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Legacies of the militancy era and understanding the new ‘normal’ in Punjab 战斗时代的遗产和对旁遮普新“常态”的理解
IF 0.4 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-03-09 DOI: 10.1080/17448727.2021.1880790
Inderjit Singh Jaijee, Dona Suri
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引用次数: 0
Factionalism and fissures in the Akali Dal: An analytical periodization of internal political dynamics and historical trends 阿卡利达利的派系主义和裂痕:内部政治动态和历史趋势的分析分期
IF 0.4 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-03-09 DOI: 10.1080/17448727.2021.1873652
Satnam Singh Deol
ABSTRACT This study answers the research question: can any systematic patterns of factionalism and fissures within the Akali Dal be discerned through its organisational history since 1920? I argue that the Akali Dal went through five distinct periods of internal factionalism, each with its own distinct intra-party and leadership dynamics. Furthermore, I argue that factions, fissures, and mergers within Akali Dal emerge due to the political competition between individual Akali leaders, their changing ideological positions due to this competition, and the prevailing political circumstances which dictate the parameters of their ideological flexibility within Sikh and Punjab politics.
本研究回答了一个研究问题:能否通过其1920年以来的组织历史来识别阿卡利达利内部的派系主义和裂缝的任何系统模式?我认为阿卡利达利党经历了五个不同的内部派系斗争时期,每个时期都有自己独特的党内和领导动态。此外,我认为,阿卡利达尔内部的派系、裂痕和合并是由于阿卡利领袖个人之间的政治竞争、他们由于这种竞争而改变的意识形态立场,以及决定他们在锡克教徒和旁遮普政治中意识形态灵活性参数的主流政治环境而出现的。
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引用次数: 0
Reconsidering Sikh architecture: The Sama̅dhi of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in Lahore 重新考虑锡克教建筑:拉合尔大君兰吉特·辛格的Sama ' s dhi
IF 0.4 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-02-19 DOI: 10.1080/17448727.2021.1886403
Gurharpal Singh
The last decade has witnessed an increasing interest in Sikh heritage in Pakistan (Singh 2015, 2018; Khalid 2016; Pannu 2019) that has been fuelled largely by the diaspora’s curiosity about artefacts in west Punjab. This concern has been given further momentum by the policies of the governments in Pakistan that recently culminated in the opening of the Kartarpur Corridor and the efforts to promote pilgrimage tourism by pitching the country as the ‘homeland’ of the Sikhs (Singh 2019). Although the fraught relationship between India and Pakistan since the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government under Narendra Modi has been in power has cast a dark shadow on the relationship between the two countries, the engagement of Sikhs with Pakistan is unlikely to diminish any time soon because it is a permanent part of collective Sikh religious and historical consciousness, a troubling legacy of Partition. Within Pakistan scholarship on Sikhs has remained deeply embedded in the ideological narrative of national liberation. At best there is recognition of a fraternal Punjabi minority that was misled by the Hindu Congress leadership to throw its lot in with India whereas a united Punjab in Pakistan offered a more realistic prospect of maintaining the integrity and cohesion of the community. At worst, the demonisation of the Sikhs with Partition violence become a trope of Islamisation of the state and society under President Zia-ul-Haq, reflected in Pakistan Studies, the compulsory teaching of state ideology to all pupils. Even established scholarship has generally failed to address the obvious paradox of the Pakistan movement: that its division of India logically implied the division of Punjab, and no amount of diplomacy from the Muslim League about religious minorities such as the Sikhs would endear them to Pakistan (Jalal 1985). More recently, efforts by Pakistani scholars to reinterpret the Partition violence (Ahmed 2012) remain largely unself-reflective of the fact that violence was at the heart of the Pakistan movement or the changes in the historiography of the subject (Singh 2016). How refreshing and surprising therefore to come across a work that transcends the pervasive influence of Pakistan’s national ideology. It is also rarer still for the effort to avoid current fashionable methodologies with hackneyed cliches about diversity, deconstruction and equalities that have become all too common in the historical scholarship on Punjab. Nadhra Shahbaz Khan’s The Samad̅hi of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in Lahore: A Summation of Sikh Architectural and Decorative Practices (2018) is an exceptional example of painstaking scholarship by a dedicated art historian now based at the Lahore University of Management Sciences. What began as PhD thesis by a young
过去十年,人们对巴基斯坦锡克教遗产的兴趣日益浓厚(Singh 2015, 2018;哈立德2016;Pannu 2019),主要是由于侨民对旁遮普西部文物的好奇心。巴基斯坦政府的政策进一步加剧了这种担忧,这些政策最近在卡尔塔普尔走廊的开放以及通过将该国宣传为锡克教徒的“家园”来促进朝圣旅游的努力中达到高潮(Singh 2019)。尽管自纳伦德拉·莫迪(Narendra Modi)领导的印度人民党(BJP)政府执政以来,印度和巴基斯坦之间令人担忧的关系给两国关系蒙上了一层阴影,但锡克教徒与巴基斯坦的接触不太可能在短期内减少,因为它是锡克教徒集体宗教和历史意识的永久组成部分,是分治遗留下来的令人不安的遗产。在巴基斯坦,关于锡克教徒的学术研究仍然深深植根于民族解放的意识形态叙事中。最好的情况是,旁遮普少数民族被印度教大会党领导误导,把自己的命运投给了印度,而一个统一的旁遮普在巴基斯坦提供了一个更现实的前景,可以保持社区的完整性和凝聚力。在最糟糕的情况下,锡克教徒的妖魔化和分裂暴力成为齐亚哈克总统领导下国家和社会伊斯兰化的一种修辞,反映在巴基斯坦研究中,向所有学生强制教授国家意识形态。即使是知名学者也普遍未能解决巴基斯坦运动的明显矛盾:它对印度的分裂在逻辑上意味着旁遮普的分裂,穆斯林联盟对锡克教徒等宗教少数群体的外交努力也不会使他们与巴基斯坦亲近(Jalal 1985)。最近,巴基斯坦学者重新解释分划暴力的努力(Ahmed 2012)在很大程度上没有反思暴力是巴基斯坦运动的核心这一事实,也没有反思这一主题的史学变化(Singh 2016)。因此,看到一部超越了巴基斯坦民族意识形态普遍影响的作品,是多么令人耳目一新和惊讶啊。在旁遮普邦的历史学术研究中,用关于多样性、解构和平等的陈词滥调来避免当前流行的方法论,这种努力也更为罕见。Nadhra Shahbaz Khan的《拉合尔王公兰吉特·辛格的萨马德·希希:锡克教建筑和装饰实践总结》(2018年)是一位专注于拉合尔管理科学大学的艺术史学家刻苦研究的杰出典范。什么开始作为一个年轻的博士论文
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引用次数: 0
The long shadow of Punjab’s militant past and contested ‘normalcy’ 旁遮普好战的过去和有争议的“常态”的长期阴影
IF 0.4 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-02-11 DOI: 10.1080/17448727.2021.1880793
S. Devgan
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引用次数: 0
Aftermath of 1984: Texture of uncertainty, collapse of trust 1984年的后果:不确定性的纹理,信任的崩溃
IF 0.4 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-02-11 DOI: 10.1080/17448727.2021.1880791
R. Chopra
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引用次数: 0
Ideological and caste-based challenges to Sikh political and religious institutions: The Shiromani Akali Dal and SGPC’s strategies of co-option and ‘management’ in a fragmented polity 对锡克教政治和宗教机构的意识形态和基于种姓的挑战:Shiromani Akali Dal和SGPC在分散政体中的合作选择和“管理”策略
IF 0.4 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-02-08 DOI: 10.1080/17448727.2021.1873651
Virginia Van Dyke
ABSTRACT This paper examines the structures and strategies whereby the Shiromani Akali Dal, along with other Sikh religio-political institutions including the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, gains support from social groups outside the realm of coalition politics – that is, the interaction of the SAD with its coalition partner, the BJP. Using the theory of consociationalism as a lens through which to view this process, I argue that the de facto consociational system limits the actions of political parties while creating a unique kind of relationship with those of differing ideologies and identities. Their support is gained and managed through intermediaries rather than formal incorporation.
本文考察了Shiromani Akali Dal以及包括Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak委员会在内的其他锡克教宗教政治机构从联盟政治领域之外的社会团体获得支持的结构和策略-即SAD与其联盟伙伴BJP的互动。运用联合主义理论作为观察这一过程的透镜,我认为事实上的联合制度限制了政党的行动,同时与不同意识形态和身份的政党建立了一种独特的关系。他们的支持是通过中间人而不是正式的公司来获得和管理的。
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引用次数: 0
Shiromani Akali Dal (1920–2020): Ideology, strategy, and support base Shiromani Akali Dal(1920-2020):意识形态、战略和支持基础
IF 0.4 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-02-03 DOI: 10.1080/17448727.2021.1873654
Ashutosh Kumar
ABSTRACT Shiromani Akali Dal, the oldest state party in India, emanated from an ethnic movement launched by the Sikh community in Punjab to take control of their gurdwaras. As an ‘ethnic’ party, it has claimed to be the sole political custodian of the minority Sikh community in India since colonial times. The party has often found itself trapped at the crossroads of region and religion. This explains why it transitioned from pursuing the politics of ‘representation’ in colonial Punjab to the pursuit of ‘a territorial homeland’ for the Sikhs after partition. The Congress’ attempt to deny the reorganisation of the state and subsequently its efforts to weaken the faction ridden Akali Dal, and also the party’s own inability to draw the bulk Sikh votes, compelled the party to pursue cultural and the region-specific autonomist politics which led to the rise of militancy. In the post-militancy era, the party made a comeback as an ‘electoral’ populist party in alliance with the BJP by undergoing a paradigmatic shift from contentious ethnic and anti-centre agenda to peace and development in the state politics based on the concept of Punjabiat. The same period, however, has also witnessed the rise of previously unseen dynastic party leadership .
Shiromani Akali Dal是印度最古老的邦党,起源于旁遮普锡克教社区发起的一场种族运动,目的是控制他们的gurdwarra。作为一个“少数民族”政党,它声称自殖民时代以来是印度少数民族锡克教社区的唯一政治监护人。该党经常发现自己被困在地区和宗教的十字路口。这就解释了为什么它从追求旁遮普殖民地的“代表权”政治转变为追求锡克教徒在分治后的“领土家园”。国大党试图否认国家的重组,并随后努力削弱Akali Dal的派系,以及该党自身无法吸引大量锡克教徒的选票,迫使该党追求文化和特定地区的自治主义政治,这导致了战斗的兴起。在后战斗时代,该党作为一个与人民党联盟的“选举”民粹主义政党卷土重来,经历了从有争议的种族和反中心议程到基于旁遮普概念的邦政治和平与发展的范式转变。然而,在同一时期,也见证了前所未见的王朝党的领导层的崛起。
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引用次数: 1
Post-militancy resurrection of the Akali Dal, and prospects of renewed Sikh identity politics in Punjab 战斗后阿卡利达尔的复活,以及旁遮普锡克教徒身份政治的新前景
IF 0.4 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-02-03 DOI: 10.1080/17448727.2021.1873659
Kuldip Singh
ABSTRACT The Sikhs in Punjab turned against militants in early-1990s, after nature of violence changed from being politically oriented to largely indiscriminate. The Akali Dal guided by desire to remain politically relevant in post-militancy era, wove ideological and electoral strategy around moderate idioms, stressing consociationalism and economic development. Tracing party’s transition to moderation and dominance in post-militancy Sikh politics, I demonstrate that template of moderation began in 1994 when party defied Amritsar Declaration, not in 1996 with often-cited Moga Declaration. The moderate paradigm still remains intact, while recent electoral setbacks may persuade party to return to some refashioned identity politics.
旁遮普的锡克教徒在20世纪90年代初开始反对武装分子,因为暴力的性质从政治导向转变为不分青红皂白。Akali Dal希望在后战斗时代保持政治影响力,围绕温和的习语编织意识形态和选举战略,强调社会主义和经济发展。追溯该党在后好战的锡克教政治中向温和和主导地位的转变,我证明了温和的模板始于1994年,当时该党蔑视《阿姆利则宣言》,而不是1996年经常被引用的《摩加宣言》。温和的模式仍然完好无损,而最近的选举挫折可能会说服政党回归一些重新设计的身份政治。
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引用次数: 1
Punjab’s ecological crisis: The Akali Dal, SGPC, and competing democratic and authoritarian approaches to development 旁遮普的生态危机:Akali Dal, SGPC,以及相互竞争的民主和专制的发展方式
IF 0.4 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-01-28 DOI: 10.1080/17448727.2021.1873657
Murray Leaf
ABSTRACT When the 'green revolution' began in Punjab in 1964, Punjab sprang to the front rank of Indian agricultural production. But since about 2000, it has been increasingly clear that the technology is leading to an encompassing ecological disaster. The reason for the change lies in the organizational framework. Born in a spirit of flexible egalitarian democracy, it is now dominated by rigid central authoritarianism that forces farmers to grow one crop rotation for one buyer: wheat and rice for the Food Corporation of India. The SGPC and Akali Dal have had an important role in this transformation. This describes it.
当1964年“绿色革命”在旁遮普开始时,旁遮普一跃成为印度农业生产的前沿。但自2000年以来,越来越明显的是,这项技术正在导致一场全面的生态灾难。变化的原因在于组织框架。印度是在灵活的平等民主精神下诞生的,现在却被严格的中央集权统治,迫使农民为一个买家轮种一种作物:为印度食品公司(Food Corporation of India)种植小麦和大米。SGPC和Akali Dal在这一转变中发挥了重要作用。这样描述它。
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引用次数: 1
Akali Dal’s Dilemma in relegating an ethnic agenda to moderate politics: An empirical analysis of the dera controversy and sacrilege issue 阿卡利·达尔将种族议程降格为温和政治的困境:对宗教争议和亵渎问题的实证分析
IF 0.4 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-01-25 DOI: 10.1080/17448727.2021.1873655
Sukhjit Singh
ABSTRACT The article argues that the moderation of Akali politics brings electoral gains for the party so long as it is in congruence with Sikh ethnic agenda. However, any drive for moderation of ideology beyond marked boundaries, relegating Sikh issues to the backburner has backfired for the party socially and politically. This was demonstrated during the assembly elections (2017) when the party tried to appease Dera Sirsa for electoral considerations, even compromising with Sikh traditions. As a result, the party suffered heavy electoral losses due to Sikh anguish over its soft attitude towards the Dera controversy and desecration of Guru Granth Sahib.
本文认为,只要与锡克教民族议程一致,阿卡利政治的温和就会为该党带来选举收益。然而,任何超越明显界限的意识形态温和化的努力,将锡克教问题置于次要地位,都对该党的社会和政治产生了适得其反的影响。这在议会选举(2017年)中表现出来,当时该党为了选举考虑试图安抚德拉·西尔萨,甚至向锡克教传统妥协。结果,由于锡克教徒对德拉争议和亵渎古鲁·格兰思·萨希布的软弱态度感到痛苦,该党在选举中遭受了严重损失。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Sikh Formations-Religion Culture Theory
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