Pub Date : 2020-11-25DOI: 10.1177/1755088220975812
Hugo Canihac
This paper reconstructs the political thought of the Scottish legal philosopher, and eventually MEP, Sir Neil MacCormick (1941–2009), the founder of “constitutional pluralism,” one of the most influential legal theories of the European union today. It argues that his legal theory is underpinned by a coherent and original political theory of post-sovereignty. But, contrary to many current interpretations, this article argues that normatively, constitutional pluralism is not a purely liberal theory. Neither is it inherently illiberal, as has been contended. Instead, this article spells out the hybrid institutional design imagined by N. MacCormick and inspired by the thought of D. Hume, as well as the lineaments of an ethical theory of post-sovereignty he developed. So doing, while I will argue that it ultimately leads to a kind of republican cosmopolitanism, the political theory of constitutional pluralism is shown to open up an important, if not fully developed, avenue to escape some shortcoming commonly associated with post-sovereignty.
{"title":"Law and virtue in a post-sovereign “Commonwealth:” Neil MacCormick and the political theory of constitutional pluralism","authors":"Hugo Canihac","doi":"10.1177/1755088220975812","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1755088220975812","url":null,"abstract":"This paper reconstructs the political thought of the Scottish legal philosopher, and eventually MEP, Sir Neil MacCormick (1941–2009), the founder of “constitutional pluralism,” one of the most influential legal theories of the European union today. It argues that his legal theory is underpinned by a coherent and original political theory of post-sovereignty. But, contrary to many current interpretations, this article argues that normatively, constitutional pluralism is not a purely liberal theory. Neither is it inherently illiberal, as has been contended. Instead, this article spells out the hybrid institutional design imagined by N. MacCormick and inspired by the thought of D. Hume, as well as the lineaments of an ethical theory of post-sovereignty he developed. So doing, while I will argue that it ultimately leads to a kind of republican cosmopolitanism, the political theory of constitutional pluralism is shown to open up an important, if not fully developed, avenue to escape some shortcoming commonly associated with post-sovereignty.","PeriodicalId":44237,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Political Theory","volume":"17 1","pages":"531 - 552"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1755088220975812","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43342214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-29DOI: 10.1177/1755088220966345
Jason Dockstader, Rojîn Mûkrîyan
Recently, some have read Turkish political developments from the perspective of Carl Schmitt’s political theory. This paper aims to modify aspects of these readings and offer in response a Schmittian answer to the Kurdish question. By applying Schmitt’s conceptual framework, this paper argues that the Kurds, especially in their struggles for autonomy and independence, can be viewed as fulfilling Schmitt’s criterion for tellurian partisanship and forming an at least nascent constituent power. We argue that Turks and Kurds are enemies in Schmitt’s explicitly political sense. They constitute a threat to each other’s political existence. The Kurds exhibit the behavior of a Schmittian people or nation. They fight, against Turks, for their political existence. They aim to govern themselves, and so instantiate the de facto attributes of state sovereignty. They thus seek to constitute themselves as a free and independent people, thereby achieving a genuine political existence in the Schmittian sense.
{"title":"The Concept of the Kurdish Political","authors":"Jason Dockstader, Rojîn Mûkrîyan","doi":"10.1177/1755088220966345","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1755088220966345","url":null,"abstract":"Recently, some have read Turkish political developments from the perspective of Carl Schmitt’s political theory. This paper aims to modify aspects of these readings and offer in response a Schmittian answer to the Kurdish question. By applying Schmitt’s conceptual framework, this paper argues that the Kurds, especially in their struggles for autonomy and independence, can be viewed as fulfilling Schmitt’s criterion for tellurian partisanship and forming an at least nascent constituent power. We argue that Turks and Kurds are enemies in Schmitt’s explicitly political sense. They constitute a threat to each other’s political existence. The Kurds exhibit the behavior of a Schmittian people or nation. They fight, against Turks, for their political existence. They aim to govern themselves, and so instantiate the de facto attributes of state sovereignty. They thus seek to constitute themselves as a free and independent people, thereby achieving a genuine political existence in the Schmittian sense.","PeriodicalId":44237,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Political Theory","volume":"17 1","pages":"512 - 530"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1755088220966345","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43913803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-06DOI: 10.1177/1755088220956680
Nicholas Michelsen
This article argues that ‘Critical International Relations’, often counterpoised to ‘mainstream IR’, has come to function as a major theoretical category in its own right. It argues that critique involves ‘minor theorising’, defined as the practice of disturbing settled theoretical assumptions in the discipline. The article examines the role and significance of ‘minor theories’ in the context of ongoing debates about Critical IR. It argues that critique is defined by context, and is politically and ethically ambiguous. The article concludes that the scope for critique could be advanced if the terms ‘Critical IR’ and ‘Critical IR Scholar’ are dropped from scholarly parlance.
本文认为，“批判性国际关系”（Critical International Relations），通常与“主流IR”相对立，已经成为一个主要的理论范畴。它认为批判涉及“次要理论化”，定义为扰乱学科中既定理论假设的实践。本文考察了“次要理论”在当前关于批判性IR的辩论中的作用和意义，认为批判性是由语境定义的，在政治和伦理上是模糊的。文章的结论是，如果从学术用语中去掉“批判性IR”和“批判性IR学者”这两个术语，那么批判的范围就可以扩大。
{"title":"What is a minor international theory? On the limits of ‘Critical International Relations’","authors":"Nicholas Michelsen","doi":"10.1177/1755088220956680","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1755088220956680","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that ‘Critical International Relations’, often counterpoised to ‘mainstream IR’, has come to function as a major theoretical category in its own right. It argues that critique involves ‘minor theorising’, defined as the practice of disturbing settled theoretical assumptions in the discipline. The article examines the role and significance of ‘minor theories’ in the context of ongoing debates about Critical IR. It argues that critique is defined by context, and is politically and ethically ambiguous. The article concludes that the scope for critique could be advanced if the terms ‘Critical IR’ and ‘Critical IR Scholar’ are dropped from scholarly parlance.","PeriodicalId":44237,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Political Theory","volume":"17 1","pages":"488 - 511"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1755088220956680","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46512314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1177/1755088219854780
Richard Ned Lebow
I offer a critique of Weber’s two ethics. The first layer is internal and concerned with their logics. The second layer considers the external knowledge necessary to apply them appropriately and argues that it is extremely difficult to come by. The third layer connects Weber’s ethics to his politics because the choice of either ethic in almost any context is a value choice. This is apparent in Weber’s application of these ethics to Germany foreign policy. He used his ethics in a rhetorical way to justify his values rather than using these values as a guide to policy assessment. This reversal is endemic to politics. One response might be to stipulate beforehand the kinds of policies that are unacceptable in democracies regardless of their expected outcomes.
{"title":"Max Weber’s ethics","authors":"Richard Ned Lebow","doi":"10.1177/1755088219854780","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1755088219854780","url":null,"abstract":"I offer a critique of Weber’s two ethics. The first layer is internal and concerned with their logics. The second layer considers the external knowledge necessary to apply them appropriately and argues that it is extremely difficult to come by. The third layer connects Weber’s ethics to his politics because the choice of either ethic in almost any context is a value choice. This is apparent in Weber’s application of these ethics to Germany foreign policy. He used his ethics in a rhetorical way to justify his values rather than using these values as a guide to policy assessment. This reversal is endemic to politics. One response might be to stipulate beforehand the kinds of policies that are unacceptable in democracies regardless of their expected outcomes.","PeriodicalId":44237,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Political Theory","volume":"16 1","pages":"305 - 322"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1755088219854780","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43628899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1177/1755088219860858
Michael P. A. Murphy
Emergent forms of political protest and constitution often provide limit cases for their contemporary theoretical models, and transnational protest movements from Occupy to Democracy in Europe 2025 are no exception. The recent special issue of the Journal of International Political Theory offers a number of different conceptual paths towards understanding these developments, revising and refreshing categories like civil disobedience, opposition, resistance, as well as constituent and destituent power. However, the plurality of perspectives in the special issue leads to a certain degree of uncertainty in the use of terms. This response to the special issue begins with a reflection on its major conceptual developments, addresses the missed encounter with Giorgio Agamben’s theory of ‘destituent potential’ and develops a framework for contrasting different theoretical approaches to political protest and constitution through their relation to potentiality. This taxonomy of emergent forms of political protest and constitution complements the substantial theoretical developments undertaken in the special issue by making the important conceptual relationships between them more readily visible. As well, by demonstrating the applicability of potentiality to the study of International Relations, this framework contributes to the project of the theoretical investigation of international politics.
{"title":"Potentiality, political protest and constituent power: A response to the special issue","authors":"Michael P. A. Murphy","doi":"10.1177/1755088219860858","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1755088219860858","url":null,"abstract":"Emergent forms of political protest and constitution often provide limit cases for their contemporary theoretical models, and transnational protest movements from Occupy to Democracy in Europe 2025 are no exception. The recent special issue of the Journal of International Political Theory offers a number of different conceptual paths towards understanding these developments, revising and refreshing categories like civil disobedience, opposition, resistance, as well as constituent and destituent power. However, the plurality of perspectives in the special issue leads to a certain degree of uncertainty in the use of terms. This response to the special issue begins with a reflection on its major conceptual developments, addresses the missed encounter with Giorgio Agamben’s theory of ‘destituent potential’ and develops a framework for contrasting different theoretical approaches to political protest and constitution through their relation to potentiality. This taxonomy of emergent forms of political protest and constitution complements the substantial theoretical developments undertaken in the special issue by making the important conceptual relationships between them more readily visible. As well, by demonstrating the applicability of potentiality to the study of International Relations, this framework contributes to the project of the theoretical investigation of international politics.","PeriodicalId":44237,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Political Theory","volume":"16 1","pages":"361 - 380"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1755088219860858","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43628943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1177/1755088219848460
Guillermo Graíño Ferrer, Adriaan Ph V Kühn
This article aims to illustrate the confusion within today’s secessionist movements regarding the liberal and the nationalist arguments for legitimising secession. To do so, the liberal theory of secession – understood as an approach primarily based on consent – is examined, its limitations highlighted and its contradictions with nationalism stated. We then use the case of the fictional Tabarnia region to show how problematic the use of liberal arguments by secessionist nationalism is. Although until now only a virtual region, Tabarnia exemplifies how nationalist arguments reappear in the defence of Catalan independence when its supporters claim to only propose arguments of free association.
{"title":"Democracy, free association and boundary delimitation: The cases of Catalonia and Tabarnia","authors":"Guillermo Graíño Ferrer, Adriaan Ph V Kühn","doi":"10.1177/1755088219848460","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1755088219848460","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to illustrate the confusion within today’s secessionist movements regarding the liberal and the nationalist arguments for legitimising secession. To do so, the liberal theory of secession – understood as an approach primarily based on consent – is examined, its limitations highlighted and its contradictions with nationalism stated. We then use the case of the fictional Tabarnia region to show how problematic the use of liberal arguments by secessionist nationalism is. Although until now only a virtual region, Tabarnia exemplifies how nationalist arguments reappear in the defence of Catalan independence when its supporters claim to only propose arguments of free association.","PeriodicalId":44237,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Political Theory","volume":"16 1","pages":"323 - 338"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1755088219848460","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42806675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-24DOI: 10.1177/1755088220951592
Sophia Dingli
This article examines the conceptualisations of peace and its preconditions manifested in the critical turn in peace theory: bottom-up approaches which begin with particular contexts and postulate diverse local actors as integral to the process of peace-building. This article argues that the turn is at an impasse and is unable to address the crucial charge that its conceptualisation of peace is inconsistent. To explain the persistence of inconsistency and to move us forward, the article analyses, evaluates and responds to the turn through the lens of Nicholas Rengger’s work on the anti-Pelagian imagination in political theory. This is defined as a tendency to begin theorising from non-utopian, anti-perfectionist and sceptical assumptions. Through this examination the article argues that the critical turn is anti-Pelagian but not consistently so because it often gives way to perfectionism, adopts naïve readings of institutions and postulates demanding conceptions of political agency and practice. This inconsistency with its own philosophical premises makes the turn’s conceptualisation of peace and its preconditions incoherent. Finally, the article sketches an alternative account of peace which draws upon a number of anti-Pelagian scholars and mobilises Rengger’s particular defense of anti-Pelagianism. The suggested alternative, the article argues, provides us with a more coherent theory of peace and a way out of existing dead ends.
{"title":"Conceptualising peace and its preconditions: The anti-Pelagian imagination and the critical turn in peace theory","authors":"Sophia Dingli","doi":"10.1177/1755088220951592","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1755088220951592","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the conceptualisations of peace and its preconditions manifested in the critical turn in peace theory: bottom-up approaches which begin with particular contexts and postulate diverse local actors as integral to the process of peace-building. This article argues that the turn is at an impasse and is unable to address the crucial charge that its conceptualisation of peace is inconsistent. To explain the persistence of inconsistency and to move us forward, the article analyses, evaluates and responds to the turn through the lens of Nicholas Rengger’s work on the anti-Pelagian imagination in political theory. This is defined as a tendency to begin theorising from non-utopian, anti-perfectionist and sceptical assumptions. Through this examination the article argues that the critical turn is anti-Pelagian but not consistently so because it often gives way to perfectionism, adopts naïve readings of institutions and postulates demanding conceptions of political agency and practice. This inconsistency with its own philosophical premises makes the turn’s conceptualisation of peace and its preconditions incoherent. Finally, the article sketches an alternative account of peace which draws upon a number of anti-Pelagian scholars and mobilises Rengger’s particular defense of anti-Pelagianism. The suggested alternative, the article argues, provides us with a more coherent theory of peace and a way out of existing dead ends.","PeriodicalId":44237,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Political Theory","volume":"17 1","pages":"468 - 487"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1755088220951592","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47279979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-18DOI: 10.1177/1755088220946777
Laura Zanotti
This article explores the relevance of ontological assumptions for justifications of agency and ethics. It critiques Kantian ethics for being based upon an ontological imaginary that starts from the substantialism of Newtonian physics. Substantialism shapes Western political philosophy’s view about who we are as subjects and how the world works. In this ontological imaginary, validation of ethics is based upon universality and abstractions. Furthermore, Kantian ethics underscores an anthropocentric and theocratic vision of how to govern societies. I argue Kantian criteria are not only insufficient to make good choices but are also conducive to wrong ones, since they elicit self-appeasement in international intervention, and contribute to the conceptual repertoire of coloniality. I propose that an ontology of entanglements opens possibilities for overcoming the shortcomings of an ethos based upon abstractions and possibly for correcting some of its moral failures. In a quantum ontological imaginary, the validation of ethical choices relies instead upon the exploration of the apparatuses we deploy, as well as upon careful situational evaluation. Specific practices, rather than an abstract humanity, are the referents for devising such ethos. This position, I argue, resonates with the critical project of decoloniality and its acknowledgment of the political salience of ontological imaginaries.
{"title":"De-colonizing the political ontology of Kantian ethics: A quantum perspective","authors":"Laura Zanotti","doi":"10.1177/1755088220946777","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1755088220946777","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the relevance of ontological assumptions for justifications of agency and ethics. It critiques Kantian ethics for being based upon an ontological imaginary that starts from the substantialism of Newtonian physics. Substantialism shapes Western political philosophy’s view about who we are as subjects and how the world works. In this ontological imaginary, validation of ethics is based upon universality and abstractions. Furthermore, Kantian ethics underscores an anthropocentric and theocratic vision of how to govern societies. I argue Kantian criteria are not only insufficient to make good choices but are also conducive to wrong ones, since they elicit self-appeasement in international intervention, and contribute to the conceptual repertoire of coloniality. I propose that an ontology of entanglements opens possibilities for overcoming the shortcomings of an ethos based upon abstractions and possibly for correcting some of its moral failures. In a quantum ontological imaginary, the validation of ethical choices relies instead upon the exploration of the apparatuses we deploy, as well as upon careful situational evaluation. Specific practices, rather than an abstract humanity, are the referents for devising such ethos. This position, I argue, resonates with the critical project of decoloniality and its acknowledgment of the political salience of ontological imaginaries.","PeriodicalId":44237,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Political Theory","volume":"17 1","pages":"448 - 467"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1755088220946777","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41799916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-21DOI: 10.1177/1755088220942876
K. Blachford
The balance of power is fundamental to the discipline of international relations, but its accuracy in explaining the historical record has been disputed. For international relations, balance of power theory represents a distinct approach which details the behaviour of states to counter hegemonic threats within an anarchic system. This article reimagines the balance of power tradition by highlighting its early modern foundations. Through providing a historical contextualization of the balance of power, this article shows how republican thinkers sought to balance against concentrations of power in order to safeguard political liberty. Early modern republics grappled with the challenge of maintaining a division of power within the polis in a co-constitutive relationship with the international. A republican polis could not secure liberty if under external domination or if the polis itself expanded to imperial proportions. Imperial expansion and the martial politics this entailed have traditionally been understood as incompatible to the safeguarding of political liberty. Recognizing this republican influence can uncover the co-constitutive connections between the internal power dynamics of the polis and the international sphere.
{"title":"The balance of power and the power struggles of the polis","authors":"K. Blachford","doi":"10.1177/1755088220942876","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1755088220942876","url":null,"abstract":"The balance of power is fundamental to the discipline of international relations, but its accuracy in explaining the historical record has been disputed. For international relations, balance of power theory represents a distinct approach which details the behaviour of states to counter hegemonic threats within an anarchic system. This article reimagines the balance of power tradition by highlighting its early modern foundations. Through providing a historical contextualization of the balance of power, this article shows how republican thinkers sought to balance against concentrations of power in order to safeguard political liberty. Early modern republics grappled with the challenge of maintaining a division of power within the polis in a co-constitutive relationship with the international. A republican polis could not secure liberty if under external domination or if the polis itself expanded to imperial proportions. Imperial expansion and the martial politics this entailed have traditionally been understood as incompatible to the safeguarding of political liberty. Recognizing this republican influence can uncover the co-constitutive connections between the internal power dynamics of the polis and the international sphere.","PeriodicalId":44237,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Political Theory","volume":"17 1","pages":"429 - 447"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1755088220942876","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49552054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-09DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-41437-5_11
L. Ward, Mo Ray, Denise Tanner
{"title":"Understanding the Social Care Crisis in England Through Older People’s Lived Experiences","authors":"L. Ward, Mo Ray, Denise Tanner","doi":"10.1007/978-3-030-41437-5_11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41437-5_11","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44237,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Political Theory","volume":"142 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74841840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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