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Reviews in Anthropology最新文献

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Editor’s introduction 编者简介
IF 0.3 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2022.2110708
M. Harkin
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引用次数: 0
How war came home: From 9/11 to the storming of the U.S. Capitol 战争是如何回家的:从9/11到美国国会大厦的风暴
IF 0.3 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2022.2058662
Jeffrey S. Bennett
Abstract This article reviews three recent books, each of which help establish connections between the attack on the World Trade Center in 2001 and the storming of the U.S. Capitol in 2021. The review highlights the ways the 9/11 attacks amplified latent nativist and xenophobic currents in U.S. society. It also shows how the prosecution of the Global War on Terror militarized new sectors of American society while simultaneously undermining trust in government as economic convulsions, protracted overseas wars, and the Covid-19 pandemic adversely affected ordinary Americans. In the course of developing these arguments the review helps explain Donald Trump’s popular appeal and it shows how and why America may now be on the brink of a new civil war.
本文回顾了最近出版的三本书,每一本书都有助于建立2001年世界贸易中心袭击事件与2021年美国国会大厦袭击事件之间的联系。这份报告强调了9/11袭击如何放大了美国社会中潜在的本土主义和仇外情绪。它还展示了全球反恐战争的起诉如何使美国社会的新部门军事化,同时破坏了对政府的信任,因为经济动荡、旷日持久的海外战争和新冠肺炎疫情对普通美国人造成了不利影响。在发展这些论点的过程中,这篇评论有助于解释唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)的受欢迎程度,并展示了美国现在如何以及为什么可能处于一场新的内战的边缘。
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引用次数: 0
The dawn of everything: A new history? 万物的黎明:新的历史?
IF 0.3 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2022.2026612
B. Fagan, N. Durrani
Abstract This 526-page discourse is a reasoned argument for rejecting the notion of steady progress in the human past that challenges our assumptions about the origins of many aspects of modern human behavior, including farming, property, cities, democracy, and slavery. The authors take an anarchic position. They conclude that since we have organized ourselves in many ways in the past, so there are other ways of organizing ourselves beyond the current dominant model of hierarchical states. The authors draw from/reinterpret archaeological data to emphasize (politically anarchic) examples of freedom, play, and social equality. This bold, controversial book will provoke intense discussion.
摘要这篇526页的文章是一个合理的论点,反对人类过去稳步进步的概念,这一概念挑战了我们对现代人类行为许多方面起源的假设,包括农业、财产、城市、民主和奴隶制。作者采取了无政府主义的立场。他们得出的结论是,由于我们过去以多种方式组织自己,因此在当前的等级国家主导模式之外,还有其他方式来组织自己。作者借鉴/重新解释考古数据,强调(政治上无政府主义的)自由、游戏和社会平等的例子。这本大胆而有争议的书将引起激烈的讨论。
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引用次数: 13
Editor’s introduction 编辑器的介绍
IF 0.3 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2022.2031661
M. Harkin
Jennifer Huberman has produced a thoughtful, nuanced essay on digital capitalism. As she insists, we cannot view this phenomenon through a single lens or narrative. Indeed, it is not clear that we can think of “digital capitalism” as a “thing” in the way that we think of, say, kinship or identity. Even without reading contemporary ethnography, sticking only to our own experience and media reports (and the ubiquitous social media), we see a wide range of “things” come down the pike: from cryptocurrency to virtual workplaces and everything else brought on by the confluence of more sophisticated communications technology, the demands of capitalism for new markets and cheaper labor sources, and of course Covid. As many pundits have declared, things will never get back to “normal,” even after Covid, if there is such a time. Those of us who have the option of working from afar will never give that up completely. Technologies and delivery systems that began as Covid workarounds will become permanent. We can screen new movies at home rather than go to the cinema. This accelerates trends that were already in place: simultaneous social isolation and immersion in social media, the replacement of face-to-face social relations with a highly curated performance of self via social media, and so forth. We have created our own Matrix. What I have just written is, I think, true, as far as it goes, but it leaves out one small detail: the vast divide within the United States and also globally between those of us who are “knowledge workers” and those whose physical labor in the material world cannot be done virtually. This largely parallels the “digital divide” between households that have adequate hardware and connectivity to allow children to attend school from home via Zoom, and those who must, say, drive to a McDonalds to get free Wifi. In this way we see technology playing a role it has always played in capitalism: changing the rules of the game in a way that benefits some (in our case, not just the capitalists but the professional classes) at the expense of the workers. Just as the shift in the textile industry from piecework to industrial production took power away from workers in 19th-century England, so the new shifts are further disempowering workers, who are nonetheless told that they are “essential.” Amazon workers, for instance, truly are
詹妮弗·休伯曼(Jennifer Huberman)撰写了一篇关于数字资本主义的深思熟虑、细致入微的文章。正如她所坚持的那样,我们不能通过单一的视角或叙述来看待这一现象。事实上,我们并不清楚,我们能否像看待亲属关系或身份认同那样,把“数字资本主义”视为一种“东西”。即使不阅读当代人种学,只看我们自己的经验和媒体报道(以及无处不在的社交媒体),我们也能看到各种各样的“东西”从天而降:从加密货币到虚拟工作场所,以及更复杂的通信技术、资本主义对新市场和更廉价劳动力的需求融合带来的一切,当然还有新冠病毒。正如许多专家所宣称的那样,即使在新冠疫情之后,事情也永远不会恢复“正常”,如果有这样的时间的话。我们这些可以选择远程工作的人永远不会完全放弃。最初作为应对Covid的技术和交付系统将成为永久性的。我们可以在家里放映新电影,而不是去电影院。这加速了已经存在的趋势:社交隔离和沉浸在社交媒体中同时发生,面对面的社交关系被社交媒体上高度策划的自我表现所取代,等等。我们创造了自己的矩阵。我认为,我刚才所写的就其本身而言是正确的,但它遗漏了一个小细节:在美国和全球范围内,我们这些“知识工作者”和那些在物质世界中不能虚拟完成体力劳动的人之间存在着巨大的鸿沟。这在很大程度上类似于“数字鸿沟”,有些家庭拥有足够的硬件和网络连接,可以让孩子通过Zoom在家上学,而有些家庭必须开车去麦当劳(mcdonald)才能获得免费Wifi。通过这种方式,我们看到了技术在资本主义中一直扮演的角色:以牺牲工人的利益为代价,以某种方式改变游戏规则,使一些人(在我们的例子中,不仅是资本家,还有专业阶层)受益。正如19世纪英国纺织业从计件工作向工业生产的转变剥夺了工人的权力一样,新的转变进一步剥夺了工人的权力,尽管他们被告知自己是“必不可少的”。例如,亚马逊的员工确实如此
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引用次数: 0
A single narrative will not do: Capitalism in the digital age 单一的叙述是行不通的:数字时代的资本主义
IF 0.3 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2021.2006889
Jenny Huberman
Abstract In recent years, scholars working across a range of disciplines have become increasingly interested in exploring the contours and machinations of digital capitalism. Celebrants extoll the way digital technologies are enhancing processes of capital accumulation, rendering employment more flexible, democractizing innovation, and making new forms of economic co-operation possible. By contrast, skeptics warn that digital technologies are being used to exacerbate inequality, further capitalist domination and extraction, and automate human beings into a future where there is no escape from the ubiquitous surveillance technologies that are used to forward the interests of a powerful techno-elite. The four books I review in this essay all offer critical perspectives on capitalism in the digital age. However, when read collectively, these books also demonstrate that if we are going to enhance our understanding of digital capitalism, then a single narrative will not do. By exploring the different ways digital capitalism is produced, lived, and even resisted by those who are differentially positioned within its ambit, these books make a powerful case for the role anthropology can play in illuminating the complexities, and the transformative possibilities, of our current economic moment.
摘要近年来,从事一系列学科工作的学者对探索数字资本主义的轮廓和机制越来越感兴趣。庆祝者称赞数字技术正在增强资本积累过程,使就业更加灵活,使创新不活跃,并使新形式的经济合作成为可能。相比之下,怀疑论者警告说,数字技术正被用来加剧不平等,进一步资本主义的统治和榨取,并将人类自动化到一个无法逃离无处不在的监控技术的未来,这些监控技术被用来促进强大的技术精英的利益。我在这篇文章中评论的四本书都对数字时代的资本主义提出了批判性的观点。然而,当集体阅读时,这些书也表明,如果我们要增强对数字资本主义的理解,那么单一的叙事是行不通的,这些书有力地证明了人类学在揭示我们当前经济时刻的复杂性和变革可能性方面可以发挥的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Race and rage: Mourning loss in right-wing populism and ethnonationalism 种族与愤怒:右翼民粹主义和民族主义的哀悼损失
IF 0.3 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2021.1962035
J. Eller
Abstract Four recent books—two edited volumes and two monographs—applying anthropological and ethnographic methods to contemporary right-wing populism and illiberalism, around the world but with a special interest in the United States, are reviewed. While the authors discover great diversity in conservative, populist, and ethnonationalist movements and agendas based on local circumstances (for instance, European Union membership) and national history and culture, all identify anger and identity (racial and/or ethnic) as central to the current global wave of populist mobilization. The review concludes with an analysis of cultural loss and the appeal of illiberal democracy as a winning strategy.
摘要:本文回顾了四本近期出版的书籍,包括两本编辑卷和两本专著,它们将人类学和民族志方法应用于当代世界各地的右翼民粹主义和非自由主义,但对美国特别感兴趣。虽然作者发现基于当地环境(例如欧盟成员国)和国家历史文化的保守主义、民粹主义和民族主义运动和议程存在巨大差异,但他们都认为愤怒和身份(种族和/或民族)是当前全球民粹主义动员浪潮的核心。这篇评论最后分析了文化的丧失,以及把不自由的民主作为制胜战略的吸引力。
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引用次数: 0
Interview with Regna Darnell, March 26, 2021 采访Regna Darnell, 2021年3月26日
IF 0.3 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2021.1965716
M. Harkin, Regna Darnell
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引用次数: 0
Curators, objects and the indigenous agency 策展人,物品和土著机构
IF 0.3 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2021.1962036
M. Křížová
Abstract The article deals with specific field within the history of science: the institutional as well as biographical history of anthropological and archaeological museums. Through several case studies, more general questions are explored, those that inquire into the role of museums in delineating the agenda of anthropology and archaeology; the role of leading personalities of this discipline in envisioning and operating the museum institutions; the relationships between museums and governing institutions in national and (post)colonial contexts, and the interaction of museum with the general public, and specifically with the indigenous groups – that is, the very groups archaeology and anthropology are aiming to study.
摘要本文论述了科学史上的特定领域:人类学和考古博物馆的机构史和传记史。通过几个案例研究,探索了更普遍的问题,这些问题探讨了博物馆在界定人类学和考古学议程方面的作用;该学科的领军人物在设想和运营博物馆机构方面的作用;国家和(后)殖民地背景下博物馆与管理机构之间的关系,以及博物馆与公众的互动,特别是与土著群体的互动,也就是考古学和人类学想要研究的群体。
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引用次数: 2
Editor’s introduction 编辑器的介绍
IF 0.3 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2022.2031660
M. Harkin
The German philosopher Peter Sloterdijk (2012) reminds us that the word “rage” opens the Western literary tradition. The first sentence of the Illiad reads “Of the rage of Achilles, son of Peleus, sing Goddess.” Understanding rage is of the moment, as it was a decade ago when Sloterdijk published his essay on it. Drawing on the tradition of Homeric psychology put forth by Bruno Snell (1982) and others, Sloterdijk posits that the characters in the Illiad are merely “media” of the gods, who channel their rage. These characters lack self-awareness and the capacity for strategic thinking. By contrast, in the Odyssey, we see a fully-developed modern psychology in the character of Odysseus. He is self-aware and cunning, can plan ahead and use deceit to get his way. (Of course, when he finally reaches Ithaca, he reverts to a rage-driven mode, as he indiscriminately kills the suitors and household servants of Penelope. I think of this distinction when reflecting on the events of January 6, 2021. Many of those participating in the attempted coup said, after the fact, that they were simply doing what Trump wanted them to do, channeling their leader’s rage. Drawing on Plato’s concept of a thymotic psychology, Sloterdijk argues that the typical modern psychology, what he, after Nietzsche, calls an “erotic” psychology, based on desires and wishes, is inadequate to understanding economy and politics. The need to be acknowledged is the deepest aspect of thymotic psychology; to feel that one is not is the source of rage. Hillary Clinton’s disparaging of a certain type of American as fitting into a “basket of deplorables” was such a slight. The national Founders imagined a politics only based on erotic psychology. Government would distribute benefits that individuals and parties would compete for. Politics was essentially a marketplace, in which those with the most power, however defined, would receive the most goods. But as we see in the anecdote about “the line” that Hochschild relates, it is not really the fact that they did not receive a full measure of whatever people were lining up for—the erotics—but that outgroups were cutting ahead of them. Robert Kagan (2008) defines thymos politically as “a spiritedness and ferocity in defence of clan, tribe, city, or state.” That is the motivation for the politics of right-wing populism.
德国哲学家Peter Sloterdijk(2012)提醒我们,“愤怒”一词开启了西方文学传统。《伊利亚特》的第一句话是“关于阿喀琉斯之子的愤怒,唱女神。”理解愤怒是当下的事,就像十年前斯洛特迪克发表关于愤怒的文章一样。斯洛特迪克借鉴布鲁诺·斯内尔(1982)等人提出的荷马心理学传统,认为伊利亚特中的人物只是神的“媒介”,他们发泄自己的愤怒。这些人物缺乏自我意识和战略思维能力。相比之下,在《奥德赛》中,我们在奥德修斯的性格中看到了一种充分发展的现代心理学。他有自我意识,狡猾,能够提前计划,并利用欺骗手段达到目的。(当然,当他最终到达伊萨卡时,他又回到了愤怒驱动的模式,不分青红皂白地杀死了佩内洛普的追求者和家庭仆人。我在反思2021年1月6日的事件时想到了这种区别。)。许多参与未遂政变的人事后表示,他们只是在做特朗普希望他们做的事,发泄他们领导人的愤怒。Sloterdijk借鉴了柏拉图的胸腺心理学概念,认为典型的现代心理学,即他在尼采之后所称的基于欲望和愿望的“情色”心理学,不足以理解经济和政治。需要被承认是胸腺疾病心理学最深层的方面;感觉自己不是愤怒的根源。希拉里·克林顿(Hillary Clinton)贬低某种类型的美国人适合“一群可悲的人”,这是一种轻视。国家缔造者们设想了一种仅仅基于情色心理的政治。政府将分配个人和政党竞争的利益。政治本质上是一个市场,在这个市场中,那些拥有最大权力的人,无论定义如何,都将获得最多的商品。但正如我们在霍克希尔德讲述的关于“这条线”的轶事中所看到的那样,事实上,他们并没有得到人们排队等待的所有东西——色情——而是外部群体在他们前面。罗伯特·卡根(Robert Kagan,2008)在政治上将胸腺定义为“捍卫氏族、部落、城市或国家的精神和凶猛”。这就是右翼民粹主义政治的动机。
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引用次数: 0
Editor’s introduction 编辑器的介绍
IF 0.3 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2022.2031652
M. Harkin
Raymond Scupin reviews an ethnography of Madagascar by Denis Regnier based on fieldwork conducted there in the aughts. His focus is on the relations between two groups: those descended from slaves and those descended from freemen. The former are essentialized and coded as “unclean,” while the latter are “clean.” Scupin draws on a broad body of literature that critiques essentialist discourse, equating it with racism, which is, of course, its most obvious manifestation in multi-ethnic societies. Indeed, in a very different place such as Romania, where I have conducted fieldwork, the distinction between Roma (previously known as Gypsy) and Romanian was similarly essentialized, along similar lines of clean and unclean. Interestingly, for the Roma themselves, this is also the logic, with they being the pure bloodline with outsiders as potentially polluting. Of course even in extreme cases such as Romania, there is in fact pragmatic interaction among groups, even including marriage. This is most definitely the case in Madagascar, where, despite essentializing discourse, it was acknowledged that descendants of slaves and freemen did in fact marry. This could occur for many reasons, including the fact that some of the “unclean” families were, by local standards, relatively prosperous. Moreover, many slave descendants who were freed by the king, prior to French colonization, were thought to have been purified in that act, while those freed by the Napoleonic decree, were thought not to have been. In other words, the categories were not exactly congruent, making the structural opposition itself less meaningful. This is a thought-provoking essay. One of the issues to consider is the oscillation between perspectives that social actors engage in. It is perfectly possible for one to hold essentializing views of a group while making “exceptions” for individuals with whom one has pragmatic interactions. My research with white men in rural Wyoming, most of whom were Trump supporters, illustrates this dynamic. They may well hold such views of outgroups, especially Black, Hispanic, and Indigenous people, but were willing to have friendly conversations with such people. However, as a group, especially when gathered for a political demonstration (especially the Black Lives Matter protests of 2020), they were seen as threatening and alien.
雷蒙德·斯库平回顾了丹尼斯·雷尼耶在马达加斯加实地考察的基础上写的一本马达加斯加民族志。他的重点是两个群体之间的关系:奴隶的后代和自由人的后代。前者被本质化并被编码为“不洁净”,而后者是“洁净”。斯库宾借鉴了大量批评本质主义话语的文献,将其与种族主义等同起来,当然,这是它在多民族社会中最明显的表现。事实上,在一个非常不同的地方,比如罗马尼亚,我在那里进行了实地调查,罗马人(以前被称为吉普赛人)和罗马尼亚人之间的区别同样本质化,沿着类似的清洁和不清洁的路线。有趣的是,对于罗姆人自己来说,这也是逻辑,因为他们是纯血统,而外来者可能会造成污染。当然,即使在罗马尼亚这样的极端情况下,群体之间也存在着务实的互动,甚至包括婚姻。马达加斯加的情况就是如此,在那里,尽管有本质化的言论,但人们承认奴隶和自由人的后代实际上是结婚的。这可能有很多原因,包括一些“不干净”的家庭,按照当地的标准,相对富裕。此外,在法国殖民之前,许多被国王释放的奴隶后代被认为是在那次行动中被净化的,而那些被拿破仑法令释放的人则被认为没有被净化。换句话说,这些范畴并不完全一致,这使得结构性对立本身变得不那么有意义。这是一篇发人深省的文章。其中一个需要考虑的问题是社会行动者所参与的观点之间的波动。一个人完全有可能对一个群体持有本质化的观点,同时对与他有务实互动的个人做出“例外”。我对怀俄明州农村地区的白人男性进行的研究(其中大多数是特朗普的支持者)说明了这种动态。他们很可能对外群体持有这样的看法,尤其是黑人、西班牙裔和土著人,但他们愿意与这些人进行友好的交谈。然而,作为一个群体,尤其是当他们聚集在一起进行政治示威(尤其是2020年的“黑人的命也是命”抗议活动)时,他们被视为具有威胁性和异类。
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Reviews in Anthropology
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