Pub Date : 2022-04-18DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10079
Arash Beidollahkhani
The Sunnis in Iran are among the Muslim minorities with a specific internal, political, and social structure and relations. They play a significant role in Iran’s foreign and domestic policy. Many researchers have considered a link between the name of Iran and Shiism as well as the relations established by Shia groups in the Middle East. The paper aimed to examines and identify the internal relations and structure of Sunnis based on the characteristics of reform movements by focusing on Sunnis as a reformist social movement. This study identifying the internal structure and international interactions of the Sunnis in Iran based on two different political perspectives governing this minority. In addition, this paper considered the political orientation of the Sunni minority in Iran as an inclusive social movement and a social sub movement. As the Sunnis in Iran may represent an inclusive socio-religious movement with some radical tendencies, they can also be considered and analysed as a sub-movement related to the larger pro-democracy movement, due to their civic demands on the Shia regime ruling Iran.
{"title":"From a Radical-Religious Movement to a Democratic Social Sub-Movement","authors":"Arash Beidollahkhani","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10079","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The Sunnis in Iran are among the Muslim minorities with a specific internal, political, and social structure and relations. They play a significant role in Iran’s foreign and domestic policy. Many researchers have considered a link between the name of Iran and Shiism as well as the relations established by Shia groups in the Middle East. The paper aimed to examines and identify the internal relations and structure of Sunnis based on the characteristics of reform movements by focusing on Sunnis as a reformist social movement. This study identifying the internal structure and international interactions of the Sunnis in Iran based on two different political perspectives governing this minority. In addition, this paper considered the political orientation of the Sunni minority in Iran as an inclusive social movement and a social sub movement. As the Sunnis in Iran may represent an inclusive socio-religious movement with some radical tendencies, they can also be considered and analysed as a sub-movement related to the larger pro-democracy movement, due to their civic demands on the Shia regime ruling Iran.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42563476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Rohingyas, one of the most vulnerable refugee groups in the world, have suffered from continuous state sponsored terrorism by the Burmese government since Myanmar’s independence in 1948. Religion and ethnic differences are often contemplated as the major reason for the Rohingya crisis. However, this paper argues instead of only focusing upon ethno-religious dimension of the Rohingya conflict, the geo-strategic and resource centric explanation also need to be addressed. For the above-mentioned purpose, this research analyses how the Rohingya crisis is robustly linked with geo-strategic factors and politics of natural resources. In this context, the role and activities of the Government of Myanmar and military force in the Rakhine province are explained. In addition, this paper also examines the geo-economic interests of some foreign forces in Rakhine state. Based on qualitative analysis, data are collected from both primary and secondary sources such as books, journal articles, reports of government, etc. The research shows that the Rohingya’s persecution, displacement have a possible connection with the resources and geo-strategic factors that are present in the Rakhine state. This study further implies, the resources and geo-strategic factors also influence the Myanmar’s policies and actions and the engagement of military forces in the Rohingya crisis. Therefore, this new geo-strategic and resource centric explanation which are often overlooked can provide a better understanding of the Rohingya crisis.
{"title":"The Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar","authors":"Kunal Debnath, Souvik Chatterjee, Afnan Bint Afzal","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10075","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The Rohingyas, one of the most vulnerable refugee groups in the world, have suffered from continuous state sponsored terrorism by the Burmese government since Myanmar’s independence in 1948. Religion and ethnic differences are often contemplated as the major reason for the Rohingya crisis. However, this paper argues instead of only focusing upon ethno-religious dimension of the Rohingya conflict, the geo-strategic and resource centric explanation also need to be addressed. For the above-mentioned purpose, this research analyses how the Rohingya crisis is robustly linked with geo-strategic factors and politics of natural resources. In this context, the role and activities of the Government of Myanmar and military force in the Rakhine province are explained. In addition, this paper also examines the geo-economic interests of some foreign forces in Rakhine state. Based on qualitative analysis, data are collected from both primary and secondary sources such as books, journal articles, reports of government, etc. The research shows that the Rohingya’s persecution, displacement have a possible connection with the resources and geo-strategic factors that are present in the Rakhine state. This study further implies, the resources and geo-strategic factors also influence the Myanmar’s policies and actions and the engagement of military forces in the Rohingya crisis. Therefore, this new geo-strategic and resource centric explanation which are often overlooked can provide a better understanding of the Rohingya crisis.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48091607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-18DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10080
Sabah Mofidi
During the early years (1979–1982) following the 1979 revolution, because of the prevalence of a traditional society, religion was politically more functional. Religious discourse became hegemonic and most groups, including secularists, were forced to use such a discourse to promote their politics. The Persian politicians used Islam to make Perso-Iranian nationalism dominant over others, while non-Persian politicians appealed to it to gain their ethno-national rights. Using Qualitative Content Analysis to analyse the scattered texts of speeches, interviews, messages of the Persian and Kurdish leaders published in different publications at the time (which are available in some archives and databases), this article describes how they use religion in their confrontations. The findings show both marginalisation and resistance against it appealing to Islamic discourse. Ignoring those parts of Islam that are not in their interest, the Persian nationalists use Islamic brotherhood and unity to reinforce Islamic identity over Kurdish identity in order to marginalise the Kurdish nationalist movement, as well as to mobilise ordinary people against the Kurdish forces. Conversely, the Kurdish nationalists resist, and demand equality as Muslim brethren. In this regard, while religion has uniting, mobilizing and legitimating functions for the Persian government, enabling it to pursue nationalistic aims and to justify relevant measures, it also partly has a legitimating one for the Kurdish opposition.
{"title":"The Political Function of Religion in Kurdish and Perso-Iranian Nationalist Confrontations after the 1979 Revolution","authors":"Sabah Mofidi","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10080","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 During the early years (1979–1982) following the 1979 revolution, because of the prevalence of a traditional society, religion was politically more functional. Religious discourse became hegemonic and most groups, including secularists, were forced to use such a discourse to promote their politics. The Persian politicians used Islam to make Perso-Iranian nationalism dominant over others, while non-Persian politicians appealed to it to gain their ethno-national rights. Using Qualitative Content Analysis to analyse the scattered texts of speeches, interviews, messages of the Persian and Kurdish leaders published in different publications at the time (which are available in some archives and databases), this article describes how they use religion in their confrontations. The findings show both marginalisation and resistance against it appealing to Islamic discourse. Ignoring those parts of Islam that are not in their interest, the Persian nationalists use Islamic brotherhood and unity to reinforce Islamic identity over Kurdish identity in order to marginalise the Kurdish nationalist movement, as well as to mobilise ordinary people against the Kurdish forces. Conversely, the Kurdish nationalists resist, and demand equality as Muslim brethren. In this regard, while religion has uniting, mobilizing and legitimating functions for the Persian government, enabling it to pursue nationalistic aims and to justify relevant measures, it also partly has a legitimating one for the Kurdish opposition.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47603850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-18DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10076
Marina Peeters Goloviznina
The article untangles the relationship between Indigenous Peoples organisations (ipo s) and the Russian government in domestic and international political forums over the 1990s-2020s. It links two debates on co-optation and Indigenous peoples’ rights norms contestation, offering a more nuanced view of them as complex, incremental, and dynamic processes in the Russian authoritarian regime. By proceeding from the bifurcation of the contemporary ipo sector, the analysis identifies and examines two groups of ipo s – ‘operational’ and ‘advocacy.’ The article argues that each group of ipo s still preserves some limited capacity to contest the state normative behaviour in the given political environment, yet differently. While ‘operational’ ipo s opt for discursive contestation through appropriation, the ‘advocacy’ ipo s express their dissent by acting as nomads. Both tactics enable each group to create opportunities to effect some progressive, albeit modest, policy and legislative changes.
{"title":"The Agencies of the ‘Co-Opted’","authors":"Marina Peeters Goloviznina","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10076","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The article untangles the relationship between Indigenous Peoples organisations (ipo s) and the Russian government in domestic and international political forums over the 1990s-2020s. It links two debates on co-optation and Indigenous peoples’ rights norms contestation, offering a more nuanced view of them as complex, incremental, and dynamic processes in the Russian authoritarian regime. By proceeding from the bifurcation of the contemporary ipo sector, the analysis identifies and examines two groups of ipo s – ‘operational’ and ‘advocacy.’ The article argues that each group of ipo s still preserves some limited capacity to contest the state normative behaviour in the given political environment, yet differently. While ‘operational’ ipo s opt for discursive contestation through appropriation, the ‘advocacy’ ipo s express their dissent by acting as nomads. Both tactics enable each group to create opportunities to effect some progressive, albeit modest, policy and legislative changes.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44071265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-04DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10073
Getaye Mulugeta Kasse
Though the normative and empirical theory of designing a Territorial Autonomy to give a response to the demand of ethno-cultural groups is dominant, equivocally, it is problematic in addressing the needs of dispersed minorities. To this end, the Nonterritorial Autonomy political theory has acquired a significant level of attention in the last two decades as a promising response for intra-unit minorities, and the model can coexist with Territorial Autonomy. By examining the current Territorial Autonomy in the form of Ethnic federalism in Ethiopia, this article highlighted the conventional understanding of autonomy and territoriality for not being suitable for dispersed minorities inhabited in the regional states. Thus, alternative arrangements that can complement Territorial autonomy must be examined. The article defends the Nonterritorial Autonomy model as a novel solution to the complications faced by dispersed minorities in Ethiopia; concomitantly, it is complementary to Territorial Autonomy.
{"title":"Ethnic Federalism and Minority in Ethiopia","authors":"Getaye Mulugeta Kasse","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10073","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Though the normative and empirical theory of designing a Territorial Autonomy to give a response to the demand of ethno-cultural groups is dominant, equivocally, it is problematic in addressing the needs of dispersed minorities. To this end, the Nonterritorial Autonomy political theory has acquired a significant level of attention in the last two decades as a promising response for intra-unit minorities, and the model can coexist with Territorial Autonomy. By examining the current Territorial Autonomy in the form of Ethnic federalism in Ethiopia, this article highlighted the conventional understanding of autonomy and territoriality for not being suitable for dispersed minorities inhabited in the regional states. Thus, alternative arrangements that can complement Territorial autonomy must be examined. The article defends the Nonterritorial Autonomy model as a novel solution to the complications faced by dispersed minorities in Ethiopia; concomitantly, it is complementary to Territorial Autonomy.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44318287","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-04DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10071
M. Sinha
Since the beginning of civilisation the Indian culture promoted, preached and practiced diversity; a land which has accommodated and embraced racial, cultural, linguistic and religious diversity. The doctrine of VasudhaivaKutumbakam1 – the world is a family – is entrenched in Indian philosophy; it is one of the basic tenets of India’s spiritual and cultural heritage. The intrinsic value of this philosophy is that it has no discrimination, does not play favourites and has no class or hierarchy. India has a great tradition of hosting people who were in the fear of being persecuted by their government much before the adoption of international legal framework for the protection of refugees. This paper examines the history of India’s approach towards people seeking protection, by invoking doctrine of humanitarian consideration, despite the non-existence of a refugee policy at the time. Then, the paper proceeds to evaluate the massive inflow of the people into India upon partition of India and how effectively these new population were integrated and rehabilitated into our society, and how the practice has evolved to its current form. The study also carefully looks into the development of jurisprudence on refugees in India, by analyzing various judgments of the Supreme Court, Courts, and lower Courts.
{"title":"Historicising Refugee Protection in India","authors":"M. Sinha","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10071","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Since the beginning of civilisation the Indian culture promoted, preached and practiced diversity; a land which has accommodated and embraced racial, cultural, linguistic and religious diversity. The doctrine of VasudhaivaKutumbakam1 – the world is a family – is entrenched in Indian philosophy; it is one of the basic tenets of India’s spiritual and cultural heritage. The intrinsic value of this philosophy is that it has no discrimination, does not play favourites and has no class or hierarchy. India has a great tradition of hosting people who were in the fear of being persecuted by their government much before the adoption of international legal framework for the protection of refugees. This paper examines the history of India’s approach towards people seeking protection, by invoking doctrine of humanitarian consideration, despite the non-existence of a refugee policy at the time. Then, the paper proceeds to evaluate the massive inflow of the people into India upon partition of India and how effectively these new population were integrated and rehabilitated into our society, and how the practice has evolved to its current form. The study also carefully looks into the development of jurisprudence on refugees in India, by analyzing various judgments of the Supreme Court, Courts, and lower Courts.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47557762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-28DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10072
Alishba Hania, Abeera Azhar, Muhammad Umar Fayyaz
The social information processing model suggests that the overall conduct of a person is the product of situational cues and past experiences. Likewise, a student who is new to on-campus life perceives his surroundings and social interactions according to the previous positive or negative social experiences. This research aimed to examine the relationship of perceived ethnic discrimination, temperamental characteristics, and bullying behavior (verbal, non-verbal, or bullying perpetration) among university hostilities. A purposive sampling strategy was used to recruit 635 university hostilities who belonged to on-campus’s ethnic minority groups. Constructs were analyzed by the Adult Temperament Questionnaire (self-report), Illinois Bully Scale (Teacher’s Version), and Perceived Ethnic Discrimination Questionnaire Community Version (Self-report). The results suggested that two dimensions of perceived discrimination (place discrimination and perceived exclusion) acted as mediators between temperamental characteristics (Effortful control, negative affect, and extraversion) and types of bullying (physical, non-physical, and bullying perpetration).
{"title":"Temperament, Perceived Ethnic Discrimination and Bullying Behavior of University Students","authors":"Alishba Hania, Abeera Azhar, Muhammad Umar Fayyaz","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10072","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10072","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The social information processing model suggests that the overall conduct of a person is the product of situational cues and past experiences. Likewise, a student who is new to on-campus life perceives his surroundings and social interactions according to the previous positive or negative social experiences. This research aimed to examine the relationship of perceived ethnic discrimination, temperamental characteristics, and bullying behavior (verbal, non-verbal, or bullying perpetration) among university hostilities. A purposive sampling strategy was used to recruit 635 university hostilities who belonged to on-campus’s ethnic minority groups. Constructs were analyzed by the Adult Temperament Questionnaire (self-report), Illinois Bully Scale (Teacher’s Version), and Perceived Ethnic Discrimination Questionnaire Community Version (Self-report). The results suggested that two dimensions of perceived discrimination (place discrimination and perceived exclusion) acted as mediators between temperamental characteristics (Effortful control, negative affect, and extraversion) and types of bullying (physical, non-physical, and bullying perpetration).","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42710551","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-09DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10070
T. Jakobsen, Indra de Soysa
Recent studies find that increasing ethnic diversity through immigration reduces support for welfare states. Using multilevel analysis of a wide sample of countries (≅100) and a large sampling of individuals (≅310,000), we find little evidence to suggest that the degree of diversity or antipathy towards ethnic others alone matter in explaining attitudes towards equity or public action aimed at reducing inequalities. Attitudes against reducing inequality are revealed mostly when the size of the majority ethnic group’s share is smaller, but only among people with preexisting skeptical attitudes towards ethnic and racial others. Those with no prejudicial attitudes show higher levels of support for equity. These effects are strongest when testing only a sample of Western countries. The results support the notion that sociotropic factors related to cultural biases are what matter, rather than fears attached to demographic change and increased ethnic competition in the economic realm.
{"title":"Ethnic Diversity, Racial Prejudice, and Attitudes towards Equity in the West and Beyond","authors":"T. Jakobsen, Indra de Soysa","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10070","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Recent studies find that increasing ethnic diversity through immigration reduces support for welfare states. Using multilevel analysis of a wide sample of countries (≅100) and a large sampling of individuals (≅310,000), we find little evidence to suggest that the degree of diversity or antipathy towards ethnic others alone matter in explaining attitudes towards equity or public action aimed at reducing inequalities. Attitudes against reducing inequality are revealed mostly when the size of the majority ethnic group’s share is smaller, but only among people with preexisting skeptical attitudes towards ethnic and racial others. Those with no prejudicial attitudes show higher levels of support for equity. These effects are strongest when testing only a sample of Western countries. The results support the notion that sociotropic factors related to cultural biases are what matter, rather than fears attached to demographic change and increased ethnic competition in the economic realm.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44461185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-04DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10069
Jessika Eichler
This piece critically engages with the spaces of encounter between indigenous peoples and the (Bolivian) State by exploring indigenous subordination and inequalities in a socio-legal sense. It explores ‘epistemological oppression’ and ‘epistemological hesitance’ as it arises and is being responded to in i) the vernacular, in empirical realities, ii) in constitutional law and its principles, iii) and in international legal orders including indigenous peoples’ rights regimes. In a first step, indigenous knowledge is conceptualised and contextualised, understanding said encounters in the light of Bolivian constitutionalism and recent regressive indigenous politics under the intermittent right-wing government. Empirical, grassroots perspectives provide further insights into power dynamics and internalised asymmetries which become relevant to understand the knowledge-law nexus. In turn, we disentangle the constitutive elements of neo-colonial subordination, drawing on concepts of sovereignty, self-determination, citizenship and collective rights, and political recognition. Finally, hope is placed in the decolonising function of the law, international law in particular in the way it may reposition indigenous peoples vis-à-vis the State. A dedicated focus is placed on indigenous knowledge and its consideration in current jurisprudential developments. Constitutional law – Andean developments in particular – too is taken as a legal starting point for contextualising indigenous-State encounters, seen with decolonising lenses. In that sense, contemporary State architectures serve as unavoidable spaces of articulation that may reinforce neo-colonial tendencies through classical Western constitutionalism or create ambitious venues for indigenous rights to be recognised in a plural legal landscape.
{"title":"Disentangling the Vernacular in Bolivia and Decolonising the Law","authors":"Jessika Eichler","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10069","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10069","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This piece critically engages with the spaces of encounter between indigenous peoples and the (Bolivian) State by exploring indigenous subordination and inequalities in a socio-legal sense. It explores ‘epistemological oppression’ and ‘epistemological hesitance’ as it arises and is being responded to in i) the vernacular, in empirical realities, ii) in constitutional law and its principles, iii) and in international legal orders including indigenous peoples’ rights regimes. In a first step, indigenous knowledge is conceptualised and contextualised, understanding said encounters in the light of Bolivian constitutionalism and recent regressive indigenous politics under the intermittent right-wing government. Empirical, grassroots perspectives provide further insights into power dynamics and internalised asymmetries which become relevant to understand the knowledge-law nexus. In turn, we disentangle the constitutive elements of neo-colonial subordination, drawing on concepts of sovereignty, self-determination, citizenship and collective rights, and political recognition. Finally, hope is placed in the decolonising function of the law, international law in particular in the way it may reposition indigenous peoples vis-à-vis the State. A dedicated focus is placed on indigenous knowledge and its consideration in current jurisprudential developments. Constitutional law – Andean developments in particular – too is taken as a legal starting point for contextualising indigenous-State encounters, seen with decolonising lenses. In that sense, contemporary State architectures serve as unavoidable spaces of articulation that may reinforce neo-colonial tendencies through classical Western constitutionalism or create ambitious venues for indigenous rights to be recognised in a plural legal landscape.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47114200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-04DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10067
Ashrafuzzaman Khan
Land grabbing and resistance process are widely known phenomena across the globe. The incident of land grabbing meets various forms of resistance and conflict, as land grabbing is accompanied by violence that leads to the eviction. Accordingly, the resistance process produces diverse outcomes – successful or unsuccessful resistance to land grabs – depending on the extent of interactions. To keep that in mind, this paper focuses on ‘claim-making’ and ‘counter claim-making processes’ between the government actors and Santals in Bangladesh, employing the theoretical framework of contentious politics devised by Charles Tilly. To substantiate the resistance trajectories, the study has employed qualitative research methods, in addition to the theoretical approach of contentious politics. Therefore, the study demonstrated the failed resistance campaign (or failing) – appears to be a product of limited opportunity – exacerbated by a frame that failed to universalise the struggle, which compounded the Santal’s marginal status.
{"title":"Understanding the Resistance Trajectories of Land Grabbing: An Endeavour of Santals in Bangladesh","authors":"Ashrafuzzaman Khan","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10067","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Land grabbing and resistance process are widely known phenomena across the globe. The incident of land grabbing meets various forms of resistance and conflict, as land grabbing is accompanied by violence that leads to the eviction. Accordingly, the resistance process produces diverse outcomes – successful or unsuccessful resistance to land grabs – depending on the extent of interactions. To keep that in mind, this paper focuses on ‘claim-making’ and ‘counter claim-making processes’ between the government actors and Santals in Bangladesh, employing the theoretical framework of contentious politics devised by Charles Tilly. To substantiate the resistance trajectories, the study has employed qualitative research methods, in addition to the theoretical approach of contentious politics. Therefore, the study demonstrated the failed resistance campaign (or failing) – appears to be a product of limited opportunity – exacerbated by a frame that failed to universalise the struggle, which compounded the Santal’s marginal status.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43288781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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