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BAD WORDS ARE NOT ALLOWED! : LANGUAGE AND TRANSFORMATION IN MIKHAIL BULGAKOV'S HEART OF A DOG 不允许说脏话!米哈伊尔·布尔加科夫《狗的心》中的语言与转变
IF 0.1 4区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2007-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/20459524
Eric Laursen
In Mikhail Bulgakov's Heart of a Dog (Co6aibe cepOqe [1925])1 Professor Preobrazhensky inserts part of the brain of Klim, an alcoholic and criminal, into the brain of a stray dog.2 The professor claims to be concerned about the question of eugenics, "about the improvement of human nature [o6 y iy'i IIIueHHH IeJIOBelecKoH npHpOAbII],"3 but his experiment improves neither human nor canine nature. Instead, the dog's character is gradually replaced by that of the organ donor. In the dog's humanized body, Klim is the same crim inal and alcoholic; he is given only two things that he lacked before: legal access to the professor's apartnent and the ability to speak his mind within its walls. To the dismay of everyone, the words the creature utters reflect an inter est only in power and self-gratification. The bourgeois Professor Preobrazhen sky and his Communist nemesis Comrade Shvonder begin separate campaigns to transform the dog-man into what each believes a fully-formed human being should be. The professor tries to civilize the creature with rigid rules, etiquette, and high culture. Comrade Shvonder tries to transform him with a new name,
在米哈伊尔·布尔加科夫(Mikhail Bulgakov)的《狗的心》(Co6aibe cepOqe[1925])中,普列奥布拉任斯基教授将酒鬼和罪犯克里姆(Klim)的部分大脑植入了一只流浪狗的大脑这位教授声称他关心的是优生学问题,“关心的是人性的改善”,但他的实验既没有改善人类的本性,也没有改善狗的本性。相反,狗的性格逐渐被器官捐赠者的性格所取代。在狗的人化身体里,Klim是同样的罪犯和酒鬼;他只得到了他以前缺少的两样东西:进入教授公寓的合法途径,以及在里面说出自己想法的能力。令所有人沮丧的是,这个生物说的话反映出它只对权力和自我满足感兴趣。资产阶级教授Preobrazhen sky和他的共产主义宿敌Shvonder同志开始了各自的运动,将狗人改造成他们认为完全形成的人类。教授试图用严格的规则、礼仪和高雅的文化来教化这个生物。Shvonder同志试图用一个新名字来改变他,
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引用次数: 7
Epic Revisionism: Russian History and Literature as Stalinist Propaganda 史诗修正主义:作为斯大林主义宣传的俄国历史与文学
IF 0.1 4区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2007-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/20459529
K. Platt, D. Brandenberger
“It is quite clear that the Socialist economy is not founded on Platon Karatayev,” declared L.D. Trotsky in 1920, attacking a symbolic peasant figure in L.N. Tolstoi’s War and Peace as a remnant of old Russia.1 In this declaration Trotsky articulated a common dream of the Bolsheviks: to cut themselves off from Russia’s past and remake the mind of the Russian people in accordance with their own ideology. After ten years of experimentation, however, the Bolsheviks found that their socialist heroes and other symbols were not attractive enough by themselves to mobilize the ordinary people in war, and those symbols needed to be supplemented with other ones, closer to the people’s hearts from the tsarist era. This u-turn, or retreat, of Soviet politics has long been well known, but recently it has aroused renewed interest as an important topic in the history of national identity in modern Russia. This volume, composed of 12 articles and many historical documents, is a fruit of this renewed interest in the rehabilitation of the tsarist era in Stalin’s Russia, and the attempt of the editors to investigate the complicated and contradictory Stalinist revision of history by organizing collective research from different disciplines attains much success. However contradictory and full of tensions, it is beyond doubt that the revision of the tsarist era in the 1930s was launched from above. Tracing the downfall of Dem’ian Bednyi by the mid-1930s, Alexander Dubrovsky makes clear the gulf between the old, internationalist modes of mocking the Russian epic and the new official modes of rehabilitating traditional Russian culture. The revision of history for propaganda purposes is evident in two studies on the rehabilitation of Ivan the Terrible. As Maureen Perrie points out, among M.A. Bulgakov’s banned plays, only Ivan Vasil’evich had not been revived because of its historical theme. David Brandenberger and Kevin Platt underline the practical necessity for the party leaders to rehabilitate Ivan the Terrible because of his mobilizing capacity. That the revision of tsarist history was initiated from above does not mean, of course, that it was just a manipulation by the party to mobilize the people. A
“很明显,社会主义经济不是建立在柏拉图·卡拉塔耶夫的基础上的,”1920年,L.D.托洛茨基宣称,他攻击托尔斯泰的《战争与和平》中一个象征性的农民形象是旧俄罗斯的残余。在这个宣言中,托洛茨基阐述了布尔什维克的一个共同梦想:切断自己与俄罗斯的过去的联系,按照自己的意识形态重塑俄罗斯人民的思想。然而,经过十年的实验,布尔什维克发现,他们的社会主义英雄和其他符号本身不足以吸引普通民众在战争中动员起来,这些符号需要补充其他更接近沙皇时代人民内心的符号。苏联政治的这种180度大转弯或倒退早已为人所知,但最近它作为现代俄罗斯民族认同史上的一个重要话题重新引起了人们的兴趣。本卷由12篇文章和许多历史文献组成,是对斯大林统治下的俄罗斯恢复沙皇时代的新兴趣的成果,编辑们试图通过组织来自不同学科的集体研究来调查复杂而矛盾的斯大林主义对历史的修正,取得了很大的成功。无论如何矛盾和充满张力,毋庸置疑的是,20世纪30年代对沙皇时代的修正是从上面发起的。亚历山大·杜布洛夫斯基追溯了20世纪30年代中期德米安·贝德尼的垮台,明确了嘲笑俄罗斯史诗的旧的国际主义模式与恢复俄罗斯传统文化的新官方模式之间的鸿沟。为了宣传目的而修改历史的做法在两项关于伊凡雷帝恢复名誉的研究中表现得很明显。莫林·佩里指出,在布尔加科夫被禁的戏剧中,只有《伊凡·瓦西耶维奇》因为其历史主题而没有重新上演。大卫·布兰登伯格和凯文·普拉特强调,由于伊凡雷帝的动员能力,党领导人有必要恢复他的形象。当然,对沙皇历史的修改是从上面开始的,这并不意味着它只是党为了动员人民而操纵的。一个
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引用次数: 26
Subtitles : on the foreignness of film 字幕:论电影的异域性
IF 0.1 4区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2007-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/20459547
Yana Meerzon, Atom Egoyan, Ian Balfour
"Every film is a foreign film," Atom Egoyan and Ian Balfour tell us in their introduction to Subtitles. How, then, to translate the experience of film -- which, as Egoyan says, makes us "feel outside and inside at the same time"? Taking subtitles as their point of departure, the thirty-two contributors to this unique collection consider translation, foreignness, and otherness in film culture. Their discussions range from the mechanics and aesthetics of subtitles themselves to the xenophobic reaction to translation to subtitles as a metaphor for the distance and intimacy of film.The essays, interviews, and visuals include a collaboration by Russell Banks and Atom Egoyan, which uses quotations from Banks's novel The Sweet Hereafter as subtitles for publicity stills from Egoyan's film of the book; three early film reviews by Jorge Luis Borges; an interview with filmmaker Claire Denis about a scene in her film Friday Night that should not have been subtitled; and Eric Cazdyn's reading of the running subtitles on CNN's post-9/11 newscasts as a representation of new global realities. Several writers deal with translating cultural experience for an international audience, including Frederic Jameson on Balkan cinema, John Mowitt on the history of the "foreign film" category in the Academy Awards, and Ruby Rich on the marketing of foreign films and their foreign languages -- "Somehow, I'd like to think it's harder to kill people when you hear their voices," she writes. And Slavoj Zizek considers the "foreign gaze" (seen in films by Hitchcock, Lynch, and others), the misperception that sees too much.Designed by Egoyan and award-winning graphic designer Gilbert Li, the book includes many color images and ten visual projects by artists and filmmakers. The pages are horizontal, suggesting a movie screen; they use the cinematic horizontal aspect ratio of 1.66:1. Subtitles gives us not only a new way to think about film but also a singular design object.Subtitles is being copublished by The MIT Press and Alphabet City Media (John Knechtel, Director). Subtitles has been funded in part by grants from The Canada Council for the Arts, The Henry N.R. Jackman Foundation, and the Toronto Arts Council, and the Ontario Arts Council.
“每部电影都是外国电影,”Atom Egoyan和Ian Balfour在字幕介绍中告诉我们。那么,如何翻译电影的体验——正如伊戈扬所说,它让我们“同时感受到外在和内在”?32位作者以字幕为出发点,探讨了电影文化中的翻译、异域性和他者性。他们的讨论范围从字幕本身的机制和美学到对翻译的仇外反应,再到字幕作为电影的距离和亲密的隐喻。这些文章、采访和视觉作品包括罗素·班克斯和Atom Egoyan的合作作品,其中引用了班克斯的小说《甜蜜的来世》中的语录,作为伊戈扬将该书改编成电影的宣传剧照的字幕;豪尔赫·路易斯·博尔赫斯的三篇早期影评;对电影制作人克莱尔·丹尼斯(Claire Denis)的采访,内容是她的电影《星期五之夜》(Friday Night)中不应该有字幕的一幕;埃里克·卡兹丁(Eric Cazdyn)将CNN 9/11后新闻广播的字幕视为新的全球现实的代表。有几位作家致力于为国际观众翻译文化经验,包括弗雷德里克·詹姆森(Frederic Jameson)对巴尔干电影的研究,约翰·莫威特(John Mowitt)对奥斯卡金像奖“外国电影”类别历史的研究,以及鲁比·里奇(Ruby Rich)对外国电影及其外语营销的研究——“不知怎么的,我想当你听到他们的声音时,杀人会更困难,”她写道。斯拉沃伊·齐泽克认为“外国的目光”(在希区柯克、林奇和其他人的电影中看到)是一种看到太多的误解。这本书由伊戈扬和获奖平面设计师吉尔伯特·李设计,包括许多彩色图像和艺术家和电影制作人的十个视觉项目。书页是水平的,让人联想到电影屏幕;他们使用了1.66:1的电影水平长宽比。字幕不仅为我们提供了一种新的思考电影的方式,而且为我们提供了一种独特的设计对象。字幕由麻省理工学院出版社和字母城市媒体(约翰·克尼赫特尔,导演)共同出版。副标题部分由加拿大艺术委员会、亨利·杰克曼基金会、多伦多艺术委员会和安大略省艺术委员会资助。
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引用次数: 68
Kurs obshchei morfologii, t. IV: Chast'piataia: Morfologicheskie znaki Kurs obshchei morphologii,t.IV:Chast'piataia:Morfologicheskie znaki
IF 0.1 4区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2007-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/20459558
Míla Sasková-Pierce, I. A. Mel'chuk, E. N. Savina
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引用次数: 0
Iuz!: Chteniia po sluchaiu 75-letiia Iuza Aleshkovskogo Iuz!Chtenia在听到75岁的Iuz Aleshkovsky后
IF 0.1 4区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2007-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/20459538
Olga Mesropova, Priscilla Meyer, Aleksandra Sviridova
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引用次数: 0
Puti kul'turnogo importa: Trudy po russkoi literature XVIII veka 普京将不再重要:俄国文学研究十八世纪
IF 0.1 4区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2007-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/20459530
Amanda Ewington, J. Klein
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引用次数: 10
Prague: The Crown of Bohemia, 1347-1437 布拉格:波希米亚王冠,1347-1437
IF 0.1 4区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2007-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/20459548
Barbara Drake Boehm, Jiří Fajt, Pražský hrad
This beautiful book celebrates the remarkable flowering of art in Prague during the reigns of Holy Roman Emperor Charles IV and his two sons, Wenceslas IV and Sigismund. When crowned king of Bohemia in 1347, Charles vowed to make Prague the cultural rival of Paris and Rome. He rebuilt its castle and began a massive building campaign to glorify Saint Vitus's Cathedral. In the ensuing century, Prague became not only an imperial but also an intellectual and artistic capital. In essays and detailed entries on some 240 artworks drawn from American and European collections, an esteemed group of scholars traces the birth of a distinctly Bohemian art in Prague in the mid-fourteenth century and its diffusion throughout Europe over the next hundred years. Panel paintings, goldsmiths' work, sculpture, stained glass, and illuminated manuscripts bear witness to the wide-ranging achievements of the hundreds of artists who were active in Bohemian lands during this spectacular century. Not since they were created have these magnificent objects been accorded the attention that they deserve on an international stage.
这本美丽的书颂扬了神圣罗马帝国皇帝查理四世和他的两个儿子瓦茨拉夫四世和西吉斯蒙德统治时期布拉格艺术的非凡繁荣。当查理在1347年加冕为波希米亚国王时,他发誓要让布拉格成为巴黎和罗马的文化对手。他重建了城堡,并开始了一场大规模的建筑运动,以美化圣维特大教堂。在随后的一个世纪里,布拉格不仅成为帝国,而且成为知识和艺术之都。一群受人尊敬的学者通过对240件美欧藏品的论文和详细条目,追溯了14世纪中期一种独特的波西米亚艺术在布拉格的诞生,并在接下来的一百年里传遍了整个欧洲。镶板画、金匠作品、雕塑、彩色玻璃和彩绘手稿见证了在这个壮观的世纪里活跃在波西米亚土地上的数百名艺术家所取得的广泛成就。自从它们被创造出来以来,这些宏伟的物品就没有在国际舞台上得到应有的关注。
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引用次数: 5
THE HUNTER IN TERROR OF HUNTERS : A CYNEGETIC READING OF TURGENEV'S FATHERS AND CHILDREN 猎人对猎人的恐惧:屠格涅夫的父亲和孩子们的愤世嫉俗的解读
IF 0.1 4区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2007-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/20459522
Thomas P. Hodge
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引用次数: 4
THE FATE OF A MAN BY SERGEI BONDARCHUK AND THE SOVIET CINEMA OF TRAUMA 谢尔盖·邦达尔丘克的《一个人的命运》和苏联电影的创伤
IF 0.1 4区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2007-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/20459525
Elena V. Baraban
Representations of the Second World War The Soviet canon of representing the Second World War as a heroic exploit of a people that had liberated Europe from fascism and defended the ideals of humanism began to crumble during the glasnost period. In post-Soviet Rus sia, the memory of the war has become inseparable from the memory of the crimes of Stalinism. A number of films that came out in 2004-2005 as part of the celebration of the sixtieth anniversary of the Soviet victory in the Great Patriotic War, showed the war as a tragedy for those who had fought in penal battalions, had been taken away by the NKVD, or had been prisoners of war and were then convicted as traitors and sent to Soviet labor camps.1 These in terpretations of the war in terms of psychic trauma are forcing a rethinking of the ways in which the human psyche has been depicted in Soviet narratives about the war. Indeed, as Dominick LaCapra reminds us, critique of a repre sentation canon includes the noncanonical reading of canonized texts, on the one hand, and new interpretations of texts that have been marginalized or al together excluded (21). It is a startling fact that, despite the horrendous losses of the Soviet Union in the war, suffering as such was not the focus in Soviet depictions of the war, unlike, for instance, in literature and films about the Holocaust produced in the West. Indeed, the image of the people as a victim of Nazism never became canonical in Russia.
苏联将第二次世界大战描绘成一个民族将欧洲从法西斯主义中解放出来、捍卫人道主义理想的英雄壮举的经典,在最开放时期开始崩溃。在后苏联时代的俄罗斯,对战争的记忆已经与对斯大林主义罪行的记忆密不可分。2004-2005年,作为庆祝苏联卫国战争胜利60周年的一部分,许多电影都把这场战争描绘成一场悲剧,对那些在惩戒营中战斗过的人、被内务人民委员会(NKVD)带走的人、被判为叛国者并被送到苏联劳改营的人来说,这场战争是一场悲剧这些从精神创伤的角度对战争的解释迫使人们重新思考苏联关于战争的叙述中所描绘的人类心灵的方式。事实上,正如多米尼克·拉卡普拉(Dominick LaCapra)提醒我们的那样,对一种表现正典的批判,一方面包括对正典文本的非正典阅读,另一方面包括对被边缘化或全部被排除在外的文本的新解释(21)。一个令人吃惊的事实是,尽管苏联在战争中损失惨重,但在苏联对战争的描述中,苦难并不是重点,这与西方制作的关于大屠杀的文学作品和电影不同。事实上,人们作为纳粹主义受害者的形象在俄罗斯从未成为规范。
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引用次数: 4
POLEMICAL ALLUSIONS IN RUSSIAN GULAG PROSE 俄国古拉格散文中的辩论典故
IF 0.1 4区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2007-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/20459526
D. Galloway
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引用次数: 3
期刊
SLAVIC AND EAST EUROPEAN JOURNAL
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