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The policy of European and Euro-Atlantic integration as a key factor for Ukraine’s transformation 欧洲和欧洲-大西洋一体化政策是乌克兰转型的关键因素
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.18778/1231-1952.28.1.14
N. Pipchenko, I. Makarenko, M. Ryzhkov, M. Zaitseva
The article explores the practice perspectives of European and Euro-Atlantic integration for the West’s Eastern neighbours with a focus on Ukraine in the main directions of cooperation: political, economic, security, and communication. It has been established that Eastern Partners show a dissimilar political interest in rapprochement with the EU and NATO due to the existence of different foreign policy goals. The EU’s Association Agreements with Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova are primarily aimed at defending the European integration, so the states are interested in developing close trade relations, and in achieving open and sustainable economic growth. The results have shown that Ukraine’s deepening Euro-Atlantic ties are a continuation of the European course of the state’s development, since the interaction with the EU and NATO aims to expand transatlantic relations and create updated security formats. The article also analyses the mechanisms of improving the efficiency of the communication between the EU, NATO and Ukraine by informing the public about the progress of Ukraine’s integration into relevant structures, the reforms of the economic and security sectors of Ukraine, and its participation in the Alliance’s non-military initiatives. The findings suggest that the improvement of public communication tools increases the involvement of governments in implementing integration policy goals and identifying issues that need a further response. Additionally, the Ukrainian government should strategically focus on ensuring and implementing practical measures aimed at shaping the image of Ukraine as an intent partner that adheres to its political commitments.
本文探讨了欧洲和欧洲-大西洋一体化对西方东方邻国的实践视角,重点关注乌克兰的主要合作方向:政治、经济、安全和沟通。已经确定的是,由于存在不同的外交政策目标,东方伙伴在与欧盟和北约和解方面表现出不同的政治兴趣。欧盟与乌克兰、格鲁吉亚和摩尔多瓦的联合协议主要是为了维护欧洲一体化,因此这些国家有兴趣发展密切的贸易关系,实现开放和可持续的经济增长。结果表明,乌克兰不断深化的欧洲-大西洋关系是该国发展的欧洲进程的延续,因为与欧盟和北约的互动旨在扩大跨大西洋关系并创造更新的安全形式。本文还分析了通过向公众通报乌克兰融入相关结构的进展、乌克兰经济和安全部门的改革以及乌克兰参与北约非军事倡议来提高欧盟、北约和乌克兰之间沟通效率的机制。研究结果表明,公共沟通工具的改进提高了政府在实施一体化政策目标和确定需要进一步回应的问题方面的参与度。此外,乌克兰政府应在战略上侧重于确保和实施切实可行的措施,以塑造乌克兰作为一个坚持其政治承诺的坚定合作伙伴的形象。
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引用次数: 1
Unrecognizable, abandoned, unnamed, avoided places: On the murders committed against Jews in Poland in the period after the Second World War and their commemoration 无法辨认的、被遗弃的、未命名的、被避开的地方:关于二战后波兰对犹太人的谋杀及其纪念活动
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.18778/1231-1952.28.1.06
Andrzej Rykała
The fall of the Third Reich, turning the “most tragic page” in the history of the Jewish nation, i .e . the Second World War, did not mean the end of the tragedy for Jews on Polish soil. Even before the end of the greatest conflict in the history of humankind, in the areas liberated from Nazi Germany occupation, many survivors of the Holocaust experienced acts of ruthless violence. However, very few of the numerous victims of the post-war anti-Jewish terror have been commemorated in public space. To a very small extent the form of public commemoration also covered earlier wartime cases of collective murders committed against Jews by Polish Christians. Even if the sites of the dramatic events which occurred in the shadow of the Holocaust were marked, the complete truth about their course was not restored everywhere.
第三帝国的覆灭,翻开了犹太民族历史上“最悲惨的一页”。第二次世界大战,并不意味着波兰土地上犹太人悲剧的结束。甚至在人类历史上最大的冲突结束之前,在从纳粹德国占领下解放出来的地区,许多大屠杀的幸存者经历了无情的暴力行为。然而,在战后反犹太恐怖主义的众多受害者中,很少有人在公共场所纪念。在很小的程度上,公众纪念的形式也涵盖了波兰基督徒对犹太人犯下的集体谋杀的早期战时案件。即使在大屠杀阴影下发生的戏剧性事件的地点被标记出来,但并没有在所有地方恢复关于其过程的完整真相。
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引用次数: 0
‘Jews to Madagascar’: Poland in the face of ethnical problems in the 1930s “犹太人到马达加斯加”:20世纪30年代面临种族问题的波兰
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.18778/1231-1952.28.1.01
Zofia Trębacz
The idea of deporting the Jewish population of Europe was part of a modern anti-Semitism. Poland was no exception in this regard. Under the influence of other countries implementing anti-Jewish laws, also Polish anti-Semitism became more radical. After 1935, such postulates were openly expressed as the policy of the Polish government has changed its character – from state to national. Additionally, due to the global economic crisis the idea began to be taken far more seriously not just in national Catholic circles. The resettlement of Jews was seen as the way to reduce unemployment and to ‘Polonise’ Polish cities, as masses of poor peasants could replaced the Jewish workers as far as trade and craftsmanship were concerned.The authors of immigration plans for European Jews suggested evacuating them most willingly to uncivilised countries – including Madagascar (a French colony) – due to the fact that their lands were either not used at all or only used to an insufficient and inadequate extent. In Poland, the idea was first adopted in 1926 as a solution to the problem of overpopulation in rural areas. However, the conditions on the island did not allow settlement and soon the idea fell through. Yet it came back a decade later as a proposal of deporting exclusively Polish Jews. At the time, the project was taken much more seriously and in 1937 the Polish government commissioned a task force to examine the possibility of settling in Madagascar and to evaluate the island’s potential, in particular its climate and labour conditions. But the reports of the commission members were full of contradictions and the French were showing growing caution on the matter.
驱逐欧洲犹太人的想法是现代反犹太主义的一部分。波兰在这方面也不例外。在其他实施反犹法律的国家的影响下,波兰的反犹主义也变得更加激进。1935年以后,随着波兰政府政策的性质从国家转变为民族,这些假设被公开表达出来。此外,由于全球经济危机,这个想法开始被严肃对待,不仅仅是在国家天主教圈子里。犹太人的重新安置被视为减少失业和波兰城市“波兰化”的方法,因为就贸易和工艺而言,大量贫穷的农民可以取代犹太工人。欧洲犹太人移民计划的作者建议将他们疏散到未开化的国家——包括马达加斯加(法国殖民地)——因为他们的土地要么根本没有被利用,要么只是被利用得不够充分。在波兰,这个想法于1926年首次被采纳,作为解决农村地区人口过剩问题的办法。然而,岛上的条件不允许定居,很快这个想法就落空了。然而,十年后,它又以一项只驱逐波兰犹太人的提议卷土重来。当时,这个项目被严肃地对待了。1937年,波兰政府委托了一个特别小组来研究在马达加斯加定居的可能性,并评估该岛的潜力,特别是它的气候和劳动条件。但是委员会成员的报告充满了矛盾,法国人在这个问题上表现得越来越谨慎。
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引用次数: 0
Bundists and the issue of emigration from Poland after the Second World War 邦迪主义者和二战后波兰移民问题
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.18778/1231-1952.28.1.07
Martyna Rusiniak-Karwat
The main objective of this paper is to present a change in the attitudes among Bundists towards emigration in the post-war Poland. The program of the Jewish Labour Bund throughout its existence was based on three pillars: here-ness (doykayt), family-ness (mishpokhedikayt), and Jewish-ness (Yiddishkayt). After the Second World War some of them lost their significance. Many Jews, including Bundists, saw their future outside Poland. In the article I will show different attitudes of the members of the Bund towards emigration, as well as the reasons behind their choices: either to stay in Poland or to leave the country.
本文的主要目的是介绍战后波兰邦迪派对移民态度的转变。犹太劳工外滩在其整个存在过程中的计划基于三个支柱:这里性(doykayt)、家庭性(mishpokhedikayt)和犹太性(Yiddishkayt)。第二次世界大战后,它们中的一些失去了意义。包括邦迪派在内的许多犹太人看到了他们在波兰以外的未来。在这篇文章中,我将展示外滩成员对移民的不同态度,以及他们选择留在波兰或离开这个国家的原因。
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引用次数: 0
New trends in the changes of administrative boundaries in Poland 波兰行政边界变化的新趋势
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.18778/1231-1952.28.1.13
Dagmara Kociuba
The objective of the study is to determine the leading trends in changing administrative boundaries in Poland. Based on 194 Regulations of the Council of Ministers concerning the changes of boundaries and granting city status, which covered a total of 1,383.8 sq. km, multidimensional analyses for the years 2010–2020 were conducted, and their results were referred to territorial reforms in Europe and Poland. The analyses provided the basis for selecting the leading trends, including: (1) the ‘new wave’ of the restitution of city status (from 2018 in the new fast-track mode), resulting in quantitative changes within 3rd-tier units, (2) a significant increase in the area of cities and city counties primarily caused by annexations in suburban zones and establishing new cities, and (3) the politicisation of the process of changing boundaries, especially in the years preceding local government elections. The trend of unit fragmentation observed in the 1990s has disappeared. The initiators of the changes of administrative boundaries are still predominantly local elites and rarely the inhabitants of communes.
这项研究的目的是确定波兰行政边界变化的主要趋势。根据部长会议关于边界变更和城市地位授予的194项规定,对2010-2020年进行了多层面分析,其结果参考了欧洲和波兰的领土改革。这些分析为选择主导趋势提供了基础,包括:(1)城市地位恢复的“新浪潮”(从2018年开始,以新的快速通道模式),导致三线单元内的数量变化;(2)城市和市县面积的显著增加,主要是由郊区的吞并和建立新城市引起的,以及(3)改变边界过程的政治化,特别是在地方政府选举之前的几年。20世纪90年代观察到的单元碎片化趋势已经消失。行政边界变化的发起者仍然主要是地方精英,很少是公社的居民。
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引用次数: 2
Majer Bałaban’s competition for the best MA and PhD thesis on Jewish History and Culture Majer Bałaban的犹太历史与文化最佳硕士和博士论文竞赛
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.18778/1231-1952.28.1.10
Anna M. Rosner
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引用次数: 0
Multi-level regional development governance: A European typology 多层次区域发展治理:一种欧洲类型
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.18778/1231-1952.28.1.11
G. Cotella, Umberto Janin Rivolin, Elena Pede, Maurizio Pioletti
The European Union identifies the regional level as the ideal spatial scale for resources’ redistribution, in so doing turning European regions into key spatial development players. This raises challenges due to the heterogeneity of the EU in terms of administrative configurations, and spatial governance and planning systems. The contribution of this article draws on the results of three interlinked ESPON research projects to shed light on the matter. Building on an overview of the institutional variables that may influence successful regional development, it proposes a typology of multi-level regional development governance in the EU and reflects upon the potentials for delivering economic, social, and territorial cohesion.
欧洲联盟将区域一级确定为资源再分配的理想空间尺度,从而将欧洲区域转变为关键的空间发展参与者。由于欧盟在行政配置、空间治理和规划系统方面的异质性,这带来了挑战。本文的贡献借鉴了ESPON三个相互关联的研究项目的结果,以阐明这一问题。在对可能影响成功区域发展的制度变量进行概述的基础上,它提出了欧盟多层次区域发展治理的类型,并反思了实现经济、社会和领土凝聚力的潜力。
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引用次数: 11
The Jewish Autonomous Region of Birobidzhan in Siberia 西伯利亚比罗比詹犹太自治区
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.18778/1231-1952.28.1.08
A. Vitale
The Jewish Autonomous Region (JAR) of Birobidzhan in Siberia is still alive. The once famous “Siberian Zion”, at the confluence of the Bira and Bidzhan rivers, a stone’s throw away from China and a day from the Pacific Ocean, 9,000 km and six days by train from Moscow, is still a geographical reality. The political class of the Soviet Union decided to create a territory the size of Belgium for a settlement for Jews, choosing a region on the border between China and the Soviet Union. It believed that Soviet Jews needed, like other national minorities, a homeland with a territory. The Soviet regime thus opted to establish an enclave that would become the JAR in 1934. We should note that the creation of the JAR was the first historically fulfilled case of building an officially recognised Jewish national territory since antiquity and well before Israel. Nevertheless, many historians declared this experiment a failure and the history of the Region only tragic. It is interesting to note, however, that the survival of the JAR in post-Soviet Russia has been not only a historical curiosity, a legacy of Soviet national policy, but today – after the collapse of the Soviet Union – it represents a very interesting case study. It is also a topic useful for the analysis and understanding of inter-ethnic relations, cooperation, and coexistence and it is a unique case of geographic resettlement that produced a special case of “local patriotism”, as an example also for different ethnic groups living in the JAR, based on Jewish and Yiddish roots.
西伯利亚的比罗比詹犹太自治区(JAR)仍然活着。曾经著名的“西伯利亚锡安”位于比拉河和比詹河的交汇处,距离中国一箭之遥,距离太平洋一天,距离莫斯科9000公里,乘火车六天,仍然是地理现实。苏联的政治阶层决定创建一块比利时大小的领土作为犹太人的定居点,选择了中苏边界上的一个地区。它认为,苏联犹太人和其他少数民族一样,需要一个有领土的家园。因此,苏联政权选择在1934年建立一块飞地,成为JAR。我们应该注意到,JAR的创建是历史上第一个建立官方承认的犹太国家领土的案例,这是自古代以来,早在以色列之前。尽管如此,许多历史学家还是宣布这一实验是失败的,该地区的历史只是悲剧。然而,值得注意的是,JAR在后苏联俄罗斯的生存不仅是一种历史好奇,是苏联国家政策的遗产,而且在苏联解体后的今天,它代表了一个非常有趣的案例研究。这也是一个有助于分析和理解种族间关系、合作和共存的主题,也是一个独特的地理重新安置案例,产生了“当地爱国主义”的特殊案例,也是居住在JAR的不同种族群体的一个例子,基于犹太和意第绪语的根源。
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引用次数: 1
Circling the square: Governance of the circular economy transition in the Amsterdam Metropolitan Area 围绕广场:阿姆斯特丹都市圈循环经济转型的治理
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.18778/1231-1952.27.2.02
E. Heurkens, M. Dąbrowski
Circular economy (CE), the new ‘buzzword’ in urban and regional studies and policy debates, is about shifting from a linear production process towards a circular one in which the generation of waste is minimised, materials circulate in ‘closed loops’, and waste is not considered a burden but rather a resource that brings new economic opportunities. However, while there is a consensus on the need to facilitate a transition towards a circular economy, the governing of this endeavour remains extremely challenging because making a circular economy work requires cutting across sectoral, scalar, and administrative boundaries. Drawing on the sustainability transitions literature and the case of the Amsterdam Metropolitan Area, arguably one of the frontrunners on the strive towards a circular built environment and economy, the paper seeks to identify and understand barriers for CE transition at a regional scale. The findings underscore the multi-faceted nature of the challenge and offer lessons for the governance of emerging regional circular spatial-economic policies.
循环经济(CE)是城市和区域研究和政策辩论中的新“流行语”,它是关于从线性生产过程转向循环生产过程,在循环生产过程中,废物的产生被最小化,材料以“闭环”循环,废物不被视为负担,而是一种带来新经济机会的资源。然而,尽管人们对促进向循环经济过渡的必要性达成了共识,但这一努力的管理仍然极具挑战性,因为要使循环经济发挥作用,需要跨越部门、规模和行政边界。本文借鉴可持续性转型文献和阿姆斯特丹大都会区的案例,试图确定和理解区域范围内CE转型的障碍。研究结果强调了这一挑战的多方面性质,并为新兴区域循环空间经济政策的治理提供了经验教训。
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引用次数: 11
Making cities circular: Experiences from the living lab Hamburg-Altona 使城市循环:来自汉堡-阿尔托纳生活实验室的经验
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.18778/1231-1952.27.2.05
Andreas Obersteg, Alessandro Arlati, J. Knieling
The article argues that to reach circular economy goals urban regions need to identify and understand the challenges and opportunities originating from the differences in spatial settings, and to develop place-based solutions by adequately involving (local) stakeholders. Based on the case study that was conducted in Hamburg within the Horizon2020 project REPAiR, spatial specificities in five different urban areas shall be analysed and strategies that were developed in a co-creative process shall be explored. The results show that the spatial organisation of CE strategies depends on urban structures and stakeholders’ interest and needs to be embedded in the (local) governance setting and a spatial planning system.
文章认为,为了实现循环经济目标,城市地区需要识别和理解空间环境差异带来的挑战和机遇,并通过充分参与(当地)利益相关者来制定基于地方的解决方案。根据Horizon2020项目REPAiR在汉堡进行的案例研究,应分析五个不同城市地区的空间特征,并探索在共同创造过程中制定的战略。结果表明,CE战略的空间组织取决于城市结构和利益相关者的利益,需要嵌入(地方)治理环境和空间规划系统。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
European Spatial Research and Policy
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