Pub Date : 2019-08-15DOI: 10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32756
Phillip Burness, Kevin McMullin, T. Zamuner
Previous work has demonstrated that during spoken word recognition, listeners can use a variety of cues to anticipate an upcoming sound before the sound is encountered. However, this vein of research has largely focused on local phenomena that hold between adjacent sounds. In order to fill this gap, we combine the Visual World Paradigm with an Artificial Language Learning methodology to investigate whether knowledge of a long-distance pattern of sibilant harmony can be utilized during spoken word recognition. The hypothesis was that participants trained on sibilant harmony could more quickly identify a target word from among a set of competitors when that target contained a prefix which had undergone regressive sibilant harmony. Participants tended to behave as expected for the subset of items that they saw during training, but the effect did not reach statistical significance and did not extend to novel items. This suggests that participants did not learn the rule of sibilant harmony and may have been memorizing which base went with which alternant. Failure to learn the pattern may have been due to certain aspects of the design, which will be addressed in future iterations of the experiment.
{"title":"The role of long-distance phonological processes in spoken word recognition: A preliminary investigation","authors":"Phillip Burness, Kevin McMullin, T. Zamuner","doi":"10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32756","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32756","url":null,"abstract":"Previous work has demonstrated that during spoken word recognition, listeners can use a variety of cues to anticipate an upcoming sound before the sound is encountered. However, this vein of research has largely focused on local phenomena that hold between adjacent sounds. In order to fill this gap, we combine the Visual World Paradigm with an Artificial Language Learning methodology to investigate whether knowledge of a long-distance pattern of sibilant harmony can be utilized during spoken word recognition. The hypothesis was that participants trained on sibilant harmony could more quickly identify a target word from among a set of competitors when that target contained a prefix which had undergone regressive sibilant harmony. Participants tended to behave as expected for the subset of items that they saw during training, but the effect did not reach statistical significance and did not extend to novel items. This suggests that participants did not learn the rule of sibilant harmony and may have been memorizing which base went with which alternant. Failure to learn the pattern may have been due to certain aspects of the design, which will be addressed in future iterations of the experiment.","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133622726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-15DOI: 10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32772
Koorosh Ariyaee
This study discusses the adaptation of loanwords in Persian from donor languages of Arabic, French and English. The main claim is that loanwords adapt to the host language phonology based on the duration of the time they have been used in that language (Kemmer 2017). Thus, I propose that Arabic loans which are borrowed earlier are more nativized than recent loans, like Russian, French and English words. Compared to the former studies (Shademan 2002; Perry 2005, 2011; among others), this is the first account that aims to show the hierarchical and gradual nativization process of loans in Persian by use of Core-Periphery model (Itô and Mester 1999). This model categorizes words from core stratum to periphery stratum based on the satisfaction of constraints in the host language as systematic comparison criteria of older loans with recent ones. In this study I show that the Persian lexicon is stratified into three strata: core, middle and periphery. This lexicon stratification reflects the gradual nativization of loanwords where the core stratum includes frequent native items, the middle stratum includes older loans (Arabic) and the periphery stratum includes recent loans (Russian, French and English). Furthermore, this paper shows that highly frequent Arabic loans satisfying all constraints have become completely nativized and thus are categorized as part of the core showing the great influence of the donor language.
{"title":"Loanword adaption in Persian: A Core-Periphery model approach","authors":"Koorosh Ariyaee","doi":"10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32772","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32772","url":null,"abstract":"This study discusses the adaptation of loanwords in Persian from donor languages of Arabic, French and English. The main claim is that loanwords adapt to the host language phonology based on the duration of the time they have been used in that language (Kemmer 2017). Thus, I propose that Arabic loans which are borrowed earlier are more nativized than recent loans, like Russian, French and English words. Compared to the former studies (Shademan 2002; Perry 2005, 2011; among others), this is the first account that aims to show the hierarchical and gradual nativization process of loans in Persian by use of Core-Periphery model (Itô and Mester 1999). This model categorizes words from core stratum to periphery stratum based on the satisfaction of constraints in the host language as systematic comparison criteria of older loans with recent ones. In this study I show that the Persian lexicon is stratified into three strata: core, middle and periphery. This lexicon stratification reflects the gradual nativization of loanwords where the core stratum includes frequent native items, the middle stratum includes older loans (Arabic) and the periphery stratum includes recent loans (Russian, French and English). Furthermore, this paper shows that highly frequent Arabic loans satisfying all constraints have become completely nativized and thus are categorized as part of the core showing the great influence of the donor language.","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114601146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-15DOI: 10.33137/TWPL.V41I1.32771
Photini Coutsougera
The present study discusses the status of the high vowels /i/ and (secondarily) /u/ in Arcadian Peloponnesian, an entirely unstudied variety of Greek. The high vowels of Arcadian Greek undergo different processes or are altogether deleted in an unstressed environment. In particular, unstressed [i] palatalizes or undergoes fortition (depending on the target consonant) or gets deleted. Kochetov (2016) argues that palatalization and fortition work in parallel as repair strategies in languages affecting different target consonants, so that marked C+palatal sequences are avoided. This seems to be the motivation behind the widely attested palatalization and fortition in nonstandard Greek varieties more generally, which may need to be unified under one pandialectal study in the future. Until now, high vowel deletion has been thought to be restricted to northern dialects of Greek and has constituted a defining criterion for the classification of Greek dialects in the literature.
{"title":"Palatalization, fortition and deletion in the high vowels of Arcadian Greek","authors":"Photini Coutsougera","doi":"10.33137/TWPL.V41I1.32771","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/TWPL.V41I1.32771","url":null,"abstract":"The present study discusses the status of the high vowels /i/ and (secondarily) /u/ in Arcadian Peloponnesian, an entirely unstudied variety of Greek. The high vowels of Arcadian Greek undergo different processes or are altogether deleted in an unstressed environment. In particular, unstressed [i] palatalizes or undergoes fortition (depending on the target consonant) or gets deleted. Kochetov (2016) argues that palatalization and fortition work in parallel as repair strategies in languages affecting different target consonants, so that marked C+palatal sequences are avoided. This seems to be the motivation behind the widely attested palatalization and fortition in nonstandard Greek varieties more generally, which may need to be unified under one pandialectal study in the future. Until now, high vowel deletion has been thought to be restricted to northern dialects of Greek and has constituted a defining criterion for the classification of Greek dialects in the literature.","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"78 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115276107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-15DOI: 10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32759
Céleste Peterka
Previous literature on the Canadian Shift describes this phenomenon as a change in progress in many dialects of Canadian English. However, elements of the shift are not found to be consistent, particularly in the lowering of [ɪ] and [ɛ] and the retraction of [æ]. This paper investigates apparent time data from eight native speakers of Canadian English from the Ottawa area to investigate the nature of the Shift in the region, as well as to better understand how the Shift is manifested here compared to previous literature. Results presented in this paper, which were collected as part of an ongoing study, show that younger speakers produce only [ɪ] and [ɛ] vowels more retracted than older speakers. These data will later be compared to results of a perception study in order to investigate the relationship between perception and production of a sound change in progress.
{"title":"The Canadian Shift: Still shifting?","authors":"Céleste Peterka","doi":"10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32759","url":null,"abstract":"Previous literature on the Canadian Shift describes this phenomenon as a change in progress in many dialects of Canadian English. However, elements of the shift are not found to be consistent, particularly in the lowering of [ɪ] and [ɛ] and the retraction of [æ]. This paper investigates apparent time data from eight native speakers of Canadian English from the Ottawa area to investigate the nature of the Shift in the region, as well as to better understand how the Shift is manifested here compared to previous literature. Results presented in this paper, which were collected as part of an ongoing study, show that younger speakers produce only [ɪ] and [ɛ] vowels more retracted than older speakers. These data will later be compared to results of a perception study in order to investigate the relationship between perception and production of a sound change in progress.","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125437626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-15DOI: 10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32760
H. Yawney
Little descriptive work has been done on the place and voicing restrictions of the asymmetrical velar and uvular consonant inventory in Kazakh. In Kazakh, velar and uvular consonants are restricted depending on their neighbouring vowel. Velars appear in front vowel environments and uvulars appear in back vowel environments (place restriction). Voiced and voiceless velars and uvulars are restricted depending on their position in the word. At the morpheme boundary, velars and uvulars are voiceless in the word-final position and voiced in the stem-final position, when followed by a vowel-initial suffix (voicing restriction). The results from elicitation-based production experiments with six native Kazakh speakers reveal that the place restriction is not productive from real words to nonce words but the voicing restriction is. The data suggests a derived-environment effect where the resulting voicing process is conditioned morphologically. A theoretical analysis within Optimality Theory captures the voicing pattern using an indexed-markedness constraint and Local Conjunction.
{"title":"Asymmetry of Kazakh velar and uvular consonants","authors":"H. Yawney","doi":"10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32760","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32760","url":null,"abstract":"Little descriptive work has been done on the place and voicing restrictions of the asymmetrical velar and uvular consonant inventory in Kazakh. In Kazakh, velar and uvular consonants are restricted depending on their neighbouring vowel. Velars appear in front vowel environments and uvulars appear in back vowel environments (place restriction). Voiced and voiceless velars and uvulars are restricted depending on their position in the word. At the morpheme boundary, velars and uvulars are voiceless in the word-final position and voiced in the stem-final position, when followed by a vowel-initial suffix (voicing restriction). The results from elicitation-based production experiments with six native Kazakh speakers reveal that the place restriction is not productive from real words to nonce words but the voicing restriction is. The data suggests a derived-environment effect where the resulting voicing process is conditioned morphologically. A theoretical analysis within Optimality Theory captures the voicing pattern using an indexed-markedness constraint and Local Conjunction.","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131896462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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