Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2015.1001645
Nikolai Ssorin‐Chaikov
Sociopolitics refer to ways in which politics and relations of power are constituted through an authoritative discourse on the social. This concept echoes Foucault's biopolitics. “Society” and the “social” are devices, as well as categorical foundations, for the political. As with “bio” in biopolitics, “socio” gives a particular form to power that it articulates and constitutes. This review essay uses this concept to discuss recent work of James Scott and David Graeber, and the English-language translation of a 1980 collection of essays by Pierre Clastres. I argue that this anarchist anthropology articulates a clear break within anarchist theory. This break is in the ways the social and the political are related as means and ends in ethnography and in conceptualization of anarchist practice.
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Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2015.1001646
Ruth E. Toulson
Half of the world's population now lives in cities. This number is expected to grow to two-thirds in the next fifty years. And yet, it is only recently that anthropologists have begun to take urban contexts seriously as fieldwork sites. In this article, I analyze three recent volumes on urban anthropology which each propose a distinctive theoretical and methodological approach to the study of the city. I suggest that there is a fine line to be drawn between urban determinism—the suggestion that the city is the pivotal force in shaping individual lives, a perspective that ignores both human agencies and the complexities of causality—and anthropology which relegates the city to mere context, ethnographies that, almost by chance take place in urban contexts but say little about the realities of city life. The texts examined share two features in common: firstly, they are most effective when they, through close ethnographic or archival engagement, show the complexity and variation in urban contexts; and secondly, each text displays an absolute commitment to ethnographic fieldwork as a powerful tool to understand the lived experience of the urban. As a commitment to long-term participant observation is the sine qua non of our discipline, my central question is whether “urban anthropology,” is not just anthropology after all?
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Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2015.1001647
M. Harkin
I was surprised to open the December 14, 2014, ‘‘Sunday Review’’ section of the New York Times—that arbiter of wisdom both conventional and confortable—and see a column by Mark Bittman on the intersectionality of various radical and reform movements in the United States today. Granted, this was an attempt to link his own pet project, food reform, to the seemingly more urgent issues of the day, but, still, I think he was on the whole correct. We live in a time when politics is anything but conventional, and the massive protest movements of the past months—the boycotts of Wal-Mart and fast food restaurants, the fight for a living wage, and the protests against police violence—are all linked. Indeed, for many young minority people, low-wage work and the threat of police brutality are intertwined aspects of their everyday lived experience. It is clear to me that this is a movement of potentially revolutionary change on many fronts, in the realm both of ‘‘hard’’ politics and ‘‘soft’’ politics, both increasing the minimum wage and accepting marriage equality. If this is a radical moment, it is less clear to me that it is an anarchistic one. The great issues of the day, such as combating income inequality and climate change, and fighting for civil rights for gay people, are in fact seeking greater state regulation over private businesses, energy producers and consumers, local and state governments, and private organizations such as religious groups. Rather, the current movements seem a part of the broad, free-flowing stream of American progressivism, in each case petitioning the federal government for greater protection of civil rights and greater equality before the law and in the marketplace. Nevertheless, anarchism does characterize some aspects of some of these radical movements. That is most obviously the case among the far right in the United States—the idea of an armed populace challenging government diktat is not far from Clastres’ idea of the threat of violence as impediment to the creation of political order. To be fair, elements of anarchism have also been present in movements of the left—in Germany’s Pirate Party, for instance, as well as among the leadership of the Occupy Wall Street movement, most notably the anthropologist David Graeber himself. Beyond that, we all have experienced an anarchistic turn, to adopt the anthropologist’s preferred means of describing paradigmatic change. Thus, the rise of social media networks has provided a technology that exactly mirrors the Reviews in Anthropology, 44:1–4, 2015 Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0093-8157 print=1556-3014 online DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2015.1001647
2014年12月14日，我很惊讶地打开《纽约时报》的“周日评论”版块，看到马克·比特曼(Mark Bittman)的一篇专栏文章，讨论了当今美国各种激进和改革运动的相互交织。《纽约时报》是传统智慧和世俗智慧的仲裁者。诚然，这是试图将他自己的宠物项目——食品改革——与当时看似更紧迫的问题联系起来，但是，我仍然认为他总体上是正确的。我们生活在一个政治不传统的时代，过去几个月的大规模抗议运动——抵制沃尔玛和快餐店，争取最低生活工资，抗议警察暴力——都是相互联系的。事实上，对于许多年轻的少数民族来说，低薪工作和警察暴力的威胁是他们日常生活经历中交织在一起的两个方面。我很清楚，这是一场可能在许多方面带来革命性变化的运动，无论是在“硬”政治领域还是在“软”政治领域，都是提高最低工资和接受婚姻平等。如果这是一个激进的时刻，那么我不太清楚这是否是一个无政府主义的时刻。当今的重大问题，如打击收入不平等和气候变化，争取同性恋者的公民权利，实际上是在寻求对私营企业、能源生产商和消费者、地方和州政府以及宗教团体等私人组织进行更大的国家监管。相反，当前的运动似乎是美国进步主义广泛而自由流动的一部分，在每个案例中，它们都请求联邦政府加强对公民权利的保护，并在法律面前和市场上实现更大的平等。然而，无政府主义确实是这些激进运动的某些方面的特征。这在美国的极右翼中最为明显——武装群众挑战政府命令的想法与克拉斯特雷斯认为暴力威胁是政治秩序建立的障碍的想法相差无几。公平地说，无政府主义的元素也存在于左翼运动中，例如德国的海盗党，以及占领华尔街运动的领导层中，最著名的是人类学家大卫·格雷伯本人。除此之外，我们都经历过无政府主义的转变，采用人类学家更喜欢的方式来描述范式变化。因此，社交媒体网络的兴起提供了一种完全反映人类学评论的技术，44:1-4,2015版权# Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0093-8157印刷=1556-3014在线DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2015.1001647
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Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2015.1004926
E. Sobo
This essay considers the anthropology of childhood's recent growth. It summarizes the sub-field's extensive if often unacknowledged past, reviews its late 20th-century bourgeoning, and then highlights three influential teaching texts, each of which argues for a more considered, culturally informed understanding of children and childhood while performing the vital service of bringing together heretofore scattered ideas and data. To ensure the field's further maturation, scholars must leverage what an integrative, four-fields approach has to offer, attend to the conjoined, coterminous, and coeval facets of adulthood and childhood; leverage what an integrative, four-fields approach has to offer; expand the pediatric lens; and otherwise guard against our own cultural biases.
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Pub Date : 2014-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2014.964061
P. Sullivan
Anthropological, linguistic, historical, and archeological research on the Maya proceeds today amidst public contestation, for political and economic reasons, of the identity of Maya people and the nature of Maya culture. Neo-liberal multiculturalism, struggles over dwindling land and forest resources, the intensification of international tourism, and the growth of pan-Maya movements repeatedly raise the question of who and what is authentically Maya. Our scholarship, while motivated by quite different concerns and interests, unavoidably touches on similar issues in its exploration of the forms and meanings of Maya expression, belief, and ritual from ancient times to the present.
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Pub Date : 2014-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2014.964060
M. Harkin
The development of anthropology in France and North America during the early to mid 20th century showed both similarities and pronounced differences. In both cases anthropology matured alongside sociology, a relationship that would prove increasingly problematic as the century wore on. In France, in particular, another important influence was art and literature, especially the Surrealism of the 1920s and 1930s. This was less the case in North America, but in both countries, anthropology occupied a medial position between science and the humanities.
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Pub Date : 2014-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2014.964067
S. Souvatzi
The four books under review illustrate different ways of analyzing past societies through households, houses, and the conduct of everyday life. Grounded on the materiality, spatiality, and temporality of prehistoric data, spanning from the Palaeolithic through to the recent past, these books provide important archaeological contributions to the anthropological study of social organization, inviting challenge and interdisciplinary dialogue. Each book has a distinctive approach, yet all four reflect wider epistemological shifts toward a concern with context, scale, diversity, and interaction. In summarizing and critiquing them, most attention is paid to their social perspectives and definitions. This leads to consideration of related work in wider anthropology.
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Pub Date : 2014-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2014.966642
M. Harkin
Stella Souvatzi’s essay discusses recent work in archaeology on households. As Souvatzi argues, the spatial and temporal focus in archaeology has run increasingly in the direction of the micro. Less concerned with grand evolutionary sequences, processural and post-processural archaeology has more often concerned itself with small social units and has become more cognizant of the limited time frames in which sites may have been occupied: for instance, a mere half century in the case of northern Plains earthlodges. Mobility—either in the short term or long term—does not of course undermine the notion of household, or its usefulness in focusing attention on themes such as materiality, memory, and idealized models of perduring domestic units. Claude Lévi-Strauss’s concept of the house society has been influential on archaeologists’ understanding of households. Originally a way of dealing with the seeming paradox that Northwest Coast societies looked very much like corporate groups such as one expected in lineage societies, when only a few of the groups in fact possessed unilineal systems of kinship and descent, this concept was seminal in that it focused our attention away from the biological dimensions of social organization and onto the ideological ones. Household and family groups are of course always in a state of flux, due to the reality of demographic change, including birth, marriage, and death, as well as spatial mobility. In Northwest Coast societies, key symbols such as family crests, names, and stories were deployed to maintain the fiction of a permanent, indeed eternal, structure. This is nicely symbolized by an example of ‘‘mobile homes’’ found among many of the central coast groups. Houses consisted of two components: the permanent posts which remained in the ground for as long as the house was occupied, and planks, which could be removed and towed behind canoes during seasonal migrations. The posts were usually marked with the family’s crest, and so constituted, along with the accompanying title name and narrative, a permanent claim to house and property (symbolic property as well as land and resource rights). The planks—like the individuals who made up the group—were mobile. Another interesting point raised in this literature is the multigenerational project of building, adapting, and remembering the household. Again, this works at both the material and ideological levels. A structure may be built Reviews in Anthropology, 43:235–237, 2014 Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0093-8157 print=1556-3014 online DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2014.966642
斯特拉·苏瓦齐(Stella Souvatzi)的文章讨论了最近在家庭考古方面的工作。正如Souvatzi所说，考古学的时空焦点越来越趋向于微观的方向。过程和后过程考古学不太关注大的进化序列，而是更多地关注小的社会单位，并且更加认识到遗址可能被占用的有限时间框架:例如，北部平原的土丘仅仅半个世纪。流动性——无论是短期的还是长期的——当然不会削弱家庭的概念，也不会削弱它在关注物质性、记忆性和长期家庭单位的理想化模型等主题方面的作用。克劳德·劳斯特劳斯的家庭社会概念影响了考古学家对家庭的理解。最初，这是一种处理看似矛盾的方法西北海岸社会看起来很像团体团体，就像人们在世系社会中所期望的那样，当只有少数群体实际上拥有血缘和血统的单系系统时，这个概念是开创性的，因为它把我们的注意力从社会组织的生物层面转移到了意识形态层面。由于人口变化的现实，包括出生、婚姻和死亡，以及空间流动性，家庭和家庭群体当然总是处于不断变化的状态。在西北海岸的社会中，关键的符号，如家族徽章、名字和故事，被用来维持一个永久的、实际上是永恒的结构。在许多中部海岸群体中发现的“移动房屋”的例子很好地象征了这一点。房屋由两部分组成:一是永久的柱子，只要房子有人住，柱子就会留在地上;二是木板，在季节性迁徙时，木板可以移走，拖在独木舟后面。这些柱子上通常标有家族的徽章，因此连同伴随的头衔名称和叙述构成了对房屋和财产(象征性财产以及土地和资源权利)的永久要求。浮游生物——就像组成这个群体的个体一样——是可以移动的。这篇文献中提出的另一个有趣的观点是，几代人共同建设、适应和记忆家庭。同样，这在物质和意识形态层面都有效。《人类学评论》，43(3):235 - 237,2014版权# Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0093-8157 print=1556-3014 online DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2014.966642
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Pub Date : 2014-07-01DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2014.937666
J. Smith
Each of the three volumes under consideration tells stories related to the presence of Arabs and Muslims in North America. Alfaro-Velcamp shares her findings about the migration and resulting experiences of Lebanese and Syrians to Mexico up to the mid-20th century. Working with young adults in the San Francisco Bay area in the early 1990s, Naber uses their stories to illustrate the difficulties of being Arab and/or Muslim in the United States through the lens of her own political perspectives. Alsultany analyzes American media, especially television, showing how the stories that the media tell relate directly to American policies in the Middle East and to the perpetuation of American racism.
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Pub Date : 2014-07-01DOI: 10.1080/00938157.2014.937667
Keith Hart
In almost four decades Jack Goody has published a score of books seeking to explain the divergence of Africa from the Eurasian continent, and latterly to refute historical claims of western superiority to Asia. Since the millennium, he has sought to clarify his own vision of modern capitalism at a time when western hegemony is coming under pressure from globalization. Yet this achievement has not received the recognition from anthropologists that it deserves. This article, in reviewing six books published during the last decade, makes a case for reassessing Goody's project from the mid-1970s until now. It singles out two books for special attention, The Theft of History and his latest volume, Metals, Culture and Capitalism. A consistent theme of his recent work is to juxtapose his own account of the history of western capitalism with those of Marx, Weber and other writers in the classical tradition of social theory. Jack Goody remains to this day an anthropologist whose sensibility was formed by long-term ethnographic fieldwork. But he knew that, if he aspired to throw light on the human predicament as a whole, he would have to become a world historian too.
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