Pub Date : 2021-06-07DOI: 10.33137/twpl.v43i1.35965
Leann Brown
Mixed methods research (MMR) based in a pragmatic research philosophy involves the integration of qualitative and quantitative methods to triangulate research findings and strengthen interpretations. This especially holds for complex research questions and/or data. Non-binary focused sociolinguistic research often deals with multiple complexities, including dynamic and contextually dependent ways of identifying and variation in body modification affecting speech production. While echoing prior calls for researchers to apply, when appropriate, a pragmatic/MMR framework (Angouri 2010), I uniquely argue that it can empower non-binary researchers and research collaborators, ultimately generating positive social change. My objective in presenting non-binary focused sociophonetic research is to demonstrate the framework’s advantages. These include foregrounding non-binary voices and experiences to generate rich, nuanced research questions, data, and analyses. These elements, as well as demonstrable ecological validity and multiple (collaborative and/or cross-discipline) perspectives are the hallmarks of transformative research which focuses on fostering social change.
{"title":"A philosophy, a methodology, and a gender identity","authors":"Leann Brown","doi":"10.33137/twpl.v43i1.35965","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v43i1.35965","url":null,"abstract":"Mixed methods research (MMR) based in a pragmatic research philosophy involves the integration of qualitative and quantitative methods to triangulate research findings and strengthen interpretations. This especially holds for complex research questions and/or data. Non-binary focused sociolinguistic research often deals with multiple complexities, including dynamic and contextually dependent ways of identifying and variation in body modification affecting speech production. While echoing prior calls for researchers to apply, when appropriate, a pragmatic/MMR framework (Angouri 2010), I uniquely argue that it can empower non-binary researchers and research collaborators, ultimately generating positive social change. My objective in presenting non-binary focused sociophonetic research is to demonstrate the framework’s advantages. These include foregrounding non-binary voices and experiences to generate rich, nuanced research questions, data, and analyses. These elements, as well as demonstrable ecological validity and multiple (collaborative and/or cross-discipline) perspectives are the hallmarks of transformative research which focuses on fostering social change.","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"271 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115599769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-04DOI: 10.33137/twpl.v43i1.35968
Lex Konnelly
While gender dysphoria is a real and acute distress for many transgender people, it is not universal, and it is experienced and oriented to in a myriad of ways. However, its status as a prerequisite for gender-affirming care can lead trans people to feel compelled to amplify its salience in their pursuits for medical support. Through a critical discourse analysis of non-binary healthcare narratives, I trace the relationship between linguistic practices in these care interactions and the gender and sexual logics of the transmedicalist model of transgender care. With a focus on excerpts that center on individuals’ descriptions of dysphoria in the consultation room, I contend that these experiences are not straightforward accounts of assimilation to transmedicalist expectations. Rather, when read from a trans linguistic perspective, these strategies are examples of non-binary patients enacting their own interventions on a process over which (it may seem) they have minimal control and present a critical thirding (Tuck 2009) of a dichotomous view of either transnormativity or resistance.
{"title":"Both, and: Transmedicalism and resistance in non-binary narratives of gender-affirming care","authors":"Lex Konnelly","doi":"10.33137/twpl.v43i1.35968","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v43i1.35968","url":null,"abstract":"While gender dysphoria is a real and acute distress for many transgender people, it is not universal, and it is experienced and oriented to in a myriad of ways. However, its status as a prerequisite for gender-affirming care can lead trans people to feel compelled to amplify its salience in their pursuits for medical support. Through a critical discourse analysis of non-binary healthcare narratives, I trace the relationship between linguistic practices in these care interactions and the gender and sexual logics of the transmedicalist model of transgender care. With a focus on excerpts that center on individuals’ descriptions of dysphoria in the consultation room, I contend that these experiences are not straightforward accounts of assimilation to transmedicalist expectations. Rather, when read from a trans linguistic perspective, these strategies are examples of non-binary patients enacting their own interventions on a process over which (it may seem) they have minimal control and present a critical thirding (Tuck 2009) of a dichotomous view of either transnormativity or resistance.","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128618017","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-04DOI: 10.33137/twpl.v43i1.35952
Jordan J. Tudisco
Trans and non-binary communities have long known the importance of linguistic practices and the power that determining the meaning of words and which words fit has over one’s feelings of validation, visibility, acceptance and existence. In the French-speaking context, and in France, especially, trans and non-binary people not only have to construct their identities within a strongly binary language but also face the gatekeeping and constraining power of the French Académie. This article examines the linguistic practices of trans users on two online forums and highlights three main strategies used by French-speaking trans and non-binary individuals: (1) the non-normative use of binary grammatical gender to index non-binary identities, (2) the reframing of body parts as either non-indexical of sex/gender or as indexing only one’s self-identified sex/gender, and (3) the use of English terminology.
{"title":"Queering the French Académie","authors":"Jordan J. Tudisco","doi":"10.33137/twpl.v43i1.35952","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v43i1.35952","url":null,"abstract":"Trans and non-binary communities have long known the importance of linguistic practices and the power that determining the meaning of words and which words fit has over one’s feelings of validation, visibility, acceptance and existence. In the French-speaking context, and in France, especially, trans and non-binary people not only have to construct their identities within a strongly binary language but also face the gatekeeping and constraining power of the French Académie. This article examines the linguistic practices of trans users on two online forums and highlights three main strategies used by French-speaking trans and non-binary individuals: (1) the non-normative use of binary grammatical gender to index non-binary identities, (2) the reframing of body parts as either non-indexical of sex/gender or as indexing only one’s self-identified sex/gender, and (3) the use of English terminology.","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"119 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116388560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-14DOI: 10.33137/twpl.v42i1.33527
K. Pabst, Lex Konnelly, Fiona M. Wilson, Savannah Meslin, N. Nagy
This paper investigates subject doubling in Faetar, an endangered and understudied variety of Francoprovençal. Comparing Homeland speakers (i.e., speakers who were born and raised in Faeto) and Heritage speakers of the language (i.e., speakers who emigrated to Toronto, Canada after age 18, and their children), we find some striking differences. Our results show that subject doubling is grammatically constrained in the source variety: Homeland speakers favor doubling in new information contexts, while Heritage speakers do not. There is also evidence for a change in progress among Homeland speakers, with younger speakers using more subject doubling than older speakers. This change is not mirrored by the Heritage speakers. We propose that this is because the Heritage speakers left the Homeland either before or around the time that the youngest Homeland speakers in our sample were born, resulting in them having missed out on this change. This highlights that both Homeland and Heritage varieties are dynamic and may develop in different directions. Additionally, this study helps complete the picture previously reported for variation between overt (single or doubled) and null subjects in these two varieties: an ongoing decrease in null subject rates in the Homeland variety and stability in the Heritage variety (Nagy et al. 2018).
本文研究了一种濒危且研究不足的法国普罗旺斯科植物Faetar的主体倍增现象。比较母语使用者(即在费托出生和长大的人)和母语使用者(即18岁以后移民到加拿大多伦多的人及其子女),我们发现了一些显著的差异。我们的研究结果表明,在各种来源中,主语加倍在语法上受到限制:国土安全部的使用者喜欢在新的信息语境中加倍,而传统的使用者则不这样做。还有证据表明,讲《国土安全》的人也在进步,年轻的人使用的主语比年长的人多一倍。这一变化并没有反映在传统基金会的演讲者身上。我们认为,这是因为在我们样本中最年轻的Homeland使用者出生之前或前后,Heritage使用者离开了Homeland,导致他们错过了这一变化。这突出了本土品种和遗产品种都是动态的,可能朝着不同的方向发展。此外,本研究有助于完成先前报道的这两个品种中公开(单或双)和无受试者之间差异的情况:国土品种的无受试者率持续下降,而遗产品种的无受试者率保持稳定(Nagy et al. 2018)。
{"title":"Variation in subject doubling in Homeland and Heritage Faetar","authors":"K. Pabst, Lex Konnelly, Fiona M. Wilson, Savannah Meslin, N. Nagy","doi":"10.33137/twpl.v42i1.33527","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v42i1.33527","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates subject doubling in Faetar, an endangered and understudied variety of Francoprovençal. Comparing Homeland speakers (i.e., speakers who were born and raised in Faeto) and Heritage speakers of the language (i.e., speakers who emigrated to Toronto, Canada after age 18, and their children), we find some striking differences. Our results show that subject doubling is grammatically constrained in the source variety: Homeland speakers favor doubling in new information contexts, while Heritage speakers do not. There is also evidence for a change in progress among Homeland speakers, with younger speakers using more subject doubling than older speakers. This change is not mirrored by the Heritage speakers. We propose that this is because the Heritage speakers left the Homeland either before or around the time that the youngest Homeland speakers in our sample were born, resulting in them having missed out on this change. This highlights that both Homeland and Heritage varieties are dynamic and may develop in different directions. Additionally, this study helps complete the picture previously reported for variation between overt (single or doubled) and null subjects in these two varieties: an ongoing decrease in null subject rates in the Homeland variety and stability in the Heritage variety (Nagy et al. 2018).","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115046050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-13DOI: 10.33137/twpl.v42i1.33385
Masoud Sheikhbahaie
This study investigates the variation of the Farsi vowel formants – F1 and F2 – among Persian-American heritage and immigrant speakers in Oklahoma, a topic which has been under-investigated. The participants were a group of 20 Persian adult immigrants (ten males and ten females) and 20 US-born Persian-American heritage speakers of Farsi (ten males and ten females). Data were gathered in the form of acoustic audio recordings of a 150-word word list carefully pronounced by the participants. A lexicon was created for the purpose of forced alignment, and vowel formants were extracted using DARLA. The vowel plots showed substantial similarity among all participants to the Farsi monolingual speakers’ in Iran regarding the back vowels /u/, /o/ and /ɒ/. However, the front /i/ and /e/ sounds were a bit more back than that of the monolinguals. In regard to /æ/, both groups of female Persian immigrants and female Persian heritage speakers showed similarity to that of the monolinguals; however, male Persian immigrants and male Persian heritage speakers had a relatively raised /æ/.
{"title":"A sociophonetic analysis of Farsi vowel systems among heritage speakers and immigrants of Persian ethnicity in Oklahoma","authors":"Masoud Sheikhbahaie","doi":"10.33137/twpl.v42i1.33385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v42i1.33385","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the variation of the Farsi vowel formants – F1 and F2 – among Persian-American heritage and immigrant speakers in Oklahoma, a topic which has been under-investigated. The participants were a group of 20 Persian adult immigrants (ten males and ten females) and 20 US-born Persian-American heritage speakers of Farsi (ten males and ten females). Data were gathered in the form of acoustic audio recordings of a 150-word word list carefully pronounced by the participants. A lexicon was created for the purpose of forced alignment, and vowel formants were extracted using DARLA. The vowel plots showed substantial similarity among all participants to the Farsi monolingual speakers’ in Iran regarding the back vowels /u/, /o/ and /ɒ/. However, the front /i/ and /e/ sounds were a bit more back than that of the monolinguals. In regard to /æ/, both groups of female Persian immigrants and female Persian heritage speakers showed similarity to that of the monolinguals; however, male Persian immigrants and male Persian heritage speakers had a relatively raised /æ/.","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124959964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-24DOI: 10.33137/twpl.v42i1.33190
N. Nagy, Michol F. Hoffman, James A. Walker
More attention is being paid to the sociolinguistic consequences of urban ethnolinguistic diversity, but the origins and social meanings of ethnolects are not well understood and their role in marking ethnic identity untested. Anecdotal remarks and media attention point to Canadians’ awareness of ethnically marked ways of speaking English but despite public interest, sparse research exists on perceptions of different ways of speaking. We report the results of a pilot project addressing perceptions of ethnically-marked ways of speaking English in Toronto, Canada’s largest and most ethnically diverse city. To test Torontonians’ ability to identify native speakers of Toronto English from different ethnic groups, we ask ~100 participants to listen to speech excerpts produced by 18 Torontonians from five of the largest ethnic groups in the city (British/Irish, Chinese, Italian, Portuguese and Punjabi). Participants were asked to identify the speakers’ ethnic backgrounds, indicate how well they think the person speaks English, and whether they believe them to be from Toronto. Results confirm that Torontonians are aware of ethnically marked ways of speaking and are better able to identify speakers who affiliate more strongly with their ethnicities. Judgments of speaking English well are tied more closely to perceived than actual ethnicity.
{"title":"How do Torontonians hear ethnic identity?","authors":"N. Nagy, Michol F. Hoffman, James A. Walker","doi":"10.33137/twpl.v42i1.33190","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v42i1.33190","url":null,"abstract":"More attention is being paid to the sociolinguistic consequences of urban ethnolinguistic diversity, but the origins and social meanings of ethnolects are not well understood and their role in marking ethnic identity untested. Anecdotal remarks and media attention point to Canadians’ awareness of ethnically marked ways of speaking English but despite public interest, sparse research exists on perceptions of different ways of speaking. We report the results of a pilot project addressing perceptions of ethnically-marked ways of speaking English in Toronto, Canada’s largest and most ethnically diverse city. To test Torontonians’ ability to identify native speakers of Toronto English from different ethnic groups, we ask ~100 participants to listen to speech excerpts produced by 18 Torontonians from five of the largest ethnic groups in the city (British/Irish, Chinese, Italian, Portuguese and Punjabi). Participants were asked to identify the speakers’ ethnic backgrounds, indicate how well they think the person speaks English, and whether they believe them to be from Toronto. Results confirm that Torontonians are aware of ethnically marked ways of speaking and are better able to identify speakers who affiliate more strongly with their ethnicities. Judgments of speaking English well are tied more closely to perceived than actual ethnicity.","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123290287","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-29DOI: 10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32761
Nate Shaftoe
This paper discusses coda lenition phenomena in Chilean Spanish, seeking to create a unified analysis for coda obstruent gliding and /s/-reduction. The paper invokes Moraic Theory to motivate lenition of certain segments in coda position. Using Harmonic Serialism, a serial variant of Optimality Theory, Chilean Spanish is shown to have a minimum sonority requirement on coda segments, and lenites insufficiently sonorous segments. /s/ is shown to place-delete to [h] to avoid sonority restrictions. The lack of /ʔ/ causes obstruents to diverge their derivation from that of /s/. Lenition to glottal segments is preferred, but gliding occurs if this is impossible.
本文讨论了智利西班牙语中的尾语模糊现象,试图对尾语障碍滑动和/s/-减少进行统一的分析。本文运用数学理论对词尾位置的某些词段进行了推理。使用谐波序列论,最优性理论的一种序列变体,智利西班牙语被证明对尾段有最小的响度要求,而对不够响度的片段有极大的要求。/s/表示对[h]进行删除,以避免声音限制。缺少/ h /会导致阻碍音与/s/的词源发生分歧。对声门段的柔化是最好的,但如果这是不可能的,就会发生滑音。
{"title":"Moraic coda sonority in Chilean Spanish","authors":"Nate Shaftoe","doi":"10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32761","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32761","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses coda lenition phenomena in Chilean Spanish, seeking to create a unified analysis for coda obstruent gliding and /s/-reduction. The paper invokes Moraic Theory to motivate lenition of certain segments in coda position. Using Harmonic Serialism, a serial variant of Optimality Theory, Chilean Spanish is shown to have a minimum sonority requirement on coda segments, and lenites insufficiently sonorous segments. /s/ is shown to place-delete to [h] to avoid sonority restrictions. The lack of /ʔ/ causes obstruents to diverge their derivation from that of /s/. Lenition to glottal segments is preferred, but gliding occurs if this is impossible.","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129898632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-24DOI: 10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32767
A. Nazarov
This paper proposes an account of an opaque generalization (Canadian Raising; Chambers 1973) in terms of indexed constraints in OT (Pater 2000, 2010). This approach formalizes the idea, championed in previous work on Canadian Raising (Mielke et al. 2003; Pater 2014) and opacity more broadly (Lubowicz 2003; Sanders 2003, 2006), that opaque generalizations have a stronger connection to the lexicon and/or exceptionality than to the grammar proper. These previous approaches tend to yield non-restrictive accounts of opaque generalizations (ones that do not easily extend the pattern to novel items), which I show also holds for an account of opaque Canadian Raising in terms of constraints indexed to whole morphemes (Pater 2000, 2010). To counter this, I propose so-called extended indexation: a blend of segmentally local indexation (Temkin-Martínez 2010; Rubach 2013, 2016; Round 2017) and binary indexation (Becker 2009) that goes back to the account for exceptions from Chomsky and Halle (1968). I show that this kind of indexation offers a restrictive account of opaque Canadian Raising, compatible with the fact that Raising is productive (Idsardi 2006).
{"title":"Formalizing the connection between opaque and exceptionful generalizations","authors":"A. Nazarov","doi":"10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32767","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32767","url":null,"abstract":"This paper proposes an account of an opaque generalization (Canadian Raising; Chambers 1973) in terms of indexed constraints in OT (Pater 2000, 2010). This approach formalizes the idea, championed in previous work on Canadian Raising (Mielke et al. 2003; Pater 2014) and opacity more broadly (Lubowicz 2003; Sanders 2003, 2006), that opaque generalizations have a stronger connection to the lexicon and/or exceptionality than to the grammar proper. These previous approaches tend to yield non-restrictive accounts of opaque generalizations (ones that do not easily extend the pattern to novel items), which I show also holds for an account of opaque Canadian Raising in terms of constraints indexed to whole morphemes (Pater 2000, 2010). To counter this, I propose so-called extended indexation: a blend of segmentally local indexation (Temkin-Martínez 2010; Rubach 2013, 2016; Round 2017) and binary indexation (Becker 2009) that goes back to the account for exceptions from Chomsky and Halle (1968). I show that this kind of indexation offers a restrictive account of opaque Canadian Raising, compatible with the fact that Raising is productive (Idsardi 2006).","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121758993","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-15DOI: 10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32770
Michael Dow
This paper presents experimental evidence for an additional phase in affrication in /ti, ty/ sequences in Québec French. Namely, beyond the standard stop release and fricative-like portion of what is standardly transcribed [ts], a phase resembling a partially voiceless vowel or aspiration frequently manifests itself before (or in the absence of) the full vowel. Phonetic correlates of this phase are intermediate voicing and a mid-point decline in centre of gravity, in stark contrast with target fricative /s/. This sort of multi-phased affricate tentatively lacks counterparts in the literature on unaspirated affricates. While the final representation of these segments and the motivation of their internal composition are left for future work, the potential consequences of the addition of this intermediate phase are briefly explored, in particular with reference to Q Theory.
{"title":"Mind your /ti/’s and q’s: A subsegmental approach to affrication in Québec French","authors":"Michael Dow","doi":"10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32770","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32770","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents experimental evidence for an additional phase in affrication in /ti, ty/ sequences in Québec French. Namely, beyond the standard stop release and fricative-like portion of what is standardly transcribed [ts], a phase resembling a partially voiceless vowel or aspiration frequently manifests itself before (or in the absence of) the full vowel. Phonetic correlates of this phase are intermediate voicing and a mid-point decline in centre of gravity, in stark contrast with target fricative /s/. This sort of multi-phased affricate tentatively lacks counterparts in the literature on unaspirated affricates. While the final representation of these segments and the motivation of their internal composition are left for future work, the potential consequences of the addition of this intermediate phase are briefly explored, in particular with reference to Q Theory.","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115209395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-15DOI: 10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32769
J. Tanner, Morgan Sonderegger, J. Stuart-Smith, Spade Data Consortium
The ‘voicing effect’ – the durational difference in vowels preceding voiced and voiceless consonants – is a well-documented phenomenon in English, where it plays a key role in the production and perception of the English final voicing contrast. Despite this supposed importance, little is known as to how robust this effect is in spontaneous connected speech, which is itself subject to a range of linguistic factors. Similarly, little attention has focused on variability in the voicing effect across dialects of English, bar analysis of specific varieties. Our findings show that the voicing of the following consonant exhibits a weaker-than-expected effect in spontaneous speech, interacting with manner, vowel height, speech rate, and word frequency. English dialects appear to demonstrate a continuum of potential voicing effect sizes, where varieties with dialect-specific phonological rules exhibit the most extreme values. The results suggest that the voicing effect in English is both substantially weaker than previously assumed in spontaneous connected speech, and subject to a wide range of dialectal variability.
{"title":"Vowel duration and the voicing effect across English dialects","authors":"J. Tanner, Morgan Sonderegger, J. Stuart-Smith, Spade Data Consortium","doi":"10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32769","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v41i1.32769","url":null,"abstract":"The ‘voicing effect’ – the durational difference in vowels preceding voiced and voiceless consonants – is a well-documented phenomenon in English, where it plays a key role in the production and perception of the English final voicing contrast. Despite this supposed importance, little is known as to how robust this effect is in spontaneous connected speech, which is itself subject to a range of linguistic factors. Similarly, little attention has focused on variability in the voicing effect across dialects of English, bar analysis of specific varieties. Our findings show that the voicing of the following consonant exhibits a weaker-than-expected effect in spontaneous speech, interacting with manner, vowel height, speech rate, and word frequency. English dialects appear to demonstrate a continuum of potential voicing effect sizes, where varieties with dialect-specific phonological rules exhibit the most extreme values. The results suggest that the voicing effect in English is both substantially weaker than previously assumed in spontaneous connected speech, and subject to a wide range of dialectal variability.","PeriodicalId":442006,"journal":{"name":"Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115826274","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}