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Religion, authority and denunciation in the paradigm of mediatization: The case of the Congolese diaspora of the Salvation Army 媒介化范式中的宗教、权威和谴责:救世军刚果侨民的案例
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-16 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00119_1
Stefan Bratosin, Paterne Ngoulou
The article aims to explain denunciation as a form of communication with regards to contestation. It examines this object within the limits posed by the conceptual triangle that associates religion, authority and media. The empirical field investigated considers the case of two virtual communities of the Congolese diaspora of the Salvation Army. Denunciatory occurrences were identified using the thematic analysis of occurrences with the aim of understanding the function and communicational substance of the public denunciation of the respective religious leadership, as well as the major issues that focus the questioning of the authority of this leadership on social media. Findings indicate that the influence of mediatization on religious diasporas have produced a challenge to religious authority that is forged through practices of public denunciation in digital media. Religious leadership, religiosity, doctrines and dogmas are subject to a communicative intention which makes them vulnerable.
文章旨在将谴责解释为一种与争议有关的交流形式。文章在将宗教、权威和媒体联系在一起的三角概念的限制下对这一对象进行了研究。调查的实证领域是救世军散居刚果的两个虚拟社区。通过对事件进行主题分析,确定了谴责事件,目的是了解公开谴责相关宗教领袖的功能和传播实质,以及在社交媒体上质疑该领袖权威的主要问题。研究结果表明,媒体化对宗教侨民的影响产生了对宗教权威的挑战,这种挑战是通过数字媒体上的公开谴责实践形成的。宗教领导权、宗教性、教义和教规受到传播意图的影响,使其变得脆弱。
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引用次数: 0
Social media, socialization and discursive politics 社交媒体、社会化和话语政治
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-09 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00118_1
W. Dzisah, Paul Herzuah, A. L. Diedong
Social media activism among the youth has been on the increase in Ghana and Africa. In the context of Ghana, the article interrogates the level of involvement of social media and its use by the youth as they relate to freedom of expression; participation in elections; socialization and job opportunities; and the devices used to connect to the internet. This study applied the survey method that randomly sampled 9024 youth across ten geopolitical regions of Ghana. It analysed data using both positivist and contextual analytic lenses after critiquing the relevant literature. The critiques teased out the key questions investigated with findings and discussions providing nuanced outcomes. It emerged that social media promotes freedom of expression and participation in elections; social relations and job opportunities among the youth in Ghana. The findings also reveal a certain paradox of social media and youth involvement in sociopolitical affairs.
在加纳和非洲,青年中的社交媒体活动一直在增加。文章以加纳为背景,探讨了青年参与社交媒体的程度及其使用情况,因为它们与表达自由、参与选举、社交和工作机会以及用于连接互联网的设备有关。本研究采用调查方法,随机抽取了加纳 10 个地缘政治地区的 9024 名青年。在对相关文献进行批判后,研究采用实证主义和背景分析两种视角对数据进行了分析。批判揭示了调查的关键问题,调查结果和讨论提供了细致入微的结果。结果表明,社交媒体促进了言论自由和参与选举;促进了加纳青年的社会关系和工作机会。研究结果还揭示了社交媒体与青年参与社会政治事务之间的某种悖论。
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引用次数: 0
Status of women in the Ghanaian media: Are women conscious of their own inequalities? 加纳媒体中的妇女地位:妇女是否意识到自身的不平等?
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-26 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00109_1
A. A. Yeboah-Banin, Ivy M. Fofie, Audrey S. Gadzekpo
Historical and contemporary scholarship paint a picture of women in media as under-represented, misrepresented and lacking the opportunity to influence what happens in media and their own status in media. This is despite years of interventions – including pushing for affirmative action – targeted at improving their status and working conditions. In this study, we argue that part of the solution lies in conscientizing women in media to become more aware of the inequalities they face. Through a nationwide survey of women in the Ghanaian media and premised on feminist media theory, we show that though progress is visible in the status of women, inequalities persist. Respondents were ambivalent about status parity with males, pointing to the possibility that they acquiesce to unfair practices because they are unaware of the embedded inequality. We discuss these findings and their implications for scholarship and practice.
历史和当代的学术研究描绘了这样一幅图景,即媒体中的女性代表不足,被误解,没有 机会影响媒体中发生的事情以及她们自己在媒体中的地位。尽管多年来一直在采取干预措施--包括推动平权行动--以改善她们的地位和工作条件,但情况依然如此。在本研究中,我们认为部分解决方案在于提高媒体女性的自觉性,让她们更加意识到自己所面临的不平等。通过对加纳媒体中的女性进行全国范围的调查,并以女权主义媒体理论为前提,我们表明,尽管女性地位的进步是有目共睹的,但不平等现象依然存在。受访者在与男性地位平等问题上态度暧昧,这表明她们可能默许了不公平的做法,因为她们没有意识到内在的不平等。我们将讨论这些发现及其对学术和实践的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Meme-ing Malawi’s 2019 presidential election: Humour, hope and disillusionment 马拉维2019年总统大选的 "备忘录":幽默、希望与幻灭
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-31 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00113_1
Emmanuel Mzomera Ngwira, Lester Chisale Brighton
On 21 May 2019, Malawi went to the polls to elect leaders in what turned out to be highly contested presidential, parliamentary and local government elections. Compared to previous elections, the 2019 tripartite elections also featured highly on social media. Focusing on the presidential election, this article analyses how these elections were depicted in popular imagination particularly in internet memes. Our contention is that the internet memes, and by extension, other popular art forms of that period, constitute a humorous, but highly significant documentation, of the key events of that election. The memes reflect hopes, aspirations and disillusionment that characterized the 2019 polls. In terms of conceptual framework, we draw on the theory of visual rhetoric alongside scholarship on internet memes as both humour and political discourse.
2019 年 5 月 21 日,马拉维举行了总统、议会和地方政府选举,投票选举领导人。与以往的选举相比,2019 年的三方选举在社交媒体上也备受关注。本文以总统选举为重点,分析了这些选举在大众想象中,尤其是在网络流行语中是如何描述的。我们的论点是,网络流行语以及该时期的其他流行艺术形式,构成了对该次选举关键事件的幽默但意义重大的记录。这些流行语反映了 2019 年投票的希望、愿望和幻灭。在概念框架方面,我们借鉴了视觉修辞理论,以及有关网络流行语作为幽默和政治话语的学术研究。
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引用次数: 0
Community radio and post-conflict peace building: A study of Orisun 89.5 FM in Ife–Modakeke, Osun State, Nigeria 社区广播与冲突后和平建设:尼日利亚奥孙州伊费-莫达凯克的 Orisun 89.5 调频研究
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-17 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00114_1
S. Emovwodo, Mahfouz A. Adedimeji, Muhammad Saud, Rachmah Ida
In times of conflict or tragedy, radio is essential, especially in underdeveloped nations where the collapse of other communication infrastructure may make radio the sole dependable source of information. This study assessed the extent to which community radio has contributed to the peacebuilding efforts after the Ife–Modakeke conflict in Nigeria, by investigating to ascertain listeners’ perceptions and adoption of the alternative dispute resolution (ADR) mechanism in managing the conflict to avoid a violent escalation. The study applied in-depth interviews and collected data with questionnaires. The findings of the study suggested that the inhabitants of Ife and Modakeke listened intensely to and were aware of the conflict resolution programme on one of the popular radio stations, Orisun 89.5 FM. People also used and knew others, who used the radio programme ‘ADR mechanism’ on the radio to resolve the conflict and avoid violent escalation. Since it was the only peacebuilding programme, the study found that this radio programme was an effective peacebuilding tool in the Ife–Modakeke society. The study recommended that such a good effort should be broadcast more often for further heightened awareness of its diverse listeners.
在发生冲突或悲剧时,广播是必不可少的,特别是在不发达国家,由于其他通信基 础设施的瘫痪,广播可能成为唯一可靠的信息来源。本研究评估了尼日利亚伊费-莫达克冲突后社区广播对建设和平努力的贡献程度,调查确定了听众的看法以及在管理冲突时采用替代争端解决(ADR)机制以避免暴力升级的情况。研究采用了深入访谈和问卷调查的方式收集数据。研究结果表明,伊费和莫达凯克的居民经常收听并了解一家受欢迎的广播电台 Orisun 89.5 FM 的冲突解决节目。人们还使用或认识其他使用广播节目 "ADR 机制 "来解决冲突和避免暴力升级的人。由于这是唯一的建设和平节目,研究发现,该广播节目是伊费-莫达克社会建设和平的有效工具。研究建议,应更经常地广播这样的好节目,以进一步提高不同听众的认识。
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引用次数: 0
Political participation and the social media network of young Nigerians 尼日利亚年轻人的政治参与和社交媒体网络
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00110_1
N. Egbunike
Social media have expanded the opportunities for a more inclusive youth political participation (YPP) across the world. Previous studies on YPP have focused on how social media have influenced participation in elections, with scant attention given to the impact of the networked capacity of online political discourse on offline youth political participation. The generative capacity of Benkler’s Networked Public Square served as the framework, while mixed methods of QUAN + qual triangulation design was employed. The Lagos metropolis was stratified into Mainland and Island, with 505 copies of a questionnaire purposively administered to digitally competent Nigerian youth across the areas. In-depth interviews were conducted with twelve young political social media influencers. Results were thematically analysed, expressed in frequency counts and/or correlation analysis at p ≤ 0.05. The positive and significant relationship between Twitter use and offline YPP (r = 0.1) has great conceptual implications on the generative capacity of the networked public sphere.
社交媒体为世界各地更具包容性的青年政治参与(YPP)提供了更多机会。以往有关青年政治参与的研究主要关注社交媒体如何影响选举参与,而很少关注网络政治话语的网络化能力对线下青年政治参与的影响。本克勒的 "网络公共广场"(Networked Public Square)的生成能力是研究的框架,研究采用了 "QUAN "+"定性三角测量 "的混合方法。研究将拉各斯大都市分为内地和岛屿两部分,有针对性地向各地区具有数字能力的尼日利亚青年发放了 505 份调查问卷。对 12 名青年政治社交媒体影响者进行了深入访谈。对结果进行了专题分析,以频率计数和/或相关分析表示,P ≤ 0.05。推特的使用与线下青年政治影响力之间的正向重要关系(r = 0.1)对网络公共领域的生成能力具有重要的概念意义。
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引用次数: 0
Reconstructing gendered narratives through digital platforms and inclusive chatbots 通过数字平台和包容性聊天机器人重构性别叙事
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00112_1
L. L. Mukhongo
This article examines how women in the Global South are (re)imagining, challenging and reconstructing gendered narratives through digital platforms and meaningful access through inclusive chatbots. While technologies have historically been biased in their design, creation and access, this article argues that technology and gender are mutually constitutive and draws from recent research and related literature intersecting gender, technology, power and language to discuss gendered narratives and agency of women as technology drivers in the Global South. The article further discusses gender obscurities and invisibilities in Global South media. It draws from examples of mobile technological innovations to illustrate how women in the Global South are appropriating social media and mobile technologies to create visibility through reframing and disrupting gender normativity. It discusses how despite technologies being Anglocentric and patriarchal, women are increasingly drivers of technologies even in cases where their labour remains hidden, such as the case of Kenyan women subjected to precarious working conditions to filter out harmful content from ChatGPT.
本文探讨了全球南部妇女如何通过数字平台和包容性聊天机器人的有意义访问,(重新)想象、挑战和重构性别叙事。虽然技术在其设计、创造和获取方面历来存在偏见,但本文认为技术和性别是相互构成的,并借鉴了最近的研究以及性别、技术、权力和语言相互交叉的相关文献,讨论了全球南部妇女作为技术驱动者的性别化叙事和能动性。文章进一步讨论了全球南部媒体中的性别隐晦性和不可见性。文章以移动技术创新为例,说明全球南部妇女如何利用社交媒体和移动技术,通过重构和破坏性别规范性来创造能见度。它讨论了尽管技术是以盎格鲁为中心的、父权制的,但妇女如何越来越多地成为技术的推动者,即使在她们的劳动仍然隐蔽的情况下,例如肯尼亚妇女在不稳定的工作条件下过滤 ChatGPT 中的有害内容。
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引用次数: 0
Playing by the rules: The management of WhatsApp surveillance among romantically involved mobile phone users at a South African University 遵守规则:在南非一所大学,对恋爱中的手机用户进行WhatsApp监控的管理
4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00107_1
Mthobeli Ngcongo
Even though there are high and growing levels of penetration of mobile telephony in South Africa, there is little research into how mobiles are used in romantic relationships to ‘keep tabs’ on partners and inter alia into how those involved in such relationships may be attempting to achieve and maintain privacy. Using the relational dialectical framework, I study how surveillance and privacy related power dynamics are played out in romantic relationships of a selected undergraduate student cohort at a South African University ( n = 182). The dialectical framework provides the appropriate empirical lens for investigating how romantic partners deal with the need to stay both private and public in the wake of instant messaging application WhatsApp. The study sought to understand how adolescents in these romantic relationships deal with mobile privacy conflicts that are brought on by perpetual contact through WhatsApp. Through a quantitative survey, purposive sampling with a confidence level of 95 per cent and 5 per cent margin of error was utilized in selecting the respondents. Exploratory factor and regression analysis shows that rules for managing WhatsApp communication are important for romantic relationship well-being (SD = 1.434), albeit not necessarily linked to relational satisfaction.
尽管南非的移动电话普及率很高,而且还在不断提高,但很少有研究表明,在恋爱关系中,手机是如何被用来“监视”伴侣的,尤其是在这种关系中,人们是如何试图实现和维护隐私的。使用关系辩证框架,我研究了监控和隐私相关的权力动态是如何在一所南非大学(n = 182)的本科生群体的浪漫关系中发挥作用的。辩证的框架提供了一个合适的经验视角,来研究在即时通讯应用WhatsApp出现后,恋人是如何处理既要保持私密又要公开的需求的。这项研究试图了解处于恋爱关系中的青少年如何处理通过WhatsApp持续联系带来的移动隐私冲突。通过定量调查,在选择应答者时采用了有目的的抽样,置信度为95%,误差幅度为5%。探索性因素和回归分析表明,管理WhatsApp通信的规则对浪漫关系的幸福感很重要(SD = 1.434),尽管不一定与关系满意度相关。
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引用次数: 0
Upsetting the gender imbalance in African popular music: The example of Diepreye Osi of the Ịjọ (Ijaw) of Nigeria 打破非洲流行音乐中的性别失衡:以尼日利亚Ịjọ (Ijaw)的Diepreye Osi为例
4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-15 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00104_1
Imomotimi Armstrong
For sometime now, there has been a conversation among scholars about male hegemony in African popular music and how some women performers resist the established status quo. In joining the discourse in this article, I focus on the owigiri music of Diepreye Osi, a female bandleader among the Ịjọ of Nigeria’s Niger Delta region. With particular attention to the departments in the bands of that premier neo-traditional music in the Ịjọ community, including instrumentation, dancing and singing, I argue that Diepreye contests patriarchy in her musical ensemble. Data for the study was gathered from unstructured interviews of artists and ­non-artists, and observation of live performances.
一段时间以来,学者们一直在讨论非洲流行音乐中的男性霸权,以及一些女性表演者如何抵制既定的现状。在加入本文的讨论中,我将重点放在Diepreye Osi的owigiri音乐上,她是尼日利亚尼日尔三角洲地区Ịjọ的一位女乐队领队。特别关注Ịjọ社区中最重要的新传统音乐乐队的部门,包括乐器,舞蹈和歌唱,我认为Diepreye在她的音乐合奏中反对父权制。该研究的数据收集自对艺术家和非艺术家的非结构化访谈,以及对现场表演的观察。
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引用次数: 0
Popular music and political contestations in Zimbabwe: An analysis of Winky D’s and Jah Prayzah’s music 津巴布韦的流行音乐和政治斗争:对Winky D和Jah Prayzah音乐的分析
IF 0.8 4区 文学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-05 DOI: 10.1386/jams_00106_1
Trust Matsilele, M. Msimanga, L. Tshuma
This article explores the use of popular music in political contestations and specifically how it has been appropriated in Zimbabwe to advance hegemonic and counter hegemonic narratives. The article draws from two popular musicians in Zimbabwe, Winky D and Jah Prayzah and their use of music as an unconventional journalism format to comment on political trajectories in Zimbabwe. We argue that the two musicians have polarizing or competing discourses that either dissident or support the establishment. Theoretically, we use Mano’s conceptual framework that views music as a journalism variant in contexts where mass media and opposition parties are weak. Methodologically, the study employs a multimodal approach and thematic analysis. The study concludes that Zimbabwe’s two popular youthful musicians have been engaging in cold-war like fights that mirror existential political battles between the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front party (ZANU-PF) led by Emmerson Mnangagwa and the then Movement for Democratic Change Alliance (MDC-A) party led by Nelson Chamisa. After the 2017 elections the MDC-A reconfigured itself and became the Citizen Coalition for Change (CCC).
本文探讨了流行音乐在政治辩论中的使用,特别是它如何在津巴布韦被挪用来推进霸权和反霸权叙事。这篇文章引用了两位津巴布韦流行音乐家,Winky D和Jah Prayzah,以及他们使用音乐作为一种非传统的新闻形式来评论津巴布韦的政治轨迹。我们认为,这两位音乐家有两极分化或竞争的话语,要么持不同意见,要么支持建立。从理论上讲,我们使用Mano的概念框架,将音乐视为大众媒体和反对党弱势背景下的新闻变体。在方法上,本研究采用了多模态方法和主题分析。这项研究的结论是,津巴布韦的两位受欢迎的年轻音乐家一直在进行冷战式的斗争,这反映了埃默森·姆南加古瓦领导的津巴布韦非洲民族联盟爱国阵线党(ZANU-PF)和纳尔逊·查米萨领导的当时的民主变革运动联盟(MDC-A)之间存在的政治斗争。2017年选举后,MDC-A重新配置,成为公民变革联盟(CCC)。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of African Media Studies
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