Pub Date : 2018-04-03DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2018.1507313
S. Collins
Abstract This essay explores recent work in future-oriented anthropology that develops emancipatory, anticipatory, multi-modal, and participatory approaches. Through critiquing hegemonic assumptions in anthropology and in Western modernity, these works evoke both present complexity and future potentiality. Ultimately, the essay explores these works as redemptive strategies for an anthropology besieged by intolerance and authoritarianism while grappling with its colonialist underpinnings.
{"title":"Futures, intimacies, animisms: Unfinished anthropologies in the twenty-first century","authors":"S. Collins","doi":"10.1080/00938157.2018.1507313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00938157.2018.1507313","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This essay explores recent work in future-oriented anthropology that develops emancipatory, anticipatory, multi-modal, and participatory approaches. Through critiquing hegemonic assumptions in anthropology and in Western modernity, these works evoke both present complexity and future potentiality. Ultimately, the essay explores these works as redemptive strategies for an anthropology besieged by intolerance and authoritarianism while grappling with its colonialist underpinnings.","PeriodicalId":43734,"journal":{"name":"Reviews in Anthropology","volume":"47 1","pages":"39 - 56"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/00938157.2018.1507313","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46972908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-04-03DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2018.1504416
M. Harkin
The history of anthropology in North America is very closely intertwined with Native cultures in the United States and Canada. As Pauline Turner Strong observes, the first generation of American anthropologists were in a state of “panic” about culture loss, and thus the mad rush to collect anything and everything: word lists, texts, artifacts and art, even human remains. Through much of the 20th century, anthropology in fact rested on an assumed acculturationist foundation: Native cultures were disappearing, both in North America and elsewhere, and this process could be studied, even ameliorated, but fundamentally, indigenous peoples would increasingly adapt and conform to the modern, globalized world. This assumption was not, of course, shared by Native people themselves, who always believed that they maintained a connection with the ancestors, one that may have been frayed, often through deliberate policies of the settler colonial states (language loss being the most obvious example), but that much had remained, and much could be recovered. Indeed, the Iroquois prophecy of the seventh generation, a belief widely held in Indian Country, states that sovereignty and stewardship of the earth would be returned to the seventh generation (after contact with Europeans) of Native people. In the era of climate change, water protectors, and Trump, it is hard not to see the appeal of that prophecy. Native peoples in North America have long sought means to express indigeneity and sovereignty in the face of settler colonial society and globalization. The Ho-Chunk (previously known as Winnebago), a Siouan people traditionally inhabiting much of the upper Midwest, but today confined to Wisconsin, are a good example of the maintenance of cultural practices in the face of settler colonialism. Through warrior societies and other esoteric cultural practices, they have, as Nesper says, been able to maintain cultural and social reproduction. A practice more visible to outsiders is the Pow-wow, which, as in other Native communities, is the fundamental means not only of maintaining cultural practices, but expressing them to the outside world. Pow-wows are not sacred, and have become commercialized over time, essentially as a way of including outsiders on
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Pub Date : 2017-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2018.1443375
S. Fiedel
ABSTRACT Recent analyses of the preserved ancient genomes of the Mal’ta boy and Anzick infant have transformed our understanding of Native Americans’ origins. The Mal’ta genome shows that about one-third of Native American genetic ancestry is derived from admixture, about fifteen to twenty thousand years ago, of East Asians with a now-vanished population of interior southern Siberia. Living Native Americans are demonstrably the direct descendants of the people who made and used Clovis tools and buried the Anzick infant in Montana ca. 12,800 cal B.P. The profound implications of these data for the origins of the first Americans should be obvious. However, as evidenced by the books reviewed here, archaeologists appear largely unaware of these data and their now-standard but unsubstantiated narratives of pre-Clovis coastal migrations remain unaffected.
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Pub Date : 2017-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2017.1408394
James K. A. Smith
ABSTRACT This review essay assesses Michael Jackson’s ongoing project of staging an encounter between anthropology and philosophy in two books: Lifeworlds (2013) and As Wide as the World Is Wise (2016). Considering his philosophical enrichment of ethnographic theory and method, this essay addresses foundational questions about the prospects and practices of interdisciplinary engagement. It also suggests future avenues for continued dialogue between philosophy and anthropology.
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Pub Date : 2017-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2018.1448243
M. Harkin
Anthropology and philosophy intertwine like the strands of DNA, twisting and crossing paths with frequency over millennia. At the very dawn of what we consider to be Western philosophy, Socrates, as described by Plato, applies an evolutionary model to understanding political forms. In Book VIII of The Republic, Plato describes a succession of political formations that follow the overthrow of aristocracy leading, penultimately, to democracy and then finally descending into tyranny. I would remark that, from the perspective of 2018, this model seems superior to that developed by 19th-century anthropologists, although a certain resemblance to the brooding conclusion to Morgan’s Ancient Society can be seen. The first self-proclaimed academic anthropologist was the philosopher Immanuel Kant, who lectured on the topic for 25 years. Although he would have little direct influence on the subsequent professional development of the discipline, certainly his influence on later philosophers, such as Herder and Dilthey, who would in turn help shape anthropology, was great. For most of its history as a separate discipline, anthropology actively eschewed philosophy, even when working on similar problems. There were a few exceptions: Herbert Spencer, who synthesized a philosophy of evolution, influenced the first generation of anthropologists. However, Franz Boas, a colleague and friend of John Dewey, with whom he who co-taught a seminar on comparative ethics at Columbia University, never mentions that connection in his publications, even The Mind of Primitive Man, which covered much the same territory as the seminar presumably did (Harkin 2017). Ruth Benedict was perhaps the only prominent American anthropologist to explicitly draw on philosophical thought, most notably Nietzsche’s Dionysian-Apollonian duality, and gestalt theory. But for the most part anthropologists were eager to identify rather with social science and science writ large, than what was seen by many as a vestigial discipline. This mutual avoidance began to break down mid-century, in part by the post-war translation of French anthropology and philosophy into English. French anthropology has always been more aware of, and willing to engage with, philosophy. Most important, from the Anglophone perspective, was Claude Lévi-Strauss, a philosophy student as an undergraduate, who throughout his writings engages with the French philosophical tradition (Descartes, Rousseau, Bergson) and with the most prominent school of none defined
人类学和哲学像DNA链一样缠绕在一起,数千年来频繁地扭曲和交叉。正如柏拉图所描述的那样,在我们所认为的西方哲学的最初阶段,苏格拉底应用了一个进化模型来理解政治形式。在《理想国》第八卷中,柏拉图描述了一系列的政治形态,这些政治形态在推翻贵族统治之后,最终走向民主,最后走向专制。我想说的是,从2018年的角度来看,这个模型似乎优于19世纪人类学家开发的模型,尽管可以看出与摩根的《古代社会》的沉思结论有一定的相似之处。第一个自称学术人类学家的人是哲学家伊曼努尔·康德(Immanuel Kant),他在这个话题上讲了25年。尽管他对这门学科后来的专业发展几乎没有直接的影响,但他对后来的哲学家,如赫尔德和狄尔泰的影响无疑是巨大的,他们反过来又帮助塑造了人类学。在作为一门独立学科的大部分历史中,人类学积极回避哲学,即使在研究类似问题时也是如此。也有一些例外:赫伯特·斯宾塞,他综合了进化哲学,影响了第一代人类学家。然而,弗朗茨·博阿斯,约翰·杜威的同事和朋友,他在哥伦比亚大学共同教授比较伦理学研讨会,从未在他的出版物中提到这种联系,甚至是《原始人的思想》,它所涵盖的领域与研讨会大致相同(Harkin 2017)。露丝·本尼迪克特可能是唯一一位明确借鉴哲学思想的美国著名人类学家,最著名的是尼采的酒神-阿波罗二元性和格式塔理论。但在大多数情况下,人类学家都渴望认同社会科学和科学,而不是被许多人视为一门退化的学科。这种相互回避的局面在本世纪中叶开始被打破,部分原因是战后将法语人类学和哲学翻译成英语。法国人类学一直以来都更了解哲学,也更愿意参与哲学。从英语国家的角度来看,最重要的是Claude l -斯特劳斯(Claude l - strauss),他是一名哲学本科学生,在他的著作中,他与法国哲学传统(笛卡尔、卢梭、柏格森)以及最著名的未定义学派密切相关
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Pub Date : 2017-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2018.1448686
Jim C. Williams
ABSTRACT In this essay I review two books of rather different focus, but with a common thread that is oral tradition: age-old tales passed orally down the generations to maintain the histories and used to educate the young. The focus of the Metge book is traditional methods of education, while McRae’s focus is on the stories themselves.
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Pub Date : 2017-07-03DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2017.1343023
Alf Hornborg
ABSTRACT This review article argues that styles of thinking and writing recently encouraged in the environmental humanities are not conducive to analytical clarity, theoretical rigor, or effective critique of the practices and discourses that generate global inequalities and unsustainability. Critically discussing how global environmental change is being approached in anthropology and other human sciences, it concludes that the haziness, inconsistency, and inaccessibility of so-called posthuman deliberations on the Anthropocene ultimately serve to promote the destructive economic forces that are responsible for such change. A recent attempt to bring together approaches from posthumanism and Marxism is also deeply flawed, failing to present a coherent theoretical outlook on the environmental history of capitalism. The article argues for more responsible efforts to build interdisciplinary theory of the Anthropocene.
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Pub Date : 2017-07-03DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2017.1359037
N. Håkansson
ABSTRACT The four books under review are all more or less explicitly critical of the impact of post-modernism on socio-cultural anthropology and archaeology. They all call for the building of anthropology by reconnecting to the earlier traditions of structural and comparative analysis. Although spanning both socio-cultural anthropology and archaeology, they set the focus clearly on the pervasive influence of inequality on social processes. The different authors demonstrate the explanatory power of concepts such as class, surplus, inequality, and structure for a multitude of contexts from prehistoric foragers to neo-liberal market ideologies.
{"title":"Inequality and the return to structure in anthropology","authors":"N. Håkansson","doi":"10.1080/00938157.2017.1359037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00938157.2017.1359037","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The four books under review are all more or less explicitly critical of the impact of post-modernism on socio-cultural anthropology and archaeology. They all call for the building of anthropology by reconnecting to the earlier traditions of structural and comparative analysis. Although spanning both socio-cultural anthropology and archaeology, they set the focus clearly on the pervasive influence of inequality on social processes. The different authors demonstrate the explanatory power of concepts such as class, surplus, inequality, and structure for a multitude of contexts from prehistoric foragers to neo-liberal market ideologies.","PeriodicalId":43734,"journal":{"name":"Reviews in Anthropology","volume":"46 1","pages":"106 - 124"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2017-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/00938157.2017.1359037","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49304792","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-07-03DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2017.1359043
Christopher C. Taylor
ABSTRACT This article concerns the social construction of collective memory particularly with regard to the social remembering of mass violence and trauma. How do individual memories of mass violence which are often idiosyncratic, nonverbal, and embodied coalesce and crystallize into coherent narratives shared by a group. The books reviewed here demonstrate that there are both discursive means of remembering and non-discursive means of remembering. Social memories can take narrative and textual form or they can take performative and ritual form. How does the non-discursive interact with the discursive and do these interactions depend upon varying social, political, and cultural circumstances? An encompassing theoretical issue is addressed in this literature concerning the adequacy of sociological and anthropological models in the elucidation of trauma memory vs. psychological models which place emphasis on the individual. Subsumed within this question is an inquiry into the adequacies and inadequacies of Western clinical models, such as the PTSD model, in explaining trauma due to mass violence, and the opposition frequently noted among survivors between silence and verbalization. Numerous ethnographic examples are considered in this article but particular attention is paid to the Nazi, Cambodian, and Rwandan genocides.
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