Cultural identity can define political interests through particular policies that advance such identity, while, on the other hand, there is political culture where political calculations are pre-eminent. Both of these tendencies are present in the case involving the Venezuelan energy initiative PETROCARIBE and its very poor outcomes. The PETROCARIBE initiative launched by Hugo Chavez as a part of a pact to assist in the economic and social development of countries in the Caribbean while enhancing Venezuelan ideological influence and regional power countered challenges, among which were cultural barriers embedded in the very making of the Carribean as a region. Cultural barriers were also evident in the recent 'betrayal' of Venezuela by the Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM), which backed Guyana over Venezuela in the competing claims over the territory of Essequibo. Is culture the real obstacle to Venezuela's quest for its Caribbean identity? Though there are many examples in the world of successful integration involving countries of different cultures, this article argues that the PETROCARIBE initiative in a region whose region-ness is complex and more imagined than real was a huge political mistake that may contribute to the fall of the revolutionary government in Venezuela.
{"title":"PETROCARIBE AND THE VENEZUELAN CLAIM OVER THE ESSEQUIBO: A POLITICAL CULTURE VERSUS THE POLICY OF THE CULTURE","authors":"M. Carnevali","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/486","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/486","url":null,"abstract":"Cultural identity can define political interests through particular policies that advance such identity, while, on the other hand, there is political culture where political calculations are pre-eminent. Both of these tendencies are present in the case involving the Venezuelan energy initiative PETROCARIBE and its very poor outcomes. The PETROCARIBE initiative launched by Hugo Chavez as a part of a pact to assist in the economic and social development of countries in the Caribbean while enhancing Venezuelan ideological influence and regional power countered challenges, among which were cultural barriers embedded in the very making of the Carribean as a region. Cultural barriers were also evident in the recent 'betrayal' of Venezuela by the Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM), which backed Guyana over Venezuela in the competing claims over the territory of Essequibo. Is culture the real obstacle to Venezuela's quest for its Caribbean identity? Though there are many examples in the world of successful integration involving countries of different cultures, this article argues that the PETROCARIBE initiative in a region whose region-ness is complex and more imagined than real was a huge political mistake that may contribute to the fall of the revolutionary government in Venezuela.","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121293418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The author identifies gaps and a particular bias in research focused on regionalism, noting that research is Eurocentric in terms of conceptual development and empirical data. Research also tends to focus on single regions, making it difficult to speak of a theory on regionalism. Instead, most theories are adapted to the EU case study or even developed out of the EU as a case study, contributing to an EU bias. The author also identifies a lack of comparative analysis as a weakness in the research; where it has been done, the EU is used as a prototype and benchmark for other regions, irrespective of their own logics for creating regional projects. This contributes to the perception that other regions are less successful compared with the EU.
{"title":"NEW REGIONALISM IN THE SOUTH - MERCOSUR AND SADC IN A COMPARATIVE AND INTERREGIONAL PERSPECTIVE","authors":"Philani Mthembu","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/654","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/654","url":null,"abstract":"The author identifies gaps and a particular bias in research focused on regionalism, noting that research is Eurocentric in terms of conceptual development and empirical data. Research also tends to focus on single regions, making it difficult to speak of a theory on regionalism. Instead, most theories are adapted to the EU case study or even developed out of the EU as a case study, contributing to an EU bias. The author also identifies a lack of comparative analysis as a weakness in the research; where it has been done, the EU is used as a prototype and benchmark for other regions, irrespective of their own logics for creating regional projects. This contributes to the perception that other regions are less successful compared with the EU.","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"408 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131589460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The creation of the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZPCSA) in 1986 and the Gulf of Guinea Commission (GGC) in 2001 was about changes in the distribution of world power. This article argues that though they emerged at different times, their strategic orientation converges in a number of areas related to the significant interests in the South Atlantic as an area of stability in the region to be marked by strong political, economic and military ties. They also converge on the ideal for development, security and greater projection of power and influence in international affairs. The South Atlantic being a route of passage and trade, as a means of access and flow of energy products, the region became a site for new calculations of regional strategic powers about world affairs. The article also argues that ZPCSA and GGC are therefore crucial for the regional order and the development of higher capacities for cooperation on strategic issues. The actual point of convergence extends to ensuring the sovereignty through dialogue between the states in the region that are involved.
{"title":"Political and strategic coordination and cooperation for development : the cases of ZPCSA and GGC","authors":"P. Visentini, Analúcia Danilevicz Pereira","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/617","url":null,"abstract":"The creation of the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZPCSA) in 1986 and the Gulf of Guinea Commission (GGC) in 2001 was about changes in the distribution of world power. This article argues that though they emerged at different times, their strategic orientation converges in a number of areas related to the significant interests in the South Atlantic as an area of stability in the region to be marked by strong political, economic and military ties. They also converge on the ideal for development, security and greater projection of power and influence in international affairs. The South Atlantic being a route of passage and trade, as a means of access and flow of energy products, the region became a site for new calculations of regional strategic powers about world affairs. The article also argues that ZPCSA and GGC are therefore crucial for the regional order and the development of higher capacities for cooperation on strategic issues. The actual point of convergence extends to ensuring the sovereignty through dialogue between the states in the region that are involved.","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128840213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Evolving dynamics of the Indian Ocean: Prospects and the way forward edited by Vijay Sakhuja and Raghavendra Mishra, brings together a relevant and diverse collection of papers and presentations made at the National Maritime Foundation's Annual Maritime Power Conference 2014. The title itself presents an arduous task considering the complexities and diversity of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). This region, which dates back approximately 5000 years, represents about 36 per cent of the global population and operates in an amalgam of competitive socio-economic priorities and strategic security concerns. Divided into 18 chapters, the book discusses the current strategic landscape of the IOR and how these dynamics possibly shape the space for the future. It also reflects on other sub-themes of the abovementioned conference, namely, the nature of strategic competition in the IOR, and reflects on approaches to address this competition for influence and control, which created the backdrop for a valuable discussion on evolving frameworks of co-operation around security in the IOR.
{"title":"EVOLVING DYNAMICS OF THE INDIAN OCEAN: PROSPECTS AND THE WAY FORWARD","authors":"Andrea Royeppen","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/657","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/657","url":null,"abstract":"Evolving dynamics of the Indian Ocean: Prospects and the way forward edited by Vijay Sakhuja and Raghavendra Mishra, brings together a relevant and diverse collection of papers and presentations made at the National Maritime Foundation's Annual Maritime Power Conference 2014. The title itself presents an arduous task considering the complexities and diversity of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). This region, which dates back approximately 5000 years, represents about 36 per cent of the global population and operates in an amalgam of competitive socio-economic priorities and strategic security concerns. Divided into 18 chapters, the book discusses the current strategic landscape of the IOR and how these dynamics possibly shape the space for the future. It also reflects on other sub-themes of the abovementioned conference, namely, the nature of strategic competition in the IOR, and reflects on approaches to address this competition for influence and control, which created the backdrop for a valuable discussion on evolving frameworks of co-operation around security in the IOR.","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117075658","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines a generally unremarked aspect of Thabo Mbeki's presidency - his affirmation of the Haitian Revolution as an event of global import, and, in the face of considerable pressure, his support for the right of contemporary Haitians to determine their own future. It begins with a brief account of the Haitian Revolution, goes on to offer a sketch of the long attempt to contain the Revolution, outlines what has been at stake in recent Haitian politics, and its international reception, and then describes the positions taken by Mbeki with regard to Haiti.
{"title":"Haiti, Mbeki and contemporary imperialism","authors":"R. Pithouse","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/552","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/552","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines a generally unremarked aspect of Thabo Mbeki's presidency - his affirmation of the Haitian Revolution as an event of global import, and, in the face of considerable pressure, his support for the right of contemporary Haitians to determine their own future. It begins with a brief account of the Haitian Revolution, goes on to offer a sketch of the long attempt to contain the Revolution, outlines what has been at stake in recent Haitian politics, and its international reception, and then describes the positions taken by Mbeki with regard to Haiti.","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"170 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131554709","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"18 DIAS – QUANDO LULA E FHC SE UNIRAM PARA CONQUISTAR O APOIO DE BUSH. RIO DE JAINERO: OBJECTIVA","authors":"Oliver Stuenkel","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/414","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/414","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127951732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The global governance of trade remains a very contentious issue between the global North and South. Despite the dominant notion that international trade can facilitate economic development, there are concerns that the global North, represented by Euro-American countries have to a certain extent, set the global trade rules in a way that favours their socio-economic development at the expense of the majority of the countries in the global South. The upstart advantage that Europe had in technological advancement provided an impetus for exploration and subsequent conquest of distant lands and peoples. These were done through interrelated events such as the slave trade, imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism. The global economic governance architecture that followed the Second World War in forms of rules that governed conduct of trade, finance and investment, was tilted in favour of the advanced countries. It was in the context of resistance to this unequal global economic structure that the G 77+China was formed in June 1964. This article interrogates the role, successes and limitations of this group of countries in shaping the global governance of trade.
{"title":"G77+CHINA AND GLOBAL GOVERNANCE OF TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT","authors":"S. Oloruntoba","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/427","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/427","url":null,"abstract":"The global governance of trade remains a very contentious issue between the global North and South. Despite the dominant notion that international trade can facilitate economic development, there are concerns that the global North, represented by Euro-American countries have to a certain extent, set the global trade rules in a way that favours their socio-economic development at the expense of the majority of the countries in the global South. The upstart advantage that Europe had in technological advancement provided an impetus for exploration and subsequent conquest of distant lands and peoples. These were done through interrelated events such as the slave trade, imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism. The global economic governance architecture that followed the Second World War in forms of rules that governed conduct of trade, finance and investment, was tilted in favour of the advanced countries. It was in the context of resistance to this unequal global economic structure that the G 77+China was formed in June 1964. This article interrogates the role, successes and limitations of this group of countries in shaping the global governance of trade.","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117235055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this piece is not so much a review as an appreciation of a thought-provoking work on colonial conquest and the spurring of economic capitalism in Latin America. Andrade's work breaks with convention by not jumping on the usual bandwagon of relaying the dynamics of European colonialism and how the capitalist economic enterprise gained a foothold in Latin America, but rather, on how capitalism is also tied closely with religion. Roman Catholicism, Latin America's dominant religion, paved the path for colonial conquest to rear its head not only as an instrument of dominance and subjugation of the conquered, but as a tool that served the capitalist economic interests of Portugal and Spain.
{"title":"RELIGION WITHOUT REDEMPTION: SOCIAL CONTRADICTIONS AND AWAKENED DREAMS IN LATIN AMERICA BY LUIS MARTINEZ ANDRADE","authors":"Elias Phaahla","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/814","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/814","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this piece is not so much a review as an appreciation of a thought-provoking work on colonial conquest and the spurring of economic capitalism in Latin America. Andrade's work breaks with convention by not jumping on the usual bandwagon of relaying the dynamics of European colonialism and how the capitalist economic enterprise gained a foothold in Latin America, but rather, on how capitalism is also tied closely with religion. Roman Catholicism, Latin America's dominant religion, paved the path for colonial conquest to rear its head not only as an instrument of dominance and subjugation of the conquered, but as a tool that served the capitalist economic interests of Portugal and Spain.","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122257879","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Developing countries demonstrated their collective commitment to address their common economic problems through the formation of the Group of 77 (G77). The coalition has attempted to use its caucus to influence the reform of major international trade and investment policies through the United Nations (UN) fora. Two of such successes were the adoption of the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) and the Agreement on Agriculture (AoA). These instruments seek to improve Africa’s poverty and food insecurity by making the international market accessible to African farmers and prevent dumping of developed countries’ agricultural commodities through phasing out high subsidies. Yet, to adopt a legal instrument at the UN level is one thing, but to implement it by states is another. These and other agro-trade initiatives have grossly failed to benefit the African rural farmers and combat chronic hunger. Against this backdrop, it is logical to conclude that the G77 has failed to transform its lofty ideal into practice. In summary, while this bloc of nations has previously managed to maintain some degree of solidarity along essential socio-economic issues, the existence of its internal differences remain worrying for the advancement of Africa’s food security agenda
{"title":"The G77 and economic diplomacy : challenges and prospects for Africa's food security","authors":"B. Nkrumah","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/465","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/465","url":null,"abstract":"Developing countries demonstrated their collective commitment to address their common economic problems through the formation of the Group of 77 (G77). The coalition has attempted to use its caucus to influence the reform of major international trade and investment policies through the United Nations (UN) fora. Two of such successes were the adoption of the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) and the Agreement on Agriculture (AoA). These instruments seek to improve Africa’s poverty and food insecurity by making the international market accessible to African farmers and prevent dumping of developed countries’ agricultural commodities through phasing out high subsidies. Yet, to adopt a legal instrument at the UN level is one thing, but to implement it by states is another. These and other agro-trade initiatives have grossly failed to benefit the African rural farmers and combat chronic hunger. Against this backdrop, it is logical to conclude that the G77 has failed to transform its lofty ideal into practice. In summary, while this bloc of nations has previously managed to maintain some degree of solidarity along essential socio-economic issues, the existence of its internal differences remain worrying for the advancement of Africa’s food security agenda","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"67 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130758198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Group of Seventy-Seven (G77) plus China is positioned in global multilateralism as a platform for advancing the collective interests and issues of the global South in the United Nations (UN) system. For this reason, the organization has a special role to play in the multilateral trade negotiation system where groups, coalitions and alliances are crucial negotiation levers for individual countries. On this basis, the G77 seeks a fair, just and equitable international trade environment, an ideal linked directly to the pursuit of global reform towards a post-Western-led world. This article analyses critically the role of the G77 in exercising global South agency on international trade within the World Trade Organization (WTO) system and the efficacy of its role in promoting South-South trade co-operation. As the group is not without its challenges and its diverse membership has varied interests within the multilateral trade system, it is difficult to ascertain the group’s authority in advocating for reforms in the system. The G77’s advocacy for South agency, however, remains important.
{"title":"The G77+China's role in trade multilateralism : advocating for south agency","authors":"S. Walaza","doi":"10.25159/0256-6060/424","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/424","url":null,"abstract":"The Group of Seventy-Seven (G77) plus China is positioned in global multilateralism as a platform for advancing the collective interests and issues of the global South in the United Nations (UN) system. For this reason, the organization has a special role to play in the multilateral trade negotiation system where groups, coalitions and alliances are crucial negotiation levers for individual countries. On this basis, the G77 seeks a fair, just and equitable international trade environment, an ideal linked directly to the pursuit of global reform towards a post-Western-led world. This article analyses critically the role of the G77 in exercising global South agency on international trade within the World Trade Organization (WTO) system and the efficacy of its role in promoting South-South trade co-operation. As the group is not without its challenges and its diverse membership has varied interests within the multilateral trade system, it is difficult to ascertain the group’s authority in advocating for reforms in the system. The G77’s advocacy for South agency, however, remains important.","PeriodicalId":442570,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Report","volume":"15 32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124256299","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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