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Vibrant and safe media landscape in Ghana: Reality or mirage? 加纳充满活力和安全的媒体景观:现实还是海市蜃楼?
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00017_1
A. Diedong
Despite widespread condemnation of assaults on journalists in Ghana and elsewhere in the past, there is increasing evidence of brutality against journalists. When perpetrators of such assaults go unpunished, it fosters a culture of impunity. The article throws searchlight on incidences of assaults on journalists and the ambivalent attitude of the public and/or state agencies towards media freedom. Incidences of assaults and intimidations of journalists in Ghana were reviewed to ignite renewed discourse on the issue, and inform measures on the safety and protection and general development of media. Theoretically, the article is framed along lines of thoughts on concepts of narrative in which there is ‘struggle over narrative’. Major lines of narratives on assaults against journalists are expressed by state functionaries, citizens and the media in competing fashions. Each narrative has ‘competing truth’, which arguably carries for each entity a force of the true and rightful position on the safety of journalists. The article concludes that persistent advocacy by Ghana Journalists Association and media partners can make a difference in influencing positive steps on assaults on journalists.
尽管过去在加纳和其他地方对记者的袭击受到广泛谴责,但越来越多的证据表明,针对记者的暴行。当此类袭击的肇事者逍遥法外时,就会形成一种有罪不罚的文化。这篇文章揭示了针对记者的攻击事件,以及公众和/或国家机构对媒体自由的矛盾态度。审查了加纳对记者的攻击和恐吓事件,以重新引起对这一问题的讨论,并为媒体的安全和保护和一般发展措施提供信息。从理论上讲,这篇文章是沿着叙事概念的思路构建的,其中存在“对叙事的斗争”。国家工作人员、公民和媒体以相互竞争的方式表达对记者攻击的主要叙述。每一种叙述都有“相互竞争的真相”,可以说,这为每个实体带来了对记者安全的真实和合法立场的力量。这篇文章的结论是,加纳记者协会和媒体合作伙伴的持续倡导可以在影响对记者攻击采取积极措施方面发挥作用。
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引用次数: 1
Political communication strategies of sub-Saharan Africa nationalist movements in the era of (de)colonization: The case of the UPC in Cameroon (1948‐56) (去)殖民时代撒哈拉以南非洲民族主义运动的政治传播策略:以喀麦隆UPC为例(1948 - 56)
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00015_1
Christian Tatchou Nounkeu
This article is about the political communication strategies of the Union des Populations du Cameroun (UPC), a political party in Cameroon which fought for the independence of the country. We particularly focus on the communication channels used by the UPC to transmit political messages, in a context marked by severe administrative repression and restrictions of freedom of press and expression. Theoretically, our article relies on the concept of media system. Methodologically, we use text analysis to map the choices of the UPC. The period of analysis ranges from 1948 when the UPC was created to 1956 when the party was banned by the colonial authorities. The results show that the political communication strategy of the UPC mainly gave preference to letter writing to mobilize the masses. In addition, the UPC owned several newspapers to cover its activities and criticize the French colonial administration in Cameroon.
这篇文章是关于喀麦隆人民联盟(UPC)的政治传播策略,UPC是喀麦隆一个争取国家独立的政党。我们特别关注UPC在严重的行政镇压和限制新闻和言论自由的背景下用来传递政治信息的沟通渠道。在理论上,我们的文章依赖于媒介系统的概念。在方法上,我们使用文本分析来映射UPC的选择。分析的时间范围从1948年UPC成立到1956年该党被殖民当局取缔。结果表明,UPC的政治传播策略主要以写信动员群众为主。此外,统一大会党拥有几份报纸,报道其活动并批评法国在喀麦隆的殖民政府。
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引用次数: 3
Information literacy practices of young Internet users related to the production of religious content: 2019 Algerian protests case 与宗教内容制作相关的年轻互联网用户信息素养实践:2019年阿尔及利亚抗议案件
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00014_1
M. Tudor, Farid Ladjouzi
This article aims to explore the creative practices of young Algerian Internet users related to the production of religious content within the context of the protest movement post 22 February 2019. It questions the place of the Islamic religion in the Algerian protests in the light of religious redocumentarized contents on Facebook (photos). The research is based on the methodological approach of redocumentarization linked with information literacy practices. The results highlight two aspects. Spirituality and faith instilled by redocumentarized photos of religious nature play a catalytic and fuelling role in this popular movement. The Algerian youth information literacy represents the beginning of digital citizen participation.
本文旨在探讨在2019年2月22日之后的抗议运动背景下,阿尔及利亚年轻互联网用户在制作宗教内容方面的创造性实践。鉴于Facebook上重新记录的宗教内容,它质疑伊斯兰宗教在阿尔及利亚抗议活动中的地位(照片)。该研究基于与信息素养实践相联系的再文献化方法。研究结果突出了两个方面。重新记录的宗教照片所灌输的精神和信仰在这场流行运动中发挥了催化和推动作用。阿尔及利亚青年的信息素养代表了数字公民参与的开端。
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引用次数: 1
Training for English language or indigenous language media journalism: A decolonial critique of Zimbabwean journalism and media training institutions’ training practices 英语或土著语言媒体新闻培训:津巴布韦新闻和媒体培训机构培训实践的非殖民化批评
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00016_1
Albert Chibuwe, A. Salawu
There is growing academic scholarship on indigenous language media in Africa. The scholarship has mostly tended to focus on the content and political economy of indigenous language newspapers. The scholarship also suggests that much needs to be done in inculcating indigenous languages and indigenous language journalism in journalism education. Grounded in decoloniality, this article explores journalism training practices in selected institutions of higher learning in Zimbabwe. The intention is to unravel the absence or existence of training for indigenous journalism and perceptions of lecturers and attitudes of students towards indigenous language media and journalism. The article also seeks to establish whether there are any attempts to de-westernize journalism, media and communication studies. Methodologically, in-depth interviews were used to gather data from lecturers and students of journalism and media studies at colleges and universities in Zimbabwe. Findings show that the colleges surveyed do not offer any indigenous media journalism-specific modules or subjects. The lecturers, who include programme designers in some cases, have a low regard for indigenous language media. This, the article concludes, will have a knock-on effect on journalism students’ and journalists’ misgivings towards a career in indigenous language media.
关于非洲土著语言媒体的学术研究越来越多。该奖学金大多倾向于关注土著语言报纸的内容和政治经济。该奖学金还表明,在新闻教育中灌输土著语言和土著语言新闻方面需要做很多工作。本文以非殖民化为基础,探讨了津巴布韦一些高等院校的新闻培训实践。其目的是阐明土著新闻培训的缺失或存在,以及讲师和学生对土著语言媒体和新闻的看法和态度。这篇文章还试图确定是否有任何将新闻学、媒体学和传播学去西方化的企图。在方法上,采用深度访谈从津巴布韦各学院和大学新闻学和媒体研究的讲师和学生那里收集数据。调查结果显示,接受调查的大学没有提供任何针对本土媒体新闻的模块或科目。在某些情况下包括方案设计者在内的讲师不重视土著语言媒体。这篇文章的结论是,这将对新闻系学生和记者对在原住民语媒体工作的疑虑产生连锁反应。
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引用次数: 3
Journalism, Democracy, and Human Rights in Zimbabwe, Bruce Mutsvairo and Cleophas T. Muneri (2019) 《津巴布韦的新闻、民主与人权》,布鲁斯·穆茨瓦罗、克娄巴特·穆内里(2019)
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00020_5
Munachim Amah
Review of: Journalism, Democracy, and Human Rights in Zimbabwe, Bruce Mutsvairo and Cleophas T. Muneri (2019)London: Lexington Books, 164 pp.,ISBN 978-1-49859-976-4, h/bk, $85.00 (£54.95),ISBN 978-1-49859-977-1, e/bk, $80.50 (£54.95)
《津巴布韦的新闻、民主和人权评论》,布鲁斯·穆茨维罗和克利奥帕斯·t·穆内里(2019),伦敦:列克星敦出版社,164页,ISBN 978-1-49859-976-4, h/bk, 85.00美元(54.95英镑),ISBN 978-1-49859-977-1, e/bk, 80.50美元(54.95英镑)
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引用次数: 0
So, who is responsible? A framing analysis of newspaper coverage of electoral violence in Zimbabwe 那么,谁该对此负责呢?津巴布韦选举暴力新闻报道的框架分析
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00011_1
Allen Munoriyarwa
This study examines how the 2008 election violence was framed in three mainstream Zimbabwean weekly newspapers – The Sunday Mail, The Independent and The Zimbabwean. It was noted that four frames – the victim, justice and human rights, trivialization and attribution of responsibility frames dominated the coverage of electoral violence in these three newspapers. The dominance of the trivializing frame in The Sunday Mail privileged the ruling party’s (Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front; ZANU PF) interpretation of electoral violence as inconsequential to the electoral process. Simultaneously, the prevalence of the victim, justice and human rights frames in The Independent and The Zimbabwean newspapers signifies the private media’s obsession with ZANU PF’s alleged electoral malpractices and situates these alleged transgressions within a broad global social justice and human rights trajectory to cultivate the West’s sympathy with the ‘victimised’ opposition.
这项研究考察了津巴布韦三家主流周报——《星期日邮报》、《独立报》和《津巴布韦人报》——是如何塑造2008年选举暴力的。有人指出,四种框架- -受害者、正义和人权、轻视和责任归属框架- -主导了这三份报纸对选举暴力的报道。《星期日邮报》的琐碎框架占据了主导地位,执政党(津巴布韦非洲民族联盟爱国阵线;非洲民族联盟-爱国阵线)将选举暴力解释为对选举过程无关紧要。与此同时,《独立报》和《津巴布韦报》上普遍存在的受害者、正义和人权框架表明,私人媒体痴迷于非洲民族联盟爱国阵线所谓的选举舞弊行为,并将这些所谓的违法行为置于广泛的全球社会正义和人权轨迹中,以培养西方对“受害者”反对派的同情。
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引用次数: 3
China colonizing Africa narrative on social media: An issue activation and response perspective 社交媒体上的中国殖民非洲叙事:一个议题激活与回应的视角
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00009_1
Simon Matingwina
The issue of ‘China colonizing Africa’ received significant attention in both traditional and social media in the periods before, during and after the Forum on China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) 2018 meeting. This study traces these discourses on YouTube, which is one of the social media platforms widely used to raise awareness and also influence public opinion on various issues. Thematic and content analysis are used to identify the dominant themes discussed in the selected videos and also to identify the sentiments expressed by viewers in the comments posted. The issue activation and response model is used to create meaning from the data. The study finds that the themes and the sentiments reflect the dominance of pessimistic and optimistic perspectives on the Africa–China relationship. Furthermore, the study shows that the themes discussed have not offered new perspectives but instead the discussions have repackaged old narratives as part of agenda building efforts by the protagonists. The study, therefore argues that social media have become important platforms for activation of issues on the Africa–China relationship, hence the persistence of these old narratives is attributed to lack of effective responses to issues on social media by both African countries and Chinese officials.
在2018年中非合作论坛会议前后,“中国殖民非洲”问题在传统媒体和社交媒体上都受到了广泛关注。本研究追踪了YouTube上的这些话语,YouTube是一个广泛用于提高意识和影响各种问题的公众舆论的社交媒体平台之一。主题和内容分析用于确定所选视频中讨论的主要主题,也用于确定观众在评论中表达的情绪。问题激活和响应模型用于从数据中创建意义。研究发现,主题和情绪反映出对非中关系的悲观和乐观观点占主导地位。此外,研究表明,讨论的主题并没有提供新的视角,而是将旧的叙述重新包装,作为主角议程建设努力的一部分。因此,该研究认为,社交媒体已成为激活非中关系问题的重要平台,因此,这些旧叙述的持续存在可归因于非洲国家和中国官员在社交媒体上缺乏对问题的有效回应。
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引用次数: 2
The Rhetorical Legacy of Wangari Maathai, Eddah M. Mutua, Alberto Gonzalez and Anke Wolbert (eds) (2018) Wangari Maathai, Eddah M. Mutua, Alberto Gonzalez和Anke Wolbert的修辞遗产(编)(2018)
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00013_5
S. Ogbu
Review of: The Rhetorical Legacy of Wangari Maathai, Eddah M. Mutua, Alberto Gonzalez and Anke Wolbert (eds) (2018)Lanham: Lexington Books, 221 pp.,ISBN 978-1-49857-112-8, h/bk, $83.07
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引用次数: 1
Reppin’ the nation, reppin’ themselves: Nation branding and personal branding in Kenya’s music video industry 重塑国家,重塑自己:肯尼亚音乐视频行业的国家品牌和个人品牌
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00012_1
Brian Ekdale
This article explores the entanglement of nation branding and personal branding in the Kenyan music video industry. Although self-commodification and labouring on behalf of the nation are both indicative of neo-liberal governmentality, Kenyan music video directors build personal brands to wrestle creative control from their clients during the production process and they invoke their experiences representing Kenya abroad to elevate their professional status at home. Thus, branding in the Kenyan music video industry illustrates the complexities and contradictions of neo-liberal governmentality in global cultural production.
这篇文章探讨了肯尼亚音乐视频产业中国家品牌和个人品牌的纠缠。虽然自我商品化和为国家工作都是新自由主义治理的标志,但肯尼亚音乐录影带导演建立个人品牌,在制作过程中与客户争夺创意控制权,他们利用在国外代表肯尼亚的经验来提升自己在国内的专业地位。因此,肯尼亚音乐录影带产业的品牌化说明了全球文化生产中新自由主义治理的复杂性和矛盾性。
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引用次数: 2
The portrayal of victims of intimate femicide in the South African media 南非媒体对亲密女性谋杀受害者的描述
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00010_1
Amanda Spies
This article reflects on the murders of Reeva Steenkamp (2013), Jayde Panayiotou (2015), Susan Rhode (2016) and Karabo Mokoena (2017) and questions how victims of intimate femicide are portrayed in the South African media. Media reporting on intimate femicide clearly illustrates how the murder of women by their intimate partners, are framed as isolated incidents rather than a systemic problem situated within a social context of male dominance. It is therefore increasingly important to understand how the media portrays victimhood and violence. This article explores how the murder of women by their partners are rarely classified as femicide, and how the media’s portrayal of these murders fails to convey the systemic nature of violence against women that also entrenches racial and class-based oppression by seemingly valuing some lives more than others. The focus is on the power of the media to obscure the nature of intimate partner violence, which entrenches a notion of ideal victimhood. In conclusion, the South African government’s response to this form of violence is explored, and the need for responsible reporting is called for in reporting on cases of intimate femicide.
本文反思了Reeva Steenkamp(2013年)、Jayde Panayiotou(2015年)、Susan Rhode(2016年)和Karabo Mokoena(2017年)的谋杀案,并质疑南非媒体如何描绘亲密女性谋杀的受害者。媒体关于亲密杀害妇女的报道清楚地表明,妇女被其亲密伴侣谋杀是如何被视为孤立事件,而不是在男性占主导地位的社会背景下形成的系统问题。因此,了解媒体如何描绘受害者和暴力变得越来越重要。这篇文章探讨了为什么被伴侣谋杀的女性很少被归类为杀害女性,以及媒体对这些谋杀的描述如何未能传达针对女性的暴力行为的系统性本质,这种暴力行为似乎比其他人更重视某些生命,从而巩固了种族和阶级压迫。重点是媒体掩盖亲密伴侣暴力本质的力量,这种暴力使理想的受害者观念根深蒂固。最后,探讨了南非政府对这种形式的暴力的反应,并呼吁在报道亲密杀害妇女案件时需要负责任的报道。
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引用次数: 8
期刊
Journal of African Media Studies
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