explanation, process, and implications","authors":"S. Yunanto, Angel Damayanti","doi":"10.1177/20578911241231998","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911241231998","url":null,"abstract":"This research aimed to determine the explanations, processes, and implications of the Indonesian government's controversial labeling of TNPPB-OPM as a terrorist group. The labeling reflected the strategy implemented by the government to move from purely military to law enforcement approaches. Despite the split amongst government agencies during the labeling process, it was carried out to legitimize security forces with the terrorism law, deal with prolonged violent conflict, and reject the extension of the special autonomy and security situation during XX PON in the two provinces in Papua. This research found paradoxical implications and although it effectively provided a security situation, it failed to stigmatize and stereotype the Papuan Freedom Movement negatively.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140445286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-08DOI: 10.1177/20578911241230443
Muhammad Asfar, I. Wicaksana, Ais Shafiyah Asfar
This article explains why populist rule persists during the challenging times of COVID-19, yet democratic order is unfavourably affected. The authors observe the recent debates on the state government's crisis response and performance, which argue for democracy over populism in managing critical moments. Populists did not do well since they had taken simplistic and anti-science actions on COVID-19. Nonetheless, populism remains popular and populist leaders continue to stay in office. We offer an analysis of the case of Indonesia under the presidency of Joko Widodo (Jokowi). Our research draws upon Michael Mann's theory of the state to uncover the underlying social realities enabling populist regime sustainability. The main argument is that the complex and dynamic state–society power relations shape the ground on which populist rule survives the crisis, but democracy declines. Jokowi's Indonesia confirms this claim.
{"title":"Why populist rule sustains during times of crisis: COVID-19, democracy and the state in Indonesia","authors":"Muhammad Asfar, I. Wicaksana, Ais Shafiyah Asfar","doi":"10.1177/20578911241230443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911241230443","url":null,"abstract":"This article explains why populist rule persists during the challenging times of COVID-19, yet democratic order is unfavourably affected. The authors observe the recent debates on the state government's crisis response and performance, which argue for democracy over populism in managing critical moments. Populists did not do well since they had taken simplistic and anti-science actions on COVID-19. Nonetheless, populism remains popular and populist leaders continue to stay in office. We offer an analysis of the case of Indonesia under the presidency of Joko Widodo (Jokowi). Our research draws upon Michael Mann's theory of the state to uncover the underlying social realities enabling populist regime sustainability. The main argument is that the complex and dynamic state–society power relations shape the ground on which populist rule survives the crisis, but democracy declines. Jokowi's Indonesia confirms this claim.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139852605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-08DOI: 10.1177/20578911241230443
Muhammad Asfar, I. Wicaksana, Ais Shafiyah Asfar
This article explains why populist rule persists during the challenging times of COVID-19, yet democratic order is unfavourably affected. The authors observe the recent debates on the state government's crisis response and performance, which argue for democracy over populism in managing critical moments. Populists did not do well since they had taken simplistic and anti-science actions on COVID-19. Nonetheless, populism remains popular and populist leaders continue to stay in office. We offer an analysis of the case of Indonesia under the presidency of Joko Widodo (Jokowi). Our research draws upon Michael Mann's theory of the state to uncover the underlying social realities enabling populist regime sustainability. The main argument is that the complex and dynamic state–society power relations shape the ground on which populist rule survives the crisis, but democracy declines. Jokowi's Indonesia confirms this claim.
{"title":"Why populist rule sustains during times of crisis: COVID-19, democracy and the state in Indonesia","authors":"Muhammad Asfar, I. Wicaksana, Ais Shafiyah Asfar","doi":"10.1177/20578911241230443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911241230443","url":null,"abstract":"This article explains why populist rule persists during the challenging times of COVID-19, yet democratic order is unfavourably affected. The authors observe the recent debates on the state government's crisis response and performance, which argue for democracy over populism in managing critical moments. Populists did not do well since they had taken simplistic and anti-science actions on COVID-19. Nonetheless, populism remains popular and populist leaders continue to stay in office. We offer an analysis of the case of Indonesia under the presidency of Joko Widodo (Jokowi). Our research draws upon Michael Mann's theory of the state to uncover the underlying social realities enabling populist regime sustainability. The main argument is that the complex and dynamic state–society power relations shape the ground on which populist rule survives the crisis, but democracy declines. Jokowi's Indonesia confirms this claim.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139792744","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-31DOI: 10.1177/20578911241227383
B. Chaijaroenwatana, Md Mahbubul Haque, Kittipan Ekareesakul
COVID-19 has had a devastating impact on migrant workers all over the world, including in Malaysia. This study focuses on the undocumented Thai migrant workers in Malaysia. Due to their illegal status, as returnee migrants in Thailand, they could not seek assistance from the government. This study aims to explore the struggle of illegal Thai migrant workers after returning to their country of origin and responses from government and other organizations. The methodology used for this research is a multi-site case study, with the case study sites being southern border provinces: Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat, Songkla, and capital city Bangkok. Data were collected through intensive fieldwork and various secondary documents. This study revealed that Thailand has not developed any concrete policy to assist the returnee workers in the pandemic period. There is a lack of coordination among government agencies, and local support including from civil society organizations initiatives has been inadequate.
{"title":"COVID-19 and returnee migrant workers’ struggles in Southern Thailand","authors":"B. Chaijaroenwatana, Md Mahbubul Haque, Kittipan Ekareesakul","doi":"10.1177/20578911241227383","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911241227383","url":null,"abstract":"COVID-19 has had a devastating impact on migrant workers all over the world, including in Malaysia. This study focuses on the undocumented Thai migrant workers in Malaysia. Due to their illegal status, as returnee migrants in Thailand, they could not seek assistance from the government. This study aims to explore the struggle of illegal Thai migrant workers after returning to their country of origin and responses from government and other organizations. The methodology used for this research is a multi-site case study, with the case study sites being southern border provinces: Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat, Songkla, and capital city Bangkok. Data were collected through intensive fieldwork and various secondary documents. This study revealed that Thailand has not developed any concrete policy to assist the returnee workers in the pandemic period. There is a lack of coordination among government agencies, and local support including from civil society organizations initiatives has been inadequate.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140475550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-22DOI: 10.1177/20578911231225501
T. Rich
How does vote choice and partisanship affect institutional trust in Taiwan? While the literature tackles institutional trust in democracies, analyses often focus on only one time period with aggregate measures of trust. Data from two waves from the Asian Barometer finds evidence consistent with losers’ consent of trust in electoral institutions corresponding with party support and vote choice, factors that remain after controlling for trust in non-electoral institutions and generalized trust. However, these factors do not seem to affect overall satisfaction with democracy, suggesting the public differentiates between support for the ideal of democracy and its constituent parts.
{"title":"When the tables turn: Parties in power, losers’ consent, and institutional trust in Taiwan","authors":"T. Rich","doi":"10.1177/20578911231225501","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231225501","url":null,"abstract":"How does vote choice and partisanship affect institutional trust in Taiwan? While the literature tackles institutional trust in democracies, analyses often focus on only one time period with aggregate measures of trust. Data from two waves from the Asian Barometer finds evidence consistent with losers’ consent of trust in electoral institutions corresponding with party support and vote choice, factors that remain after controlling for trust in non-electoral institutions and generalized trust. However, these factors do not seem to affect overall satisfaction with democracy, suggesting the public differentiates between support for the ideal of democracy and its constituent parts.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139608170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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