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Germany – Still a Welfare Partnership Country? 德国——还是福利伙伴国家吗?
IF 1.6 Q2 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.1515/npf-2022-0043
A. Zimmer, Eckhard Priller
Abstract Germany’s traditional nonprofit sector, rooted in membership associations that served as intermediaries between citizens and government, is a story of the past. The organizations have either suffered from a significant decrease in membership, or they have turned into business-like organisations. As a result, welfare partnership is still in place. However, the partners have significantly changed: governments are enchanted with the logic of the market; nonprofit organizations are no longer part of civil society but proxies of corporate enterprises, and volunteering is welcomed by the government as a substitute for cheap labour.
德国传统的非营利部门植根于作为公民和政府之间中介的会员协会,这是一个过去的故事。这些组织要么会员数量大幅减少,要么变成了商业化的组织。因此,福利伙伴关系仍然存在。然而,合作伙伴发生了重大变化:政府被市场的逻辑迷住了;非营利组织不再是公民社会的一部分,而是企业的代理人,志愿服务作为廉价劳动力的替代品受到政府的欢迎。
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引用次数: 1
Donor Advised Funds & Delay: An Intergenerational Justice Solution? 捐助者建议的资金和延迟:代际正义的解决方案?
IF 1.6 Q2 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1515/npf-2022-0031
I. Murray
Abstract Much writing on Donor Advised Funds (DAFs) relates to whether they ‘unduly’ delay the direct application of donated funds to achieve public benefit. However, the discussion rarely touches on a normative basis for determining what is ‘undue’ or that can be used to shape potential reforms, which are typically framed with reference to a private foundation payout rate or time limit for expending contributions. Research on charity accumulation conducted across the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, suggests that the normative principle of intergenerational justice is helpful for grounding such discussions (Murray, I. 2021. Charity Law and Accumulation: Maintaining an Intergenerational Balance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). This article considers intergenerational justice in the context of DAFs and considers whether the principle can be implemented in ways that support DAF sponsor independence and flexibility. One way that this could be achieved is by imposing (or enforcing existing) procedural obligations on decision-makers to give genuine consideration to intergenerational justice when making decisions about how much to spend and retain.
关于捐助者建议基金(daf)的许多文章涉及它们是否“不当”延迟了捐赠资金的直接应用,以实现公共利益。然而,讨论很少涉及确定什么是“不当的”或可以用来形成潜在改革的规范基础,这些改革通常是参考私人基金会的支出率或支出捐款的时间限制。在美国、英国、加拿大、澳大利亚和新西兰进行的慈善积累研究表明,代际正义的规范性原则有助于为此类讨论奠定基础(Murray, I. 2021)。慈善法与积累:维持代际平衡。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社)。本文考虑了DAF背景下的代际公正,并考虑了该原则是否可以以支持DAF发起人独立性和灵活性的方式实现。实现这一目标的一种方法是,对决策者施加(或强制执行现有的)程序性义务,让他们在决定支出和保留多少资金时,真正考虑到代际公平。
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引用次数: 0
The Role of the Nonprofit Sector within the Climate Change Discourse: The View Through Russian News Media 非营利部门在气候变化话语中的作用:通过俄罗斯新闻媒体的观点
IF 1.6 Q2 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.1515/npf-2022-0002
Asya Cooley
Abstract This study attempts to understand the role of the nonprofit sector within the climate change discourse in Russian news media. It explores the news media coverage of climate change and nonprofit sector through the quantitative review of Russian news articles published within the five-year period of 2016–2021. We find that the nonprofit sector generally gains positive media coverage, and the climate change is presented as mostly a national and political issue, while the scientific discussions are very rare. Government and nongovernment news media sources diverge in their coverage on the topic. The state-owned media views the climate change as a national issue relying predominantly on Russian official sources, and praising assistance that the Russian government provides to the nonprofit sector. On the other hand, the nongovernment media highlights the political aspects of the climate change, includes government critique, and often draw on business and foreign sources.
摘要本研究试图了解非营利部门在俄罗斯新闻媒体气候变化话语中的作用。它通过对2016-2021年五年期间发表的俄罗斯新闻文章的定量审查,探讨了新闻媒体对气候变化和非营利部门的报道。我们发现,非营利部门通常获得积极的媒体报道,气候变化主要被视为一个国家和政治问题,而科学讨论非常罕见。政府和非政府新闻媒体对这一话题的报道存在分歧。国有媒体将气候变化视为一个国家问题,主要依靠俄罗斯官方消息来源,并赞扬俄罗斯政府向非营利部门提供的援助。另一方面,非政府媒体强调气候变化的政治方面,包括对政府的批评,并经常利用商业和外国资源。
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引用次数: 0
Greenpeace, Political Purposes – “There and back Again”; Reflections on New Zealand Charity Law 绿色和平组织,政治目的——“去而复返”;对新西兰慈善法的思考
IF 1.6 Q2 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2022-12-21 DOI: 10.1515/npf-2022-0022
Juliet Chevalier-Watts
Abstract The political purpose doctrine, a key part of the charity law landscape for many common law jurisdictions, has been subject to much judicial and academic criticism over the years. Its continued influence on the charity sector in relation to whether or not charities can operate effectively, or indeed, whether they may lose their registered status, gives rise still to such criticisms. It is against this backdrop that this article critically assesses the doctrine in light of newly-emerging decisions from the New Zealand courts that have fundamentally changed the charity law landscape from a national perspective, and considers some of the issues associated with this newly-evolved doctrine. Thus, what can be said is that New Zealand charity law jurisprudence is evolving and this article provides some useful insights in to contemporary charity law issues predominantly through the New Zealand lens as but one legal approach, and also compares some of these issues against two international perspectives.
政治目的学说是许多英美法系慈善法领域的重要组成部分,多年来一直受到司法和学术的批评。它对慈善机构能否有效运作,甚至是否可能失去注册资格的持续影响,仍然引起了这样的批评。正是在这种背景下,本文根据新西兰法院新出现的决定对这一原则进行了批判性评估,这些决定从国家角度根本上改变了慈善法的格局,并考虑了与这一新发展的原则相关的一些问题。因此,可以说,新西兰慈善法法理学正在不断发展,本文主要通过新西兰的视角作为一种法律途径,为当代慈善法问题提供了一些有用的见解,并将其中一些问题与两种国际视角进行了比较。
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引用次数: 0
Social Origins Theory: Untapped Potential and the Test by the Pandemic Crisis 社会起源理论:未开发的潜力和大流行危机的考验
IF 1.6 Q2 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2022-12-13 DOI: 10.1515/npf-2022-0029
Vladimir Benevolenski, Natalya Ivanova, L. Jakobson
Abstract The paper examines the explanatory potential of the social origins theory advanced by L. Salamon and H. Anheier. This examination follows two tracks. The first track is a comparative investigation of the conceptual affinity between the social origins, on one hand, and the theories of welfare regimes and varieties of capitalism, on the other. We argue that the conceptual affinity between these three theories lies in the fact that they explore what could be referred to as vertical and horizontal interactions between state and market. Vertical interactions are based on the legitimate coercion by government authorities, while horizontal relations develop at the initiative of their autonomous members. The social origins approach introduces yet another essential dimension, that of civic self-organization, into the analysis of vertical and horizontal interactions embodied in state/market relationships. Similarity of underlying conceptual foundations might suggest that all three theories would generate similarly strong academic interest in reexamining their analytical tools and applying their approaches to the diversity of new social and economic realities. The literature indicates that both the welfare regimes and varieties of capitalism have generated robust academic discussions, whereas the conceptual and analytical potential of the social origins remains relatively less explored. It has become particularly evident in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic which gave rise to a number of studies that apply the frameworks of the welfare regimes and varieties of capitalism to examine cross-country differences in government social welfare policies. However, the social origins theory seems not to have generated comparably rich research testing its explanatory power in the new conditions triggered by the pandemic challenges. To address this gap, the paper follows a second track which investigates pandemic-induced transformations in nonprofit sectors of Germany, Austria, UK and USA – countries representing three “basic” nonprofit regimes immediately corresponding to Esping-Andersen’s welfare state typology: welfare partnership, social democratic and liberal. Applying the analytical lens of the social origins approach, we look at how the impact of the pandemic moved the measurable parameters of nonprofit sectors: the scope of the third sector, the volunteer share of the workforce, the extent of nonprofits’ engagement in the provision of social services, and the share of government financial support for the sector. We further look at the pandemic-induced changes in the composition of the “tool kit” employed in government-nonprofit cooperation. Thus, testing the explanatory potential of the social origins approach, we observe that responses to pandemic challenges have contributed to a degree of convergence of both liberal and social democratic nonprofit regimes with the welfare partnership pattern. However, path dependency, which is suggested by the regi
摘要本文考察了Salamon和Anheier提出的社会起源理论的解释潜力。这种检查遵循两个方面。第一个轨道是对社会起源与福利制度和各种资本主义理论之间概念亲和力的比较调查。我们认为,这三种理论在概念上的相似之处在于,它们都探讨了国家与市场之间的纵向和横向相互作用。纵向互动是基于政府当局的合法强制,而横向关系是在自治成员的主动下发展的。社会起源方法引入了另一个基本维度,即公民自组织,来分析体现在国家/市场关系中的纵向和横向互动。潜在概念基础的相似性可能表明,这三种理论在重新检查其分析工具和将其方法应用于新的社会和经济现实的多样性方面将产生同样强烈的学术兴趣。文献表明,福利制度和各种资本主义都产生了强有力的学术讨论,而社会起源的概念和分析潜力仍然相对较少探索。在2019冠状病毒病大流行的背景下,这一点变得尤为明显,这导致了一些研究,这些研究应用福利制度和资本主义各种框架来研究政府社会福利政策的跨国差异。然而,社会起源理论似乎没有产生相当丰富的研究来检验其在大流行挑战引发的新条件下的解释力。为了解决这一差距,本文沿着第二条轨道研究了德国、奥地利、英国和美国的非营利部门的大流行引起的转变,这些国家代表了与埃斯平-安德森的福利国家类型直接对应的三种“基本”非营利制度:福利伙伴关系、社会民主主义和自由主义。运用社会起源方法的分析视角,我们研究了大流行的影响如何影响非营利部门的可衡量参数:第三部门的范围、志愿者在劳动力中的份额、非营利组织参与提供社会服务的程度,以及政府对该部门的财政支持份额。我们进一步研究大流行病引起的政府-非营利性合作中使用的"工具箱"组成的变化。因此,在测试社会起源方法的解释潜力时,我们观察到,对流行病挑战的反应促成了自由主义和社会民主主义非营利制度与福利伙伴关系模式的一定程度的趋同。然而,社会起源方法中嵌入的制度“系泊”所表明的路径依赖性仍然足够强大,足以解释在大流行危机时期观察到的“基本”非营利制度典型核心特征的可行性。
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引用次数: 0
Nonprofits as a Resilient Sector: Implications for Public Policy 非营利组织作为一个有弹性的部门:对公共政策的影响
IF 1.6 Q2 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2022-12-09 DOI: 10.1515/npf-2022-0038
D. Young
Abstract Lester Salamon first characterized nonprofits in the United States as “the resilient sector” in 2003. He based this characterization on the sector’s growth, its ability to adapt to new economic and political conditions over time and its increasingly adaptive entrepreneurial culture. The view of nonprofits as resilient institutions has been reinforced since by their performance in recent crises including the COVID pandemic beginning in 2020 and the financial crisis of 2008–2009, though not without exception or assurance that nonprofits would necessarily be resilient in future crises. This paper examines some of the strategies nonprofits have employed to navigate recent crises and prepare themselves for less certain futures. It also teases apart the nature of resilience, asking how resilience at the organizational level differs from network level and sector-level resilience. Such differences have important implications for public policy vis-à-vis nonprofits. In particular, policies that would strengthen nonprofits at the organizational level may differ from, even conflict with, those that would strengthen the nonprofit sector as a whole.
2003年,莱斯特·萨拉蒙首次将美国的非营利组织描述为“弹性部门”。他的这一特征是基于该行业的增长、其适应新经济和政治条件的能力,以及其日益适应的创业文化。非营利组织在最近的危机中的表现,包括2020年开始的COVID大流行和2008-2009年的金融危机,强化了非营利组织作为弹性机构的观点,尽管并非没有例外或保证非营利组织在未来的危机中一定具有弹性。本文考察了非营利组织为应对最近的危机和为不太确定的未来做好准备所采用的一些策略。它还梳理了弹性的本质,询问组织层面的弹性与网络层面和部门层面的弹性有何不同。这种差异对公共政策对-à-vis非营利组织有重要影响。特别是,在组织层面加强非营利组织的政策可能与那些加强整个非营利部门的政策不同,甚至相互冲突。
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引用次数: 2
Nonprofit Political Engagement: The Roles of 501(c)(4) Social Welfare Organizations in Elections and Policymaking 非营利性政治参与:501(c)(4)社会福利组织在选举和政策制定中的作用
IF 1.6 Q2 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2022-12-08 DOI: 10.1515/npf-2021-0061
Margaret A. Post, E. Boris
Abstract This paper provides a framework for understanding the role of member-based, politically active 501(c)(4) social welfare organizations in U.S. civil society. Tax-exempt social welfare (501(c)(4)) organizations make up the second largest group of nonprofit organizations in the United States. Among them are a mix of membership organizations, social clubs, professional associations, and advocates that are permitted to lobby and engage in partisan political activities. Informed by the literature, case study research, and a dataset of politically active 501(c)(4) organizations, we identify categories of politically active (c)(4) organizations involved in electoral and policy change actions including national advocacy organizations, local and state member organizations, (c)(4) funders, and shell entities. We discuss four analytic considerations that can guide future research on member-based, politically active organizations including (1) engagement activities, (2) organizational characteristics, (3) context, and (4) outcomes. We then provide an example of how we have applied this approach to a subset of organizations that build civic leadership and political capacity in communities that have experienced structural inequality and racism. We explain how these organizations engage members in grassroots organizing and advocacy strategies in order to impact elections and policy change. By explaining how the (c)(4) structure can enable organizations to involve members in political action, we enhance theoretical understanding of politically active (c)(4)s as mediating structures of political engagement. The paper concludes with proposed avenues for further empirical investigation.
本文提供了一个框架来理解会员制的、政治上活跃的501(c)(4)社会福利组织在美国公民社会中的作用。免税社会福利(501(c)(4))组织构成了美国第二大非营利组织。其中包括会员组织、社交俱乐部、专业协会和被允许进行游说和从事党派政治活动的倡导者。根据文献、案例研究和政治上活跃的501(c)(4)组织数据集,我们确定了参与选举和政策变革行动的政治上活跃的(c)(4)组织类别,包括国家倡导组织、地方和州成员组织、(c)(4)资助者和空壳实体。我们讨论了四个分析因素,可以指导未来对以成员为基础的政治活跃组织的研究,包括:(1)参与活动,(2)组织特征,(3)背景,(4)结果。然后,我们提供了一个例子,说明我们如何将这种方法应用于在经历结构性不平等和种族主义的社区中建立公民领导和政治能力的组织子集。我们解释了这些组织如何让成员参与基层组织和宣传战略,以影响选举和政策变化。通过解释(c)(4)结构如何使组织成员参与政治行动,我们加强了对政治活跃(c)(4)s作为政治参与的中介结构的理论理解。本文最后提出了进一步实证研究的途径。
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引用次数: 0
Accounting for the Varieties of Volunteering: New Global Statistical Standards Tested 志愿服务种类的核算:新的全球统计标准测试
IF 1.6 Q2 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2022-10-13 DOI: 10.1515/npf-2022-0039
M. Haddock
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引用次数: 1
A Tax Credit Proposal for Profit Moderation and Social Mission Maximization in Long-Term Residential Care Businesses 长期安老企业利润调节与社会使命最大化的税收抵免建议
IF 1.6 Q2 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2022-09-09 DOI: 10.1515/npf-2022-0014
Janelle A. Kerlin, Meng Ye, Wendy Chen
Abstract This policy brief proposes a tax credit with related qualifying conditions that address the serious deficiencies related to abuse and neglect found in the current for-profit long-term care space. It also seeks to address the lack of government accountability for huge outlays of taxpayer dollars in the form of Medicare and Medicaid payments to these facilities, much of which results in maximizing profits for wealthy investors at the expense of vulnerable individuals with limited voice. Our proposed policy arrangement alters the organizational DNA of the for-profit organization, including the moderation of profit, to circumvent the existing financial incentives that are driving the mistreatment and malpractice so evident in the system. It aims to achieve this through four policy components including social financing, a sliding dividend cap, employee-ownership, and limits on complex corporate structures which are tied to a tax credit. This multi-faceted policy idea is intended to start the discussion around a possible path forward.
摘要:本政策摘要提出了一项税收抵免,附带相关的资格条件,以解决当前营利性长期护理领域中与滥用和忽视相关的严重缺陷。它还试图解决政府对这些机构以医疗保险(Medicare)和医疗补助(Medicaid)的形式支付的巨额纳税人资金缺乏问责的问题,其中大部分导致了富裕投资者的利润最大化,而牺牲了发言权有限的弱势群体的利益。我们提出的政策安排改变了营利性组织的组织DNA,包括利润适度,以规避现有的财政激励,这些激励正在推动系统中如此明显的虐待和渎职行为。它旨在通过四个政策组成部分来实现这一目标,包括社会融资、浮动股息上限、员工所有权以及对与税收抵免相关的复杂公司结构的限制。这一多方面的政策构想旨在围绕可能的前进道路展开讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Nonprofit Messaging and the 2020 Election: Findings from a Nonpartisan Get-Out-The-Vote (GOTV) Field Experiment 非营利信息传递和2020年大选:来自无党派投票(GOTV)现场实验的结果
IF 1.6 Q2 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2022-08-19 DOI: 10.1515/npf-2021-0062
Kelly LeRoux, Julie Langer, Samantha Plotner
Abstract A distinct problem for American democracy is that voter participation rates remain higher among older, wealthier, and more highly educated citizens. Through their nonpartisan get-out-the-vote (GOTV) efforts, nonprofit organizations can help to remedy the participation gap, promoting higher turnout among under-represented voters. However, the literature reveals mixed evidence with regard to message content and its impact on turnout, and there is even less clarity about whether the method of message delivery matters for turnout. We find that nonprofit voter mobilization efforts are statistically linked to increased turnout, the odds of which increase when efforts center specifically on voter registration. While we find no overall effect of either message type (political efficacy vs. policy issue: immigration) or method of delivery (text vs. postcard) on voting behavior, the results show that there is a significant crossover interaction with political efficacy messages sent by text yielding the highest turnout.
美国民主的一个明显问题是,在年龄较大、较富裕和受教育程度较高的公民中,选民参与率仍然较高。通过无党派的投票动员(GOTV)活动,非营利组织可以帮助弥补参与差距,在代表性不足的选民中提高投票率。然而,文献揭示了关于信息内容及其对投票率的影响的混合证据,并且关于信息传递方法是否对投票率有影响的清晰度更低。我们发现,非营利组织动员选民的努力在统计上与投票率的增加有关,当努力集中在选民登记上时,投票率的增加几率就会增加。虽然我们没有发现信息类型(政治效能vs政策议题:移民)或传递方式(文本vs明信片)对投票行为的总体影响,但结果表明,通过文本发送的政治效能信息产生了显著的交叉互动,投票率最高。
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引用次数: 1
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Nonprofit Policy Forum
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