Pub Date : 2022-06-15DOI: 10.1177/20578911221103441
Muhammad Umar, N. Khan
Sectarian activists in Pakistan are occasionally arrested by law enforcement agencies in sectarian-terrorism crimes but very rarely convicted by the courts. Contemporary research mainly relates slow convictions in sectarian crimes to defects in the state's criminal justice system. But this article connects anti-terrorism courts’ (ATCs) slow convictions and large-scale acquittals in sectarian-terrorism crimes to vague anti-terror laws, judges’ and witnesses’ security concerns and the incompetence of the prosecution and judges. The article applies the mixed method of research by using data from personal interviews, online sources, newspapers, research journals, articles and books. It argues that undefined anti-terrorism laws, judges’ security concerns and sectarian activists’ terrorization of judges and eyewitnesses add to the ATCs’ slow convictions in sectarian-terrorism crimes in the Punjab. Moreover, prosecution and judges’ incompetence and their inclination towards Islamic principles in judgements show bias in the application of sectarian-terrorism related laws that have been causing large-scale acquittals in the ATCs.
{"title":"Anti-terrorism courts’ convictions in trials of sectarian-terrorism crimes: A case study of the Punjab province of Pakistan","authors":"Muhammad Umar, N. Khan","doi":"10.1177/20578911221103441","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221103441","url":null,"abstract":"Sectarian activists in Pakistan are occasionally arrested by law enforcement agencies in sectarian-terrorism crimes but very rarely convicted by the courts. Contemporary research mainly relates slow convictions in sectarian crimes to defects in the state's criminal justice system. But this article connects anti-terrorism courts’ (ATCs) slow convictions and large-scale acquittals in sectarian-terrorism crimes to vague anti-terror laws, judges’ and witnesses’ security concerns and the incompetence of the prosecution and judges. The article applies the mixed method of research by using data from personal interviews, online sources, newspapers, research journals, articles and books. It argues that undefined anti-terrorism laws, judges’ security concerns and sectarian activists’ terrorization of judges and eyewitnesses add to the ATCs’ slow convictions in sectarian-terrorism crimes in the Punjab. Moreover, prosecution and judges’ incompetence and their inclination towards Islamic principles in judgements show bias in the application of sectarian-terrorism related laws that have been causing large-scale acquittals in the ATCs.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"7 1","pages":"805 - 819"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45233757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-06DOI: 10.1177/20578911221103641
H. Jung
A momentous democratic protest against an authoritarian regime can affect individuals’ social attitudes. This study empirically examined the impact of democratic movements on anti-authoritarian attitudes by focusing on the June Struggle of 1987 in South Korea, which was one of the most successful democratic uprisings in Korean history. Using representative survey data, we compared cohorts who started college before and after the year of the June Struggle. Because the year of college enrollment itself can act as an endogenous variable, we applied the fuzzy regression discontinuity method, using birthdate as an instrumental variable. We found that individuals who began attending college after the successful democratic movement tended to demonstrate stronger anti-authoritarian attitudes in their late thirties. A battery of robustness tests supported the results. This study's results reaffirm the argument that historical events can have enduring effects on social attitudes, helping us to understand one potential mechanism explaining anti-authoritarian attitudes in Korean society.
{"title":"Anti-authoritarian attitudes after democratic movements: Evidence from the June Struggle of 1987 in South Korea","authors":"H. Jung","doi":"10.1177/20578911221103641","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221103641","url":null,"abstract":"A momentous democratic protest against an authoritarian regime can affect individuals’ social attitudes. This study empirically examined the impact of democratic movements on anti-authoritarian attitudes by focusing on the June Struggle of 1987 in South Korea, which was one of the most successful democratic uprisings in Korean history. Using representative survey data, we compared cohorts who started college before and after the year of the June Struggle. Because the year of college enrollment itself can act as an endogenous variable, we applied the fuzzy regression discontinuity method, using birthdate as an instrumental variable. We found that individuals who began attending college after the successful democratic movement tended to demonstrate stronger anti-authoritarian attitudes in their late thirties. A battery of robustness tests supported the results. This study's results reaffirm the argument that historical events can have enduring effects on social attitudes, helping us to understand one potential mechanism explaining anti-authoritarian attitudes in Korean society.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"7 1","pages":"1115 - 1126"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46680007","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-06DOI: 10.1177/20578911221099076
Vipin Kumar Chirakkara
The question of region dominated the 2021 West Bengal elections in a way it did not in states where elections were held alongside. Subsequently, the victory of the Trinamool Congress has been hailed by commentators and scholars as a successful instance both in regional politics and in the defence of federal polity. However, this article contends, the implications of this mandate for the politics of region and federalism cannot be grasped with reference to its own details, but only in a comparative reading of a series of assembly elections held in the recent past and the general elections of 2019. Considering how regional politics gets constituted and elections produce results today, this paper makes an argument that the emergent pattern of mandates indicates rather a problem – that of neutralization of regional politics and federal structure into a devolution of power instead of their elaboration as domains of contestation of an expansionist regime.
{"title":"Rethinking regional politics: Beyond the 2021 West Bengal elections","authors":"Vipin Kumar Chirakkara","doi":"10.1177/20578911221099076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221099076","url":null,"abstract":"The question of region dominated the 2021 West Bengal elections in a way it did not in states where elections were held alongside. Subsequently, the victory of the Trinamool Congress has been hailed by commentators and scholars as a successful instance both in regional politics and in the defence of federal polity. However, this article contends, the implications of this mandate for the politics of region and federalism cannot be grasped with reference to its own details, but only in a comparative reading of a series of assembly elections held in the recent past and the general elections of 2019. Considering how regional politics gets constituted and elections produce results today, this paper makes an argument that the emergent pattern of mandates indicates rather a problem – that of neutralization of regional politics and federal structure into a devolution of power instead of their elaboration as domains of contestation of an expansionist regime.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"16 7","pages":"507 - 520"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41247013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-18DOI: 10.1177/20578911221094090
Noory Okthariza
While predominant views within party fragmentation literature suggest the importance of the sociological and institutional hypothesis, the Indonesian case provides a new perspective on the issue at hand. Using district-level elections, this article recognizes the weight of existing perspectives, but posits the need to empirically assess the effect of certain seat apportionment methods in the proportional representation system—a much under-explored argument within the literature. This article shows that Indonesia’s methods for allocating seats, the Hare and Sainte-Laguë methods, have been relatively benign in creating party fragmentation. Yet the latter method has been more favorable for small parties due to its deeper bent toward the disproportionality of votes. Additionally, given that major parties often perform unevenly across district elections, the nature of party competition at local politics has greatly diverged from that of the national arena. This article argues that this diversity has been driven partly by the strong influence of ethnic and geographical dispersion, making it hard for major parties to preside over local politics. Thus the concept of party nationalization hardly exists, and party fragmentation could be the default of the party system at local politics in Indonesia for years to come.
{"title":"Explaining party fragmentation at district-level Indonesia","authors":"Noory Okthariza","doi":"10.1177/20578911221094090","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221094090","url":null,"abstract":"While predominant views within party fragmentation literature suggest the importance of the sociological and institutional hypothesis, the Indonesian case provides a new perspective on the issue at hand. Using district-level elections, this article recognizes the weight of existing perspectives, but posits the need to empirically assess the effect of certain seat apportionment methods in the proportional representation system—a much under-explored argument within the literature. This article shows that Indonesia’s methods for allocating seats, the Hare and Sainte-Laguë methods, have been relatively benign in creating party fragmentation. Yet the latter method has been more favorable for small parties due to its deeper bent toward the disproportionality of votes. Additionally, given that major parties often perform unevenly across district elections, the nature of party competition at local politics has greatly diverged from that of the national arena. This article argues that this diversity has been driven partly by the strong influence of ethnic and geographical dispersion, making it hard for major parties to preside over local politics. Thus the concept of party nationalization hardly exists, and party fragmentation could be the default of the party system at local politics in Indonesia for years to come.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"7 1","pages":"1008 - 1024"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49108233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-12DOI: 10.1177/20578911221091327
Mun’im Sirry, Bagong Suyanto, R. Sugihartati, Medhy Hidayat, Koko Srimulyo
This article highlights various forms of uncivil behavior among Indonesian students which may become the seed of conflict, including bullying, which reflect how fragile youth civility is. Civility and incivility are different yet linked concepts that manifest with complexity in schools and beyond. Anecdotal evidence of incivility among young people is present in various forums, including social media and news coverage. Based on a mixed-methods design of quantitative and qualitative research, this study shows that incivility, bullying, intolerant, and aggressive behavior are prevalent both within and beyond the school environment in Indonesia. However, these uncivil behaviors have not been addressed with a sense of urgency in the country. It is hoped that this article will shed some light on the seriousness of uncivil behavior among Indonesian youth, which requires close attention on the part of schools, policy-makers and society at large.
{"title":"Fragile civility and the seeds of conflict among youth in contemporary Indonesia","authors":"Mun’im Sirry, Bagong Suyanto, R. Sugihartati, Medhy Hidayat, Koko Srimulyo","doi":"10.1177/20578911221091327","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221091327","url":null,"abstract":"This article highlights various forms of uncivil behavior among Indonesian students which may become the seed of conflict, including bullying, which reflect how fragile youth civility is. Civility and incivility are different yet linked concepts that manifest with complexity in schools and beyond. Anecdotal evidence of incivility among young people is present in various forums, including social media and news coverage. Based on a mixed-methods design of quantitative and qualitative research, this study shows that incivility, bullying, intolerant, and aggressive behavior are prevalent both within and beyond the school environment in Indonesia. However, these uncivil behaviors have not been addressed with a sense of urgency in the country. It is hoped that this article will shed some light on the seriousness of uncivil behavior among Indonesian youth, which requires close attention on the part of schools, policy-makers and society at large.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"7 1","pages":"988 - 1007"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42951959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-05DOI: 10.1177/20578911221090289
Thanapan Laiprakobsup
This research aims to establish an analytical framework for the policymaking process of Thai political parties from the 2001 general election to the present. Having reviewed theories on political parties and empirical research on finding the relation between the political and economic contexts, the political parties, and their organizations, the article finds that the policymaking process of political parties consists of: 1) centralization, 2) emphasis on solving everyday life’s economy, 3) being consistent with state policy and plan, and 4) similarities with the policies of political parties with success in elections. According to analysis of political parties’ policy structures and interviews with academicians and the informants from political parties, the article finds that the executive committee of political parties plays an enormous role in the policymaking process and concentrates on solving the problems of everyday life’s economy for low-income people. Moreover, political parties are likely to make policies in accordance with the state plan and the Thai-Rak-Thai Party’s policies. The implication is that the policymaking process of Thai political parties is vertically structured and rarely open to the rank-and-file to participate in. The participatory policymaking process becomes key to improving the quality of Thai democracy in the long run.
{"title":"The analytical framework for the policymaking process of Thai political parties under the CESE model","authors":"Thanapan Laiprakobsup","doi":"10.1177/20578911221090289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221090289","url":null,"abstract":"This research aims to establish an analytical framework for the policymaking process of Thai political parties from the 2001 general election to the present. Having reviewed theories on political parties and empirical research on finding the relation between the political and economic contexts, the political parties, and their organizations, the article finds that the policymaking process of political parties consists of: 1) centralization, 2) emphasis on solving everyday life’s economy, 3) being consistent with state policy and plan, and 4) similarities with the policies of political parties with success in elections. According to analysis of political parties’ policy structures and interviews with academicians and the informants from political parties, the article finds that the executive committee of political parties plays an enormous role in the policymaking process and concentrates on solving the problems of everyday life’s economy for low-income people. Moreover, political parties are likely to make policies in accordance with the state plan and the Thai-Rak-Thai Party’s policies. The implication is that the policymaking process of Thai political parties is vertically structured and rarely open to the rank-and-file to participate in. The participatory policymaking process becomes key to improving the quality of Thai democracy in the long run.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"7 1","pages":"1247 - 1267"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45163802","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-18DOI: 10.1177/20578911221078030
Guan Huang, R. Pang
By exploring the operation of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) since its rise to power in 1949, this article demonstrates how a non-democratic regime maintains its legitimacy. While previous studies have shed light on the CCP’s sources of legitimacy, few abundantly and comparatively discuss the different forms of legitimacy and how legitimacy changes over time in a non-democratic state. This study addresses these gaps by analyzing how the CCP’s operational principles change over time, including changes in sources and forms of legitimacy. This study uses different frameworks of legitimacy to facilitate the comparison of changes in legitimacy of different leadership generations, and also demonstrates the specification of legitimacy of the CCP from different perspectives. By comparing the sources and forms of legitimacy of different generations of regime leaders, this study demonstrates that after the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, the CCP regime lacked substantial legitimacy based on political participation, and thus emphasized instrumental legitimacy based on economic development instead. Using process tracing to analyze policy changes, this study argues that different CCP leadership generations employed different sources and forms of legitimacy to maintain regime support.
{"title":"How a non-democratic regime maintains its legitimacy over time: A study of changes in Chinese Communist Party legitimacy after 1949","authors":"Guan Huang, R. Pang","doi":"10.1177/20578911221078030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221078030","url":null,"abstract":"By exploring the operation of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) since its rise to power in 1949, this article demonstrates how a non-democratic regime maintains its legitimacy. While previous studies have shed light on the CCP’s sources of legitimacy, few abundantly and comparatively discuss the different forms of legitimacy and how legitimacy changes over time in a non-democratic state. This study addresses these gaps by analyzing how the CCP’s operational principles change over time, including changes in sources and forms of legitimacy. This study uses different frameworks of legitimacy to facilitate the comparison of changes in legitimacy of different leadership generations, and also demonstrates the specification of legitimacy of the CCP from different perspectives. By comparing the sources and forms of legitimacy of different generations of regime leaders, this study demonstrates that after the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, the CCP regime lacked substantial legitimacy based on political participation, and thus emphasized instrumental legitimacy based on economic development instead. Using process tracing to analyze policy changes, this study argues that different CCP leadership generations employed different sources and forms of legitimacy to maintain regime support.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"7 1","pages":"971 - 987"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47617553","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-31DOI: 10.1177/20578911211069709
M. Afzaal, Chenxia Zhang, M. I. Chishti
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has received both praise and criticism within global settings. American stance, however, has been interesting sounding diplomatically more intricate. BRI’s opponents view it being hampered by impediments rather than facilitated with opportunities, while its advocates see opportunities instead of challenges because of its being in global limelight. While all parties have valid justifications for their express or tacit positions, they emphasize on the legitimacy of the status quo. To investigate these significant researchable inquiries, the study exclusively aims at examining the inherent ideologies and inconsistencies witnessed in the presentation and re-presentation of China's Belt and Road Initiative in US public diplomacy media outlets. Our findings reveal that China's image has been constructed differently at US diplomacy public media outlets hence establishing it as a major dimension worth inquiry. The study also shows that media attention and direct responses to the BRI in the United States view it through a lens of politically engineered problems. However, the diplomatic logic of the United States differs from the entire philosophy behind the BRI project as the BRI image has observed a drastic change from positive in re-presentation to being neutral rather somewhat negatively perceived.
{"title":"Comrades or contenders: A corpus-based study of China's Belt and Road in US diplomatic discourse","authors":"M. Afzaal, Chenxia Zhang, M. I. Chishti","doi":"10.1177/20578911211069709","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911211069709","url":null,"abstract":"China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has received both praise and criticism within global settings. American stance, however, has been interesting sounding diplomatically more intricate. BRI’s opponents view it being hampered by impediments rather than facilitated with opportunities, while its advocates see opportunities instead of challenges because of its being in global limelight. While all parties have valid justifications for their express or tacit positions, they emphasize on the legitimacy of the status quo. To investigate these significant researchable inquiries, the study exclusively aims at examining the inherent ideologies and inconsistencies witnessed in the presentation and re-presentation of China's Belt and Road Initiative in US public diplomacy media outlets. Our findings reveal that China's image has been constructed differently at US diplomacy public media outlets hence establishing it as a major dimension worth inquiry. The study also shows that media attention and direct responses to the BRI in the United States view it through a lens of politically engineered problems. However, the diplomatic logic of the United States differs from the entire philosophy behind the BRI project as the BRI image has observed a drastic change from positive in re-presentation to being neutral rather somewhat negatively perceived.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"7 1","pages":"684 - 702"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45637632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-28DOI: 10.1177/20578911221076342
Julio R Fernández, I. Gallego, A. Jiménez-Losada
The main goal of this article is to study, from a game theory perspective, the composition of the Spanish Parliament according to Article 68 of the Spanish Constitution, although the proposed model is applicable to the reduction of other representation chambers. It even allows for the sporadic design of the chamber in periods of crisis such as those we are currently experiencing. We use power indices to analyse feasible allocations of seats among the circumscriptions, modifying the size of the Parliament and considering different minimum initial numbers of seats per province. We propose two modifications of the composition following the cubic root rule of the de jure population. Finally, we compare the results of the general elections of December 2015 and June 2016 for the election of the members of the Congress of Deputies (Spanish Parliament) with the current system, which distributes a total number of 350 deputies among the provinces, with an initial minimum of two deputies (system 350/2), with another distribution system that distributed 360 deputies with an initial minimum of one deputy per province (system 360/1).
{"title":"The power of an elector in the Spanish parliament: A study compared with power indices","authors":"Julio R Fernández, I. Gallego, A. Jiménez-Losada","doi":"10.1177/20578911221076342","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221076342","url":null,"abstract":"The main goal of this article is to study, from a game theory perspective, the composition of the Spanish Parliament according to Article 68 of the Spanish Constitution, although the proposed model is applicable to the reduction of other representation chambers. It even allows for the sporadic design of the chamber in periods of crisis such as those we are currently experiencing. We use power indices to analyse feasible allocations of seats among the circumscriptions, modifying the size of the Parliament and considering different minimum initial numbers of seats per province. We propose two modifications of the composition following the cubic root rule of the de jure population. Finally, we compare the results of the general elections of December 2015 and June 2016 for the election of the members of the Congress of Deputies (Spanish Parliament) with the current system, which distributes a total number of 350 deputies among the provinces, with an initial minimum of two deputies (system 350/2), with another distribution system that distributed 360 deputies with an initial minimum of one deputy per province (system 360/1).","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"7 1","pages":"1210 - 1231"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47204155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-27DOI: 10.1177/20578911221076222
S. Munir
How do minor states protect themselves against coercion from their major power allies? Asymmetric security cooperation is often reduced to tradeoffs between security and autonomy, but coercion is another factor that minor states fear while cooperating. Coercing partner states can take the form of major powers threatening or undertaking regime change, and minor states must weigh the benefits of cooperation against this risk. To this end, I suggest that minor states with anti-major power political oppositions cooperate more extensively with their major power partners than minor states with pro-major power oppositions. A pro-major power opposition provides opportunities for major powers to threaten or replace the incumbent regime; therefore, such minor states limit their cooperation out of fear of coercion. I employ original data on opposition characteristics to present evidence from security relations between the United States and 65 minor states during 1950–1991 to support the hypothesis.
{"title":"Difficult decisions: Coercion in asymmetric security cooperation","authors":"S. Munir","doi":"10.1177/20578911221076222","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221076222","url":null,"abstract":"How do minor states protect themselves against coercion from their major power allies? Asymmetric security cooperation is often reduced to tradeoffs between security and autonomy, but coercion is another factor that minor states fear while cooperating. Coercing partner states can take the form of major powers threatening or undertaking regime change, and minor states must weigh the benefits of cooperation against this risk. To this end, I suggest that minor states with anti-major power political oppositions cooperate more extensively with their major power partners than minor states with pro-major power oppositions. A pro-major power opposition provides opportunities for major powers to threaten or replace the incumbent regime; therefore, such minor states limit their cooperation out of fear of coercion. I employ original data on opposition characteristics to present evidence from security relations between the United States and 65 minor states during 1950–1991 to support the hypothesis.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"7 1","pages":"1190 - 1209"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46010051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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