Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1177/20578911231182490
Ronald U Mendoza, Gabrielle Ann S Mendoza, Julio C Teehankee, Philip Arnold P Tuaño, Jurel K Yap
This article nuances the poverty-inducing effect of political dynasties. We argue that local dynasties in the Philippines can pursue different development trajectories based on their ownership of local businesses and their province's initial state capacity. Adapting a framework developed by Bourguignon and Verdier, we develop a typology of political dynasties that acknowledges heterogeneity in their motivations as well as in the political opportunity structures that they work in. This outlines a theory of change that fosters the necessary conditions for political and economic competition over time, even in areas ruled by political dynasties. While the focus is on the Philippines, research on the nexus between political and economic competition provides insight into issues of political dynasties, competition policy, governance, and accountability faced by a broader set of countries.
{"title":"Interrogating the links between dynasties and development in the Philippines","authors":"Ronald U Mendoza, Gabrielle Ann S Mendoza, Julio C Teehankee, Philip Arnold P Tuaño, Jurel K Yap","doi":"10.1177/20578911231182490","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231182490","url":null,"abstract":"This article nuances the poverty-inducing effect of political dynasties. We argue that local dynasties in the Philippines can pursue different development trajectories based on their ownership of local businesses and their province's initial state capacity. Adapting a framework developed by Bourguignon and Verdier, we develop a typology of political dynasties that acknowledges heterogeneity in their motivations as well as in the political opportunity structures that they work in. This outlines a theory of change that fosters the necessary conditions for political and economic competition over time, even in areas ruled by political dynasties. While the focus is on the Philippines, research on the nexus between political and economic competition provides insight into issues of political dynasties, competition policy, governance, and accountability faced by a broader set of countries.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135588303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1177/20578911231185786
Julio C Teehankee, Paul Chambers, Christian Echle
This Special Issue seeks to understand the formation and development of Asian political dynasties that extended or continue to extend power through at least two generations by comparing and contrasting the experiences of eight select country cases in the region. The Issue concentrates on “political dynasties” rather than “political families” because we examine the chronological extension of clout by a kinship group over the geographical unit in which it resides rather than simply the nuanced power relations of the political family in stasis. We also focus on dynasties as political families in motion—not political families at one point in time. The study is crucial because it enhances comprehension of the Asian family dynasty's role as a political institution in the age of elections. Such research remains uncommon.
{"title":"Introduction: Political dynasties in Asia","authors":"Julio C Teehankee, Paul Chambers, Christian Echle","doi":"10.1177/20578911231185786","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231185786","url":null,"abstract":"This Special Issue seeks to understand the formation and development of Asian political dynasties that extended or continue to extend power through at least two generations by comparing and contrasting the experiences of eight select country cases in the region. The Issue concentrates on “political dynasties” rather than “political families” because we examine the chronological extension of clout by a kinship group over the geographical unit in which it resides rather than simply the nuanced power relations of the political family in stasis. We also focus on dynasties as political families in motion—not political families at one point in time. The study is crucial because it enhances comprehension of the Asian family dynasty's role as a political institution in the age of elections. Such research remains uncommon.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135588118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.1177/20578911231196154
Dini Tiara Sasmi, Jongho Park
This paper explores how party fragmentation and electoral competition relate to the outcome of environmental policy. It is assumed that when elections happen the electoral punishment and incentives will be distributed. Specifically, when there are high number of effective number parties (ENP) in the legislature, it brings competition to the incumbent to provide more public goods. Hence, the electoral competition and party fragmentation will bring more provision of public goods. Using these assumptions, the electoral competition theory provides basic pieces of information to predict the effect of electoral competition on environmental policy outcome; a high ENP will provide a better outcome of environmental policy. Taking Indonesia as our case selection, we discovered a positive association between the number of effective parties and energy efficiency, such as LED, and a negative correlation between the usage of wood for domestic fuel. This means that political competition such as electoral competition promotes better outcome for environmental policy.
{"title":"Electoral competition, district party fragmentation and environmental policy outcome: Empirical evidence from Indonesia","authors":"Dini Tiara Sasmi, Jongho Park","doi":"10.1177/20578911231196154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231196154","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores how party fragmentation and electoral competition relate to the outcome of environmental policy. It is assumed that when elections happen the electoral punishment and incentives will be distributed. Specifically, when there are high number of effective number parties (ENP) in the legislature, it brings competition to the incumbent to provide more public goods. Hence, the electoral competition and party fragmentation will bring more provision of public goods. Using these assumptions, the electoral competition theory provides basic pieces of information to predict the effect of electoral competition on environmental policy outcome; a high ENP will provide a better outcome of environmental policy. Taking Indonesia as our case selection, we discovered a positive association between the number of effective parties and energy efficiency, such as LED, and a negative correlation between the usage of wood for domestic fuel. This means that political competition such as electoral competition promotes better outcome for environmental policy.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44517467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-27DOI: 10.1177/20578911231190027
A. Heffernan, Michael P. A. Murphy
Quantum approaches to International Relations (IR) offer theoretically rich explanatory frameworks attuned to the complexity and uncertainty of the social world. Recognizing that the payoff of quantum approaches to IR may be clarified through their application to empirical cases, we approach the radically complex and uncertain case of climate change's impacts on Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) in Namibia from a quantum perspective. Established to protect the vibrant flora and fauna of Namibia while also promoting community and economic development aims, CBNRM conservancies face complex challenges from climate change. Inspired by Karen O’Brien's call for ‘quantum social change’ in our response to climate change, we draw on the quantum social theory to unpack how desertification, extreme weather patterns, and drought conditions radically reshape the possibilities available to conservancies, communities, farmers, and the state itself. By conceptualizing futures as wavefunctions encompassing the spectrum of potential future states, we demonstrate how a quantum imaginary can help to develop novel explanatory frameworks for the complexity of the world around us.
{"title":"A quantum model of climate change? Insights from community-based natural resource management in Namibia","authors":"A. Heffernan, Michael P. A. Murphy","doi":"10.1177/20578911231190027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231190027","url":null,"abstract":"Quantum approaches to International Relations (IR) offer theoretically rich explanatory frameworks attuned to the complexity and uncertainty of the social world. Recognizing that the payoff of quantum approaches to IR may be clarified through their application to empirical cases, we approach the radically complex and uncertain case of climate change's impacts on Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) in Namibia from a quantum perspective. Established to protect the vibrant flora and fauna of Namibia while also promoting community and economic development aims, CBNRM conservancies face complex challenges from climate change. Inspired by Karen O’Brien's call for ‘quantum social change’ in our response to climate change, we draw on the quantum social theory to unpack how desertification, extreme weather patterns, and drought conditions radically reshape the possibilities available to conservancies, communities, farmers, and the state itself. By conceptualizing futures as wavefunctions encompassing the spectrum of potential future states, we demonstrate how a quantum imaginary can help to develop novel explanatory frameworks for the complexity of the world around us.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42410122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-18DOI: 10.1177/20578911231188769
A. Rosser, Guangyu Qiao-Franco
Many countries have extended rights of dual citizenship to their expatriates but, as Faist has noted, the road towards increasing tolerance of expatriate dual citizenship (EDC) has been ‘bumpy’. This study seeks to illuminate the reasons for this bumpiness by examining the political dynamics surrounding EDC in Australia and Indonesia, two countries that have pursued distinct approaches to the issue. In both cases, we find that their approaches have reflected the nature of their political settlements and, in the Australian case, that this effect was mediated by political elite strategizing. We accordingly call on researchers to give greater attention to how political settlements and politicians’ agency shape EDC adoption in future analysis.
{"title":"Political settlements and expatriate dual citizenship in Australia and Indonesia","authors":"A. Rosser, Guangyu Qiao-Franco","doi":"10.1177/20578911231188769","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231188769","url":null,"abstract":"Many countries have extended rights of dual citizenship to their expatriates but, as Faist has noted, the road towards increasing tolerance of expatriate dual citizenship (EDC) has been ‘bumpy’. This study seeks to illuminate the reasons for this bumpiness by examining the political dynamics surrounding EDC in Australia and Indonesia, two countries that have pursued distinct approaches to the issue. In both cases, we find that their approaches have reflected the nature of their political settlements and, in the Australian case, that this effect was mediated by political elite strategizing. We accordingly call on researchers to give greater attention to how political settlements and politicians’ agency shape EDC adoption in future analysis.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47837921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-10DOI: 10.1177/20578911231186858
Abhijit Maity
The article explores the problematic issues that arise between Bollywood films projecting homosexual relationships and the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) filtering their contents. Queer popular cultural representations in India face challenges to get release certification because of their inherently debatable contents including ‘non-normative’ sexual relationships which are largely identified as a potential threat to the existing heteronormative, majoritarian culture. By giving reference to two queer films, Unfreedom and Angry Indian Goddesses, this article explores the politics of censorship in the light of Foucauldian power relations and the discourse of knowledge production. I argue that by proscribing representations of queer sexualities in films, the CBFC has acted on behalf of the state in decelerating the formation and proliferation of a counter cultural movement to balance homophobia discursively and to peddle majoritarian power politics, and thus the notion of heterosexuality as compulsory form of sexual behaviour is popularized and consolidated in Indian society.
{"title":"‘Papa, I am gay, please, love me’: Politics of censorship and queer representation in Bollywood","authors":"Abhijit Maity","doi":"10.1177/20578911231186858","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231186858","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores the problematic issues that arise between Bollywood films projecting homosexual relationships and the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) filtering their contents. Queer popular cultural representations in India face challenges to get release certification because of their inherently debatable contents including ‘non-normative’ sexual relationships which are largely identified as a potential threat to the existing heteronormative, majoritarian culture. By giving reference to two queer films, Unfreedom and Angry Indian Goddesses, this article explores the politics of censorship in the light of Foucauldian power relations and the discourse of knowledge production. I argue that by proscribing representations of queer sexualities in films, the CBFC has acted on behalf of the state in decelerating the formation and proliferation of a counter cultural movement to balance homophobia discursively and to peddle majoritarian power politics, and thus the notion of heterosexuality as compulsory form of sexual behaviour is popularized and consolidated in Indian society.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44132839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-29DOI: 10.1177/20578911231184137
Dini Tiara Sasmi, Moyan Shi
In this paper, we present an analysis of the leaders’ backgrounds shaping their decisions towards environmental policy outcomes of nascent democracies such as countries in Southeast Asia, with a specific focus on leaders’ traits and socio-economic conditions. Drawing on factors that influence a leader's decision-making process, including external factors such as social and economic and internal factors (cognitive or traits), this study explores the variation of quality of environmental policy outcomes in Southeast Asian countries. Our findings suggest that the level of development negatively affects environmental policy outcomes, while democratic conditions do not play a significant role. We also find that leaders’ age and level of education negatively affect environmental policy outcomes, whereas gender is not correlated with the quality of the environment. This research provides valuable insights into the environmental policy landscape of Southeast Asia and offers recommendations for policymakers seeking to enhance environmental policy outcomes in the region.
{"title":"Southeast Asian leaders’ political orientation towards the environmental policy outcome","authors":"Dini Tiara Sasmi, Moyan Shi","doi":"10.1177/20578911231184137","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231184137","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we present an analysis of the leaders’ backgrounds shaping their decisions towards environmental policy outcomes of nascent democracies such as countries in Southeast Asia, with a specific focus on leaders’ traits and socio-economic conditions. Drawing on factors that influence a leader's decision-making process, including external factors such as social and economic and internal factors (cognitive or traits), this study explores the variation of quality of environmental policy outcomes in Southeast Asian countries. Our findings suggest that the level of development negatively affects environmental policy outcomes, while democratic conditions do not play a significant role. We also find that leaders’ age and level of education negatively affect environmental policy outcomes, whereas gender is not correlated with the quality of the environment. This research provides valuable insights into the environmental policy landscape of Southeast Asia and offers recommendations for policymakers seeking to enhance environmental policy outcomes in the region.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43791093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-08DOI: 10.1177/20578911231180080
F. Batool
Populist voting behavior is a relatively new research area with most studies concentrated on European and American voters, despite electoral successes of populist parties in illiberal and hybrid democracies of Asia. The research fills this gap by outlining the determinants of populist voting in Pakistan through constituency-based analysis of electoral data of the 2018 general elections when a Pakistani populist party, Pakistan Tahreek-e-Insaaf, won the elections. The research compares the ideational framework with the strategic framework of populism, examining whether voting for a populist party is determined by the political ideology or attitude of the voters or the mobilization strategy of the party built upon the sociopolitical realities of the region. The focus is on constituencies where PTI was successful for the first time. Based on the analysis of eight such constituencies, both rural and urban, the study concludes that neither the PTI voters’ profile matches the sociodemographic profile of the populist voter mentioned in literature nor their voting decisions seem to be guided by anti-elitist attitude common among European or Latin American populist voters. The research outlines two major factors that can explain the victory of PTI: the politics of electables and the mobilization of non-voters, indicating that the strategic lens of populism better explains voting for PTI.
{"title":"Determinants of populist voting in Pakistan: An analysis of PTI first-win constituencies in the 2018 general elections","authors":"F. Batool","doi":"10.1177/20578911231180080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231180080","url":null,"abstract":"Populist voting behavior is a relatively new research area with most studies concentrated on European and American voters, despite electoral successes of populist parties in illiberal and hybrid democracies of Asia. The research fills this gap by outlining the determinants of populist voting in Pakistan through constituency-based analysis of electoral data of the 2018 general elections when a Pakistani populist party, Pakistan Tahreek-e-Insaaf, won the elections. The research compares the ideational framework with the strategic framework of populism, examining whether voting for a populist party is determined by the political ideology or attitude of the voters or the mobilization strategy of the party built upon the sociopolitical realities of the region. The focus is on constituencies where PTI was successful for the first time. Based on the analysis of eight such constituencies, both rural and urban, the study concludes that neither the PTI voters’ profile matches the sociodemographic profile of the populist voter mentioned in literature nor their voting decisions seem to be guided by anti-elitist attitude common among European or Latin American populist voters. The research outlines two major factors that can explain the victory of PTI: the politics of electables and the mobilization of non-voters, indicating that the strategic lens of populism better explains voting for PTI.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49412873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-22DOI: 10.1177/20578911231166689
Serkan Ünal, A. Metin, Carsten Anckar, B. Tekin
This study aims to determine the characteristics of party systems within the context of electoral systems, forms of government, and continents. There is no study in the literature that quantitatively reveals the relationship between the party system and forms of government. Furthermore, this study differs from other studies in that it deals with the relationship between the electoral system and the party system on a global scale. In the study, the effective number of parties (ENEP and ENPP) was calculated for the last three legislative elections of the countries governed by presidential, president–parliamentary, premier–presidential and parliamentary forms of government, using the Laakso–Taagepera Index. The dataset was then analyzed with ANOVA and post-hoc tests. The study revealed that party systems do not differ significantly from forms of government, that is, forms of government do not determine party systems. Similarly, party systems do not significantly differ in terms of the continents, that is, there are no continental party system characteristics of the forms of government. Also, the study confirmed that it is the electoral system that determines the party systems.
{"title":"Form of government, electoral system, and party system fragmentation: A global comparison","authors":"Serkan Ünal, A. Metin, Carsten Anckar, B. Tekin","doi":"10.1177/20578911231166689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231166689","url":null,"abstract":"This study aims to determine the characteristics of party systems within the context of electoral systems, forms of government, and continents. There is no study in the literature that quantitatively reveals the relationship between the party system and forms of government. Furthermore, this study differs from other studies in that it deals with the relationship between the electoral system and the party system on a global scale. In the study, the effective number of parties (ENEP and ENPP) was calculated for the last three legislative elections of the countries governed by presidential, president–parliamentary, premier–presidential and parliamentary forms of government, using the Laakso–Taagepera Index. The dataset was then analyzed with ANOVA and post-hoc tests. The study revealed that party systems do not differ significantly from forms of government, that is, forms of government do not determine party systems. Similarly, party systems do not significantly differ in terms of the continents, that is, there are no continental party system characteristics of the forms of government. Also, the study confirmed that it is the electoral system that determines the party systems.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42748166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-22DOI: 10.1177/20578911231161352
Ginger L. Denton, Howard Sanborn
In this article, we consider the attitudinal motivations for political participation in countries across Asia. Specifically, we assess how trust in different types of institutional actors provides incentives for extra-legal actions, such as protest and the use of force, by analyzing the behaviors of individuals based upon their evaluations of representational and implementing institutions. As part of this analysis, we consider attitudes and action in both democracies and non-democracies, arguing for separate mechanisms to motivate unconventional political participation. Using Asian Barometer Survey data, we find that individuals living under democratic regimes are motivated to engage in more costly forms of participation in response to their assessments of trust in elected officials, while those individuals residing in non-democracies engage in these high-risk activities when they are dissatisfied with the performance of the police, civil service, and courts.
{"title":"Who can you blame? Trust in institutions and mobilization across regimes in Asia","authors":"Ginger L. Denton, Howard Sanborn","doi":"10.1177/20578911231161352","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911231161352","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we consider the attitudinal motivations for political participation in countries across Asia. Specifically, we assess how trust in different types of institutional actors provides incentives for extra-legal actions, such as protest and the use of force, by analyzing the behaviors of individuals based upon their evaluations of representational and implementing institutions. As part of this analysis, we consider attitudes and action in both democracies and non-democracies, arguing for separate mechanisms to motivate unconventional political participation. Using Asian Barometer Survey data, we find that individuals living under democratic regimes are motivated to engage in more costly forms of participation in response to their assessments of trust in elected officials, while those individuals residing in non-democracies engage in these high-risk activities when they are dissatisfied with the performance of the police, civil service, and courts.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42444352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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