Pub Date : 2020-07-22DOI: 10.1080/17533171.2020.1775377
D. Wylie
ABSTRACT Laurens van der Post is chiefly remembered by the general public for his voluminous and at times bewitchingly popular writings, and for his almost guru-like status as a conservationist. Yet only one early and incomplete monograph deals with Van der Post’s literary output. His several novels have received patchy critical attention, and none have been examined ecocritically, despite their pervasive ruminations upon the natural world. This article investigates four relatively neglected novels for their evocation of Van der Post’s “natural aesthetic”: Flamingo Feather (1955), The Hunter and the Whale (1967), A Story Like the Wind (1971), and its sequel A Far-Off Place (1974). I focus on passages which evince, through their stylistics, a distinctive aesthetic, suggesting that internal antitheses and ironies reflect wider dilemmas of nature conservation. I point to a potentially fruitful confluence between some recent developments in ecocriticism, literary animal studies, and environmental aesthetics – all the more necessary in our present global ecological climacteric.
{"title":"“Sermon among the ruins”: Laurens van der Post’s natural aesthetic","authors":"D. Wylie","doi":"10.1080/17533171.2020.1775377","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17533171.2020.1775377","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Laurens van der Post is chiefly remembered by the general public for his voluminous and at times bewitchingly popular writings, and for his almost guru-like status as a conservationist. Yet only one early and incomplete monograph deals with Van der Post’s literary output. His several novels have received patchy critical attention, and none have been examined ecocritically, despite their pervasive ruminations upon the natural world. This article investigates four relatively neglected novels for their evocation of Van der Post’s “natural aesthetic”: Flamingo Feather (1955), The Hunter and the Whale (1967), A Story Like the Wind (1971), and its sequel A Far-Off Place (1974). I focus on passages which evince, through their stylistics, a distinctive aesthetic, suggesting that internal antitheses and ironies reflect wider dilemmas of nature conservation. I point to a potentially fruitful confluence between some recent developments in ecocriticism, literary animal studies, and environmental aesthetics – all the more necessary in our present global ecological climacteric.","PeriodicalId":43901,"journal":{"name":"Safundi-The Journal of South African and American Studies","volume":"104 1","pages":"62 - 79"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80731601","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/17533171.2020.1778879
S. Cucu
ABSTRACT This article considers the hypothesis that the 2016 nomination of Hillary Clinton appeared rigged because the Democratic Party persuaded itself that the next step in guaranteeing Obama’s legacy and advancing democratic progress would be the election of the first woman president. Democracy finds logical steps in politics suspicious (even dangerous); consequently, the constructed stability and order begin to falter or appear compromised. In this context, populist figures like Trump may gain political legitimacy by claiming to be outsiders speaking with the voice of the people. Populism, founded on a mythical notion of sovereignty, promises direct access to the democratic experience through four interconnected mythologies (unity, conspiracy, the golden age, and the savior), as evident in the 2016 election. The democratic struggle accordingly extended to Trump’s attacks on the media (as “fake news”) and to the Mueller investigation of collusion between the Trump campaign and foreign actors representing the Russian government.
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Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/17533171.2020.1783086
E. Bergmann
ABSTRACT The proliferation of fake news and of conspiracy theories has coincided with the emergence of the digital media. Although the extensive distribution of misinformation is nothing new, the emergence of online media proved to be especially fertile for conspiratorial populists in transmitting distorted information. Since 2016, conspiracy theories, disguised as news, have spread like a snowstorm across the political scene on both sides of the Atlantic. As I discuss in this paper, this climate has enabled conspiratorial populists to be especially successful in spreading suspicion of established knowledge, which they claim to have been produced by the elite and which is eschewed for its association with the powerful. Alongside the diminished gatekeeping capabilities of the mainstream media, it thus becomes ever more difficult for people to distinguish between factual stories and fictitious news often spread via unscrupulous websites, as both can be presented in the same guise.
{"title":"Populism and the politics of misinformation","authors":"E. Bergmann","doi":"10.1080/17533171.2020.1783086","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17533171.2020.1783086","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The proliferation of fake news and of conspiracy theories has coincided with the emergence of the digital media. Although the extensive distribution of misinformation is nothing new, the emergence of online media proved to be especially fertile for conspiratorial populists in transmitting distorted information. Since 2016, conspiracy theories, disguised as news, have spread like a snowstorm across the political scene on both sides of the Atlantic. As I discuss in this paper, this climate has enabled conspiratorial populists to be especially successful in spreading suspicion of established knowledge, which they claim to have been produced by the elite and which is eschewed for its association with the powerful. Alongside the diminished gatekeeping capabilities of the mainstream media, it thus becomes ever more difficult for people to distinguish between factual stories and fictitious news often spread via unscrupulous websites, as both can be presented in the same guise.","PeriodicalId":43901,"journal":{"name":"Safundi-The Journal of South African and American Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":"251 - 265"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88349437","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/17533171.2020.1772540
Donald R. Wehrs
ABSTRACT Contemporary global populism combines systemic critique of power inequities with a politics of resentment. This conjunction under conditions of modernity gives rise to populisms whose twenty-first-century manifestations markedly exhibit features of Southern variants of the 1890s populism that briefly convulsed United States politics. Volatile mixtures of systemic critique and resentment politics, of progressive and proto-fascist tendencies, are vividly illustrated in the career of Thomas E. Watson (1856–1922), a prominent Georgia lawyer and politician whose populist rhetoric moved from advocating racially inclusive class solidarity to embracing virulent racist nativism. This trajectory, revelatory of susceptibilities to nativist authoritarianism also prominent in many currents of contemporary global populist politics, raises the question of whether and how literary art and humanities scholarship might work to disentangle justified revolt from reactionary resentments. William Faulkner’s Go Down, Moses (1942) and The Hamlet (1940) offer diverse models of such efforts.
当代全球民粹主义结合了对权力不平等的系统性批判和怨恨政治。现代性条件下的这种结合产生了民粹主义，其21世纪的表现明显表现出19世纪90年代民粹主义的南方变体特征，这种民粹主义曾短暂地震撼了美国政治。托马斯·e·沃森(Thomas E. Watson, 1856-1922)是乔治亚州一位杰出的律师和政治家，他的民粹主义言论从倡导种族包容的阶级团结转变为信奉恶毒的种族主义本土主义，他的职业生涯生动地展示了系统批判和怨恨政治、进步主义和原始法西斯主义倾向的反复混合。这一轨迹揭示了对本土主义威权主义的敏感性，在当代全球民粹主义政治的许多潮流中也很突出，它提出了一个问题，即文学艺术和人文学术是否以及如何能够将正当的反抗从反动的怨恨中解脱出来。威廉·福克纳(William Faulkner)的《打倒摩西》(1942)和《哈姆雷特》(1940)提供了这种努力的不同模式。
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Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/17533171.2020.1775363
Merle A. Williams
ABSTRACT This short Introduction sets the context for the nine articles included in Safundi’s special issue on “Cultures of Populism: Institutions and Hegemonic Practices” (Vol. 21, no. 3) by establishing connections with the colloquium of the same name that was hosted at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg from 10th until 13th July 2019. At the conference, populism (whether of the political right or the left) was examined in relation to democracy, the role of elites, and possible futures for the Humanities. Drawing on a range of theoretical perspectives, papers considered the diverse histories of populism, as well as varied occurrences of this phenomenon across the globe.
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Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/17533171.2020.1776961
John Masterson
ABSTRACT This paper explores the third novel in Ali Smith’s seasonal quartet, Spring. Using Achille Mbembe’s Necropolitics as a conceptual frame, I analyze Smith’s rendering of a Britain grappling with Brexit in times of transnational populism. As with Autumn and Winter, Smith’s prose is saturated with intertextual borrowings from pop and “high” culture, also interrogating the links between “nanoracism” and the “immunity and community” knot (Dillet). This paper reads Spring alongside Smith’s contribution to and advocacy of the Refugee Tales project regarding the diverse discourses surrounding migration, xenophobia, and indefinite detention. Smith’s writing traces the darkness of our populist present with its rhetorical and material violence, as well as the possibilities for creative response and resistance. I argue that her seasonal quartet to date and her work with Refugee Tales aesthetically and ethically defend the principle that human dignity, both individual and collective, rests on the ability to tell stories.
{"title":"“Don’t tell me this isn’t relevant all over again in its brand new same old way”: imagination, agitation, and raging against the machine in Ali Smith’s Spring","authors":"John Masterson","doi":"10.1080/17533171.2020.1776961","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17533171.2020.1776961","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper explores the third novel in Ali Smith’s seasonal quartet, Spring. Using Achille Mbembe’s Necropolitics as a conceptual frame, I analyze Smith’s rendering of a Britain grappling with Brexit in times of transnational populism. As with Autumn and Winter, Smith’s prose is saturated with intertextual borrowings from pop and “high” culture, also interrogating the links between “nanoracism” and the “immunity and community” knot (Dillet). This paper reads Spring alongside Smith’s contribution to and advocacy of the Refugee Tales project regarding the diverse discourses surrounding migration, xenophobia, and indefinite detention. Smith’s writing traces the darkness of our populist present with its rhetorical and material violence, as well as the possibilities for creative response and resistance. I argue that her seasonal quartet to date and her work with Refugee Tales aesthetically and ethically defend the principle that human dignity, both individual and collective, rests on the ability to tell stories.","PeriodicalId":43901,"journal":{"name":"Safundi-The Journal of South African and American Studies","volume":"95 1","pages":"355 - 372"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77406101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/17533171.2020.1773051
Merle A. Williams
ABSTRACT Unusually for Henry James, The Bostonians (1886) addresses notions of “the people,” popular movements, and socio-political reform. Foregrounding the position of women, the narrative searchingly, if ambiguously, appraises conditions in the United States of the 1870s, following the Civil War. As Olive Chancellor (a Boston feminist) and Basil Ransom (a conservative Southerner) vie for possession of the malleable orator Verena Tarrant, the text explores the failure of “union” in both its personal and political senses. The populist-feminist rally concluding the narrative highlights the prevailing challenges to democratic possibilities. Community in its traditionally cohesive guise has metamorphosed into the “inoperative community” theorized by Jean-Luc Nancy. Mutually dependent, monadic “singularities” converge in tense encounter. “Community,” according to Roberto Esposito, inevitably separates such vulnerable “singularities” from themselves and others through the play of social relationality. The novel’s democratic orientation is nonetheless sustained by its capacious form and the hospitable engagement of its readers.
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Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/17533171.2020.1773050
Simon van Schalkwyk
ABSTRACT This paper returns to early twentieth-century America’s concern with democracy and “the local” in order to frame the populist parameters of poetic appeals to “the people” in the work of the Southern Fugitive poets on the one hand, and William Carlos Williams on the other. It argues that the Southern Fugitives’ commitment to what Chantal Mouffe identifies as a populist politics of antagonism runs counter to Williams’s very different attempt to grapple with the idea of “the people.” The Fugitives’ claims to a form of constitutional autochthony depended upon the violent exclusion of Native and African-American “uninhabitants”: the negative requirement for the decidedly populist continuation and preservation of what Allen Tate explicitly called “White rule.” By contrast, Williams’s more self-reflexive lyrical voice foregrounds the epistemological limitations of the poetic imagination and hence the problematic maneuvers by which a “people” may be conscripted into the service of populist national allegories.
{"title":"Autochthonous oralities and coral islands: imagining “the people” in the poetry of William Carlos Williams and the Southern Fugitives","authors":"Simon van Schalkwyk","doi":"10.1080/17533171.2020.1773050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17533171.2020.1773050","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper returns to early twentieth-century America’s concern with democracy and “the local” in order to frame the populist parameters of poetic appeals to “the people” in the work of the Southern Fugitive poets on the one hand, and William Carlos Williams on the other. It argues that the Southern Fugitives’ commitment to what Chantal Mouffe identifies as a populist politics of antagonism runs counter to Williams’s very different attempt to grapple with the idea of “the people.” The Fugitives’ claims to a form of constitutional autochthony depended upon the violent exclusion of Native and African-American “uninhabitants”: the negative requirement for the decidedly populist continuation and preservation of what Allen Tate explicitly called “White rule.” By contrast, Williams’s more self-reflexive lyrical voice foregrounds the epistemological limitations of the poetic imagination and hence the problematic maneuvers by which a “people” may be conscripted into the service of populist national allegories.","PeriodicalId":43901,"journal":{"name":"Safundi-The Journal of South African and American Studies","volume":"41 1","pages":"325 - 338"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81311380","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/17533171.2020.1773632
R. Ferguson
ABSTRACT This contribution to a journal special issue on comparative populisms investigates the necessity and possibility of queer of color critique’s engaging authoritarian formations in the contemporary moment. Initiated as an examination of neoliberal formations, queer of color critique must – the paper argues – train its interests on and develop its theorizations around the emergence of fascist formations around the globe. To do so, it turns to the anti-fascist work of the Frankfurt School as well as the lesser known anti-fascist writings and insights coming from the black radical tradition, scholarship within North American indigenous studies, and anti-racist feminist cultural production.
{"title":"Authoritarianism and the planetary mission of queer of color critique: a short reflection","authors":"R. Ferguson","doi":"10.1080/17533171.2020.1773632","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17533171.2020.1773632","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This contribution to a journal special issue on comparative populisms investigates the necessity and possibility of queer of color critique’s engaging authoritarian formations in the contemporary moment. Initiated as an examination of neoliberal formations, queer of color critique must – the paper argues – train its interests on and develop its theorizations around the emergence of fascist formations around the globe. To do so, it turns to the anti-fascist work of the Frankfurt School as well as the lesser known anti-fascist writings and insights coming from the black radical tradition, scholarship within North American indigenous studies, and anti-racist feminist cultural production.","PeriodicalId":43901,"journal":{"name":"Safundi-The Journal of South African and American Studies","volume":"180 1","pages":"282 - 290"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83010063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/17533171.2020.1773658
Arthur Rose
ABSTRACT This essay considers the changing relationship between asbestos and populism, as both terms travel across different semantic contexts. It argues that this dynamic relationship can help to outline a populist ecology, through which resource actors such as asbestos play a more significant role than either populist leaders or their people anticipate. Drawing on David Foster Wallace’s Infinite Jest as a site for examining the implications of this asbestos-inflected populist ecology, the essay suggests new ways of linking the recent populism of Donald Trump to an older, more articulate populism, exemplified by Pierre Trudeau.
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