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Mechanisms of Slave Acquisition and Exchange in Late Eighteenth Century Anomabu: Reconsidering a Cross-Section of the Atlantic Slave Trade 18世纪晚期的奴隶获取和交换机制:重新考虑大西洋奴隶贸易的横截面
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/3601947
Trevor R. Getz
loyal and hardworking, but also troublesome and rebellious. Individually and collectively, these slaves have been linked to rebellions "from the Virgin Islands to Suriname, from the seventeenth through the nineteenth century," and especially to acts of resistance and the establishment of maroon communities in Jamaica.' Several general theories in contemporary and modern discourse have been put forward to explain this pattern. Eighteenth century explanations that placed an emphasis on the 'nature' of various African ethnicities have been largely discredited. An alternate argument, focusing on West African regional histories, might point us towards the surfeit of armed conflicts that characterize the rise of the
忠诚而勤奋,但也麻烦而叛逆。从17世纪到19世纪,从维尔京群岛到苏里南,这些奴隶无论是个人还是集体,都与叛乱有关,“特别是与牙买加的抵抗行动和建立黑人社区有关。”在现当代和现代话语中,人们提出了几种一般理论来解释这种模式。18世纪强调各种非洲种族的“本质”的解释在很大程度上已经不可信了。关注西非地区历史的另一种观点可能会向我们指出,武装冲突过多是非洲崛起的特征
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引用次数: 5
A Half Century of Agrarian Crisis in Burundi (1890-1945): The Incapacity of the Colonial Administration in Managing the Agrarian Crisis of the Late Eighteen-Hundreds 布隆迪半个世纪的土地危机(1890-1945):19世纪末殖民政府在处理土地危机方面的无能
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/3601945
H. Cochet
In order to reconstruct the main stages of agrarian history and to understand the genesis of the current landscape, it is necessary to start with the most recent additions and then go back in time. For example, the artificial afforestation (eucalyptus, pines, cypress) that presently covers numerous crests and mountainsides is recent, as are the exotic trees that farmers have planted on their own landholdings (grevillea and eucalyptus in particular). Likewise, the oldest trees on the coffee and tea plantations that are nowadays omnipresent date back to the colonial era, as does the incredibly dense network of rideable roads that lead to them. What would remain of the landscape if one were to ignore the elements that are so present today? The banana groves? After all, how is it possible to imagine Burundi without the banana groves that dominate the current landscape in many areas and represent the pillar of the peasant economy, occupying a privileged place in the Burundian culture (and, one may be tempted to say, traditions)? And yet, with a few rare exceptions (particularly in the warmer regions of the Southeast and the depression of the Tanganyika), Burundian farmers did not cultivate bananas before the twentieth century;' they too are relatively new additions to the countryside. Indeed, to picture pre-colonial Burundian landscape, one must imagine a Burundi without banana trees or the Xanthosoma-type taros (amateke ikisungu) that grow in their shade and hillsides, without cassava or sweet potatoes; in fact, these crops were only truly cultivated under colonial pressure, as we will see below.
为了重建农业历史的主要阶段,并了解当前景观的起源,有必要从最近的增加开始,然后回到过去。例如,目前覆盖许多山顶和山腰的人工造林(桉树、松树、柏树)是最近才有的,农民在自己的土地上种植的外来树木(尤其是绿柳和桉树)也是最近才有的。同样,如今随处可见的咖啡和茶叶种植园里最古老的树木可以追溯到殖民时代,通往它们的道路网络也非常密集。如果一个人忽略了今天如此存在的元素,风景还会留下什么?香蕉树林?毕竟,我们怎么能想象布隆迪没有香蕉林的情况呢?香蕉林在许多地区占主导地位,是农民经济的支柱,在布隆迪文化中占据特权地位(人们可能会忍不住说,这是传统)。然而,除了一些罕见的例外(特别是在东南部温暖的地区和坦噶尼喀的萧条地区),布隆迪农民在20世纪之前并没有种植香蕉;它们也是相对较新的农村作物。事实上,要描绘前殖民时期布隆迪的景观,人们必须想象一个没有香蕉树或生长在树荫下和山坡上的黄索马型芋头的布隆迪,没有木薯或红薯;事实上,这些作物只是在殖民压力下才真正种植出来的,我们将在下面看到。
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引用次数: 3
Britain and the Hydra in the Bight of Biafra: Towards a History of the Abolition of the Internal Slave Trade in the Oil Rivers and its Hinterland, c.1885-c.1943 英国和比夫拉湾的九头蛇:走向废除石油河流及其腹地内部奴隶贸易的历史,约1885年至1943年
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/3601944
A. Afigbo
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引用次数: 3
Perfecting the 'Fertile Seed': The 'Compagnie du sel Agglomere and Colonial Capitalism, c. 1890-1905 完善“肥沃的种子”:“跨国公司和殖民资本主义”,约1890-1905
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/3601602
E. Mcdougall
n 1893, the Compagnie du Sel Agglomtr6 pour Exportation (C.S.A.) was launched under the patronage of the French colonial firm the Compagnie Frangais de l'Afrique Occidentale (C.F.A.O.). Both were headquartered in the port of Marseilles, which in turn was the center of lobbying efforts by both businessmen anxious to expand colonial commerce, and politicians eager to carry the colonial flag in the French parliament.' One of the most outspoken of the latter, Jules Charles-Roux enthusiastically endorsed the interests of the C.S.A., and in the influentialJournal des Debats (September 1894), argued for the ease and importance of penetrating such a lucrative market. "Salt does not exist in the Soudan," he wrote, pointing out that markets were presently being supplied by Saharans bringing "inferior quality salts" (specifically, those from Ijil in modern-day Mauritania), which in turn were selling for exorbitant prices. "Many people have insufficient salt or none at all as a consequence." He calculated this potential market as a population of i8o million Africans needing to consume a minimum of 6kg of salt per year. The French had barely tapped it Marseilles was exporting only 400 tons of sea salt a year when there was clearly room for a million or more. Worse still, he taunted readers in full colonial colours, England and Germany were already ahead of them!' He was therefore especially happy to announce that the physical impediments to transporting and marketing French sea salt that is to say its granular form which left it vulnerable to heat and moisture and liable to loss when its sacs tore, had been removed. Thanks to the newly established C.S.A. under the directorship of one Pierre B.J. Vincente:
1893年,在法国殖民公司西非洲法国公司(C.F.A.O.)的赞助下,成立了塞尔农业出口公司(C.S.A.)。这两家公司的总部都设在马赛港,而马赛港又是渴望扩大殖民地商业的商人和渴望在法国议会中高举殖民地旗帜的政客们游说的中心。Jules Charles-Roux是后者中最直言不讳的一位,他热情地支持csa的利益,并在有影响力的《辩论杂志》(1894年9月)上提出,打入这样一个利润丰厚的市场是容易的,也是重要的。“盐在苏丹根本不存在,”他写道,并指出目前的市场供应是由撒哈拉人带来的“劣质盐”(特别是来自伊吉尔的盐),而这些盐反过来又以过高的价格出售。“因此,许多人盐摄入不足,甚至根本不吃盐。”根据他的计算,这个潜在的市场是,非洲人口为8千万,每年至少需要消费6公斤盐。法国人几乎没有开发它,马赛每年只出口400吨海盐,而显然有100万吨或更多的空间。更糟糕的是,他嘲笑读者完全带有殖民色彩,英国和德国已经走在他们前面了!”因此,他特别高兴地宣布,运输和销售法国海盐的物理障碍已经消除了,也就是说,它的颗粒状形式使它容易受热和潮湿,在袋子撕裂时容易损失。多亏了新成立的csa由皮埃尔·b·j·文森特领导
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引用次数: 4
Nineteenth Century Niger River Trade and the 1844-1862 Aboh Interregnum 19世纪的尼日尔河贸易和1844-1862年的Aboh Interregnum
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/3601600
Femi J. Kolapo
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引用次数: 3
'The Loads are Heavier Than Usual': Forced Labor by Women and Children in the Central Province, Gold Coast (Colonial Ghana), ca. 1900-1940 “负荷比平常更重”:黄金海岸(加纳殖民地)中部省妇女和儿童的强迫劳动,约1900-1940年
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/3601601
K. Akurang-Parry
Colonial reports on labor in the early twentieth-century Gold Coast (colonial Ghana) subtly suggest that slavery, pawnship, and forced labor had declined considerably, even reaching the point of demise by the 1920s.2 The colonial reports were written in response to queries from the League of Nations and the Colonial Office. In contrast to the colonial reports, a number of studies have convincingly demonstrated that slavery,3 female pawnship, and male forced labor4 thrived as a result of economic expansion and infrastructural development in the early twentieth century. Available studies have concentrated on the late nineteenth century.' The early twentieth century, a period of rapid economic expansion, was characterized by evanescent colonial abolition policies.6 We need to know more about the nature of the labor recruitment and labor forms
关于20世纪早期黄金海岸(殖民地加纳)劳工的殖民报告巧妙地表明,奴隶制、典当业和强迫劳动已经大大减少,甚至在20世纪20年代达到了消亡的地步这些殖民报告是应国际联盟和殖民地办事处的询问而写的。与殖民时期的报告相反,许多研究令人信服地表明,20世纪初经济扩张和基础设施发展的结果是,奴隶制、女性典当业和男性强迫劳动盛行起来。现有的研究主要集中在19世纪晚期。”5 . 20世纪初是经济迅速扩张的时期,其特点是废除殖民主义的政策一去不返我们需要更多地了解劳动力招聘的性质和劳动形式
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引用次数: 19
Agricultural Modernization, the Environment and Sustainable Production in Nigeria, 1970 - 1985 尼日利亚农业现代化、环境和可持续生产,1970 - 1985
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/3601604
J. Dibua
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引用次数: 4
Ethno-Archaeology in Jenne, Mali: Craft and Status among Smiths, Potters and Masons 马里珍妮的民族考古学:铁匠、陶工和泥瓦匠的工艺和地位
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/3601609
Colleen E. Kriger, Adria La Violette
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引用次数: 0
Tropical forests and West African enterprise: the early history of the Ghana timber trade. 热带森林与西非企业:加纳木材贸易的早期历史。
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/3601708
R. E. Dumett
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引用次数: 9
Trade Shocks in Developing Countries 发展中国家的贸易冲击
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/3601717
J. Hogendorn, P. Collier, J. Gunning
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引用次数: 141
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AFRICAN ECONOMIC HISTORY
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