{"title":"CELAC Regionalism in Crisis and Obama’s Hemispheric Policy in Review","authors":"F. Kornegay","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/4139","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/4139","url":null,"abstract":"Editorial","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132340313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Global Flow Security – A New Security Agenda for the Transatlantic Community in 2030","authors":"Wayne Jumat","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/4216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/4216","url":null,"abstract":"Book review","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126827687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
According to Senator McCain, “John F. Kennedy described the peoples of Latin America as the United States’ ‘firm and ancient friends, united by history and by the United States’ determination to advance the values of American civilization throughout the hemisphere’” (Kennedy, 1962, quoted in McCain, 2007: 30). Latin American countries make natural partners of the United States, despite previous United States’ administrations having inattentively polluted this relationship. However, from the moment he became America’s 44th president, Barack H. Obama expressed a policy toward Latin America that was centered on the idea of equal partnership and mutual engagement, by saying, “I know that promises of partnership have gone unfulfilled in the past. There would be no senior or junior partner to this new engagement; there is simply engagement based on mutual respect; common interests and shared values” (Obama, 2009). This paper will examine President Obama’s foreign policy legacy in Latin America looking at his change of strategy on US-Cuba relations and the challenges that followed. The initial part will examine U.S. foreign policy shift from Bush to the Obama administration. The paper concludes that despite Obama’s Latin America policy not living to its full expectation, it was more pragmatic, cordial and multilateral than most American administrations to date.
根据参议员麦凯恩的说法，“约翰·f·肯尼迪将拉丁美洲人民描述为美国的‘坚定而古老的朋友，他们因历史和美国在整个半球推进美国文明价值观的决心而团结在一起’”(Kennedy, 1962，引自McCain, 2007: 30)。拉美国家是美国的天然伙伴，尽管前几届美国政府曾粗心地破坏了这种关系。但是，从成为美国第44任总统的那一刻起，巴拉克·h·奥巴马(Barack H. Obama)就表达了以平等伙伴关系和相互参与为核心的拉美政策，他说:“我知道，伙伴关系的承诺在过去没有实现。这个新项目不会有高级合伙人或初级合伙人;只有基于相互尊重的接触;共同的利益和共同的价值观”(Obama, 2009)。本文将考察奥巴马总统在拉丁美洲的外交政策遗产，着眼于他对美古关系战略的改变以及随之而来的挑战。第一部分将考察美国外交政策从布什政府到奥巴马政府的转变。这篇论文的结论是，尽管奥巴马的拉美政策没有完全达到预期，但它比迄今为止大多数美国政府都更加务实、亲切和多边。
{"title":"Obama’s Latin America Policy: A Score Card","authors":"S. Zondi","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/3385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/3385","url":null,"abstract":"According to Senator McCain, “John F. Kennedy described the peoples of Latin America as the United States’ ‘firm and ancient friends, united by history and by the United States’ determination to advance the values of American civilization throughout the hemisphere’” (Kennedy, 1962, quoted in McCain, 2007: 30). Latin American countries make natural partners of the United States, despite previous United States’ administrations having inattentively polluted this relationship. However, from the moment he became America’s 44th president, Barack H. Obama expressed a policy toward Latin America that was centered on the idea of equal partnership and mutual engagement, by saying, “I know that promises of partnership have gone unfulfilled in the past. There would be no senior or junior partner to this new engagement; there is simply engagement based on mutual respect; common interests and shared values” (Obama, 2009). This paper will examine President Obama’s foreign policy legacy in Latin America looking at his change of strategy on US-Cuba relations and the challenges that followed. The initial part will examine U.S. foreign policy shift from Bush to the Obama administration. The paper concludes that despite Obama’s Latin America policy not living to its full expectation, it was more pragmatic, cordial and multilateral than most American administrations to date.","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"215 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116427626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The emergence of the Union de Naciones Sudamericanas (UNASUR), combining the trade blocs of Mercosur and the Andean Community of Nations, effectively turns the continent into a single intergovernmental organization. On this basis, the continent may be able to provide a stronger counterbalance to the hemispheric hegemon to the north and render the Organization of American States (OAS) futile. But, this article argues, the long-term success of this move will largely depend on its ability to effectively subjugate or control historical rivalries and divergent national interests between the member states marked by many differences among them; to build institutional capacity and maintain domestic political stability while solidifying democracy in the region, among a number of factors.
{"title":"Building on a Common Identity for Regional Security in South America: the role of the Unión de Naciones Sudamericanas (UNASUR)","authors":"Augusto De Guzman","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/1878","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/1878","url":null,"abstract":"The emergence of the Union de Naciones Sudamericanas (UNASUR), combining the trade blocs of Mercosur and the Andean Community of Nations, effectively turns the continent into a single intergovernmental organization. On this basis, the continent may be able to provide a stronger counterbalance to the hemispheric hegemon to the north and render the Organization of American States (OAS) futile. But, this article argues, the long-term success of this move will largely depend on its ability to effectively subjugate or control historical rivalries and divergent national interests between the member states marked by many differences among them; to build institutional capacity and maintain domestic political stability while solidifying democracy in the region, among a number of factors.","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128423337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The institutional framework of Latin American integration saw a period of intense transformation in the 2000s, with the death of the ambitious project of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), spearheaded by the United States, and the birth of two new institutions, the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). This article offers a historical reconstruction of regional integration structures in the 2000s, with emphasis on the fault lines between Brazil, Venezuela and the US, and how they have shaped the institutional order across the hemisphere. We argue that the shaping of UNASUR and CELAC, launched respectively in 2007 and 2010, is the outcome of three complex processes: (1) Brazil’s struggle to strengthen Mercosur by acting more decisively as a regional paymaster; (2) Washington’s selective engagement with some key regional players, notably Colombia, and (3) Venezuela’s construction of an alternative integration model through the Bolivarian Alliance (ALBA) and oil diplomacy. If UNASUR corresponded to Brazil’s strategy to neutralize the growing role of Caracas in South America and to break apart the emerging alliance between Venezuela, Argentina, and Bolivia, CELAC was at the same time a means to keep the US away from regional decisions, and to weaken the Caracas-Havana axis that sustained ALBA.
{"title":"Geo-Economic Competition in Latin America: Brazil, Venezuela, and Regional Integration in the 21st Century","authors":"Guilherme Casarões","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/4058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/4058","url":null,"abstract":"The institutional framework of Latin American integration saw a period of intense transformation in the 2000s, with the death of the ambitious project of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), spearheaded by the United States, and the birth of two new institutions, the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). This article offers a historical reconstruction of regional integration structures in the 2000s, with emphasis on the fault lines between Brazil, Venezuela and the US, and how they have shaped the institutional order across the hemisphere. We argue that the shaping of UNASUR and CELAC, launched respectively in 2007 and 2010, is the outcome of three complex processes: (1) Brazil’s struggle to strengthen Mercosur by acting more decisively as a regional paymaster; (2) Washington’s selective engagement with some key regional players, notably Colombia, and (3) Venezuela’s construction of an alternative integration model through the Bolivarian Alliance (ALBA) and oil diplomacy. If UNASUR corresponded to Brazil’s strategy to neutralize the growing role of Caracas in South America and to break apart the emerging alliance between Venezuela, Argentina, and Bolivia, CELAC was at the same time a means to keep the US away from regional decisions, and to weaken the Caracas-Havana axis that sustained ALBA.","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"69 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124037710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The political crisis in Venezuela is one of the most important regional developments for Brazil in 2016, aside from its own domestic crisis and the election of Macri in Argentina. The interim government has showed willingness to undertake major changes in Brazil’s regional foreign policy. The Venezuelan crisis is a parameter to analyze the political realignments after years of stability, but slower than intended progress in South American regional integration. The initial support for venezuelan opposition against the Chavist government symbolizes a swerve towards uncertainty in Mercosur and happens in the context of pressure to sign extra-regional economic agreements. Currently, interim Brazilian leadership is playing the “democracy card”, although the disrespect for democracy is not an exclusive feature of Venezuela in South America, but a recurring phenomenon in the region. Instead of blaming any side for the crisis, Brazil should use Unasur mechanisms to extinguish the fire and work for a middle path in the troubled transition of power in Venezuela. Thus, Brazil could revitalize Mercosur and persuade the South American leaders on the benefits of regionalism over unrestrained globalization. Otherwise, the Brazilian government may lose their bargaining position as a regional leader and interlocutor with the outside world; and South America may have a disordered process of globalization.
{"title":"The Venezuelan Crisis and Brazil’s South American Policy","authors":"E. Ribeiro","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/1267","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/1267","url":null,"abstract":"The political crisis in Venezuela is one of the most important regional developments for Brazil in 2016, aside from its own domestic crisis and the election of Macri in Argentina. The interim government has showed willingness to undertake major changes in Brazil’s regional foreign policy. The Venezuelan crisis is a parameter to analyze the political realignments after years of stability, but slower than intended progress in South American regional integration. The initial support for venezuelan opposition against the Chavist government symbolizes a swerve towards uncertainty in Mercosur and happens in the context of pressure to sign extra-regional economic agreements. Currently, interim Brazilian leadership is playing the “democracy card”, although the disrespect for democracy is not an exclusive feature of Venezuela in South America, but a recurring phenomenon in the region. Instead of blaming any side for the crisis, Brazil should use Unasur mechanisms to extinguish the fire and work for a middle path in the troubled transition of power in Venezuela. Thus, Brazil could revitalize Mercosur and persuade the South American leaders on the benefits of regionalism over unrestrained globalization. Otherwise, the Brazilian government may lose their bargaining position as a regional leader and interlocutor with the outside world; and South America may have a disordered process of globalization.","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"77 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133349259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"What’s Wrong, Who’s Right in Central America: A Citizen's Guide, by Richard A. Nuccio","authors":"S. Zondi","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/3383","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/3383","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123798917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The End of American World Order, by Amitav Acharya","authors":"Siphamandla Zondi","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/2897","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/2897","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"110 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127454003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The ideological ferment occurring during Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings’ ascension to political power in Ghana has forged our understanding of the political and economic developments of the country. Such an ideological turn occurring during Rawlings’ second coming has defined and continued to shape Ghana’s economic and political developmental trend as we know it. While some, if not most, of the revolution’s upshots prove to be perfunctory and ephemeral, Rawlings’ revolution, though ideologically disinclined digressed from this norm. This article argues that, based on experiences elsewhere including the Caribbean, the true significance of the Rawlings quasi-revolution therefore is not to be found in the polemics of scholarly pursuit of what constitutes a true revolution or not, but in its earnestness of providence in its quest for economic stability, growth and consistency, also in its ability to purge, both in government and in society. The true measure of Rawlings’ second coming is that it created the environment, politically and economically, through which to implement economic reforms, thus defining a clear developmental trajectory post military rule for Ghana.
{"title":"The Salience of the Rawlings Quasi-Revolution in Shaping Contemporary Ghana between History and Ideology","authors":"Xolisa Ngcingwana","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/1305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/1305","url":null,"abstract":"The ideological ferment occurring during Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings’ ascension to political power in Ghana has forged our understanding of the political and economic developments of the country. Such an ideological turn occurring during Rawlings’ second coming has defined and continued to shape Ghana’s economic and political developmental trend as we know it. While some, if not most, of the revolution’s upshots prove to be perfunctory and ephemeral, Rawlings’ revolution, though ideologically disinclined digressed from this norm. This article argues that, based on experiences elsewhere including the Caribbean, the true significance of the Rawlings quasi-revolution therefore is not to be found in the polemics of scholarly pursuit of what constitutes a true revolution or not, but in its earnestness of providence in its quest for economic stability, growth and consistency, also in its ability to purge, both in government and in society. The true measure of Rawlings’ second coming is that it created the environment, politically and economically, through which to implement economic reforms, thus defining a clear developmental trajectory post military rule for Ghana.","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115904218","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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